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THE 


HISTORY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS. 


THE 


COMMONWEALTH   PERIOD. 


BY  JOPIN   STETSON   BARRY, 

MEMBER   OF  THE   MASSACinJSETTS   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY,  AND  OF  THE   NEW   ENGLAND 
HISTORIC-GENEALOGICAL  SOCIETY. 


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BOSTON: 
PUBLISHED     FOR    THE     AUTHOR, 

AND     FOR     SALE     BY 

HIS    GENEEAL   AGENT,    HENRY   BAERY, 
AT  No.  20  WASHINGTON   STREET. 

185  7. 


5  i  0  ^  1. 


Entered,  according  to  Act  of  Congress,  in  the  year  1857,  by 
JOHN    S.   BARRY, 
In  the  Clerk's  Office  of  the  District  Court  of  the  District  of  Massachusetts. 


t  L-  < 


STEREOTYPED  AT  THE 
BOSTON   STEREOTYPE   FOUNDRY. 


TO 


THE  PEOPLE  OF  MASSACnUSETTS, 

PROMPT  TO  ASSERT   AND   DEFEND  THEIR  RIGHTS, 
AND  JEALOUS  OP   ENCROACHMENTS  UPON  THEIR  REPUBLICAN  LIBERTIES, 

t;ijis  Volume, 

RECORDING  THE   DEEDS  OF  THE  FATHERS  OF  THE  REVOLUTION, 
AND  THE  FRAMERS  OP  THE  CONSTITUTION, 

IS  RESPECTFULLY  DEDICATED, 

BY 

THE   AUTHOR. 


INTRODUCTION. 


The  present  volume  closes  the  series  originally  proposed  on 
the  History  of  Massachusetts  —  bringing  that  history  down  to 
a  period  within  the  memory  of  thousands  now  living.  To 
many,  without  doubt,  the  incidents  narrated  in  the  following 
pages  will  prove  more  interesting,  and  possibly  more  attractive, 
than  those  which  have  been  previously  described  ;  while  to 
others,  the  more  distant  the  scene,  or  the  more  remote  the 
period,  the  greater  the  charm  the  historian's  page  has  for  their 
minds.  That  the  difficulties  attending  the  elucidation  of  our 
annals  for  the  forty  years  which  followed  the  opening  of  the 
revolution  are  much  more  perplexing  than  those  which  the  forty 
years  preceding  the  revolution  present,  will  be  evident  to  every 
one  who  has  attempted  the  task  of  writing  concerning  a  period 
about  which  conflicting  and  even  opposite  opinions  may  honestly 
prevail,  which  are  too  intimately  connected  with  early  recollec- 
tions to  be  disturbed  without  awakening  the  slumbering  mem- 
ory, and  exciting  afresh  feelings  and  passions  which  have  long 
been  dormant.  If,  in  discharging  his  delicate  duty,  the  author 
shall  be  found  to  have  dealt  impartially  with  the  characters  who 
figure  in  his  pages,  he  will  certainly  have  reached  the  height  of 
his  wishes.  Yet,  considering  how  differently  his  readers  are 
constituted,  and  that,  in  every  community,  and  in  relation  to 

(V) 


V8  INTRODUCTION. 

every  work,  all  cannot  be  expected  to  harmonize  in  their  views, 
it  would  not  be  surprising  if,  in  some  cases,  and  to  a  certain 
extent,  he  should  be  found  to  have  reflected  his  own  prejudices 
too  strongly  to  escape  the  imputation  of  having  been  biased  in  his 
judgment,  or,  at  least,  of  having  overlooked  those  more  remote 
causes  which  influence  the  actions  of  men,  and  which  should 
never  be  lost  sight  of  in  forming  a  just  estimate  of  tlieir  motives 
and  deeds.  It  will  probably  be  conceded,  however,  that  it  is 
better  to  err  on  the  side  of  charity  than  on  that  of  intolerance 
or  general  censoriousness.  It  is  much  easier,  indeed,  to  blame 
than -to  commend  ;  and  it  is  a  more  common  fault  to  ain-aign 
and  condemn  the  past  than  to  speak  of  it  calmly,  and  to  draw 
from  it  the  lessons  of  prudence  it  should  teach.  It  is  hoped, 
therefore,  that  those  who  may  read  the  following  pages  will  not 
too  hastily  censure  the  author,  if  they  cannot  in  every  instance 
agree  with  him  in  his  conclusions,  and  will  make  due  allowance 
for  the  necessary  infirmities  of  a  fallible  judgment.  That  the 
health  of  the  author  has  been  spared  to  complete  his  work  is, 
to  him,  a  source  of  unfeigned  thankfulness  ;  and  if  the  public 
shall  find  that  work  such  as  is  needed,  the  consciousness  that 
the  labor  it  has  cost  lias  not  been  in  vain  will  prove  of  itself  a 
sufficient  reward. 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER   I. 

THE  WAR  OF  THE  REVOLUTION.     BATTLE  OF  LEXINGTON. 

Preparations  for  raising  an  Ai-my  —  Officers  of  the  Army  —  Condition  of 
the  Inhabitants  of  Boston  —  Preparations  for  lea\ing  the  Town  —  Obstructions 
to  the  Removal  of  the  Patriots  —  Enlistments  for  the  Army — Military  Stores 
—  Rank  and  Services  of  the  Officers  —  Movements  of  the  Tories  —  Resump- 
tion of  Government  —  Position  of  the  Clergy  —  Prospects  of  the  Army  —  For- 
tifications commenced  —  Skirmishes  with  the  Enemy  —  Meeting  of  the  Second 
Congress  —  Propositions  of  John  Adams  —  Washington  chosen  Commander- 
in-Chief —  Proclamation  of  Gage  —  Counter  Proclamation  proposed  —  Position 
of  the  American  Army  —  Topography  of  Charlestown  —  Orders  to  intrench  on 
Bunker  Hill  —  The  Fortifications  commenced  —  Amazement  of  the  British  — 
Preparations  for  an  Attack  —  Movements  of  General  Ward  —  The  British 
embark  for  Charlestown  —  More  Troops  sent  over  —  Position  of  the  Ameri- 
cans—  Number  and  Officers  of  the  British  Army  —  Commencement  of  the 
Battle  —  Directions  of  the  American  Officers  —  Result  of  tne  first  Charge  — 
Bm-ning  of  Charlestown  —  The  third  Attack  —  Retreat  of  Prescott — Triumph 
of  the  British  —  Close  of  the  Battle,     pp.  1-39. 


CHAPTER  II. 

THE  SIEGE  OF  BOSTON." 

American  Intrenchments  —  Additional  Forces  raised  —  Arrival  of  Washing- 
ton—  Forces  of  the  British  —  Scenery  around  Boston  —  Incidents  of  the  Siege 

(vii) 


Till  CONTENTS. 

in  July — CorresjDoncIence  between  Lee  and  Burgojue  —  Incidents  of  the  Siege 

—  Proceedings  of  the  Americans  —  Occupation  of  Ploughed  Hill  —  Corre- 
spondence between  Washington  and  Gage  —  Occurrences  in  September  — 
Preparations  for  quartering  the  Ai'my  —  Amval  of  Howe  —  Proclamations  of 
Howe  —  Position  of  the  British  Ships  —  Position  of  the  American  Forces  — • 
A  Naval  Armament  fitted  out  —  Conference  in  Boston : —  Proceedings  of  the 
Continental  Congress  —  Address  to  the  King  —  State  of  Public  Feeling  in 
England  —  Rejection  of  the  Petition  of  the  Colonies  —  Convocation  of  ParHa- 
ment  —  Discussions  in  Parliament  —  Exammation  of  Penn  —  Lord  North's 
Prohibitory  Bill  —  Movements  in  America  —  Embarrassments  of  Washington 

—  Prosecution  of  the  Siege  —  Operations  in  December  —  Condition  of  the 
Army  at  the  Close  of  the  Year  —  Recruits  for  the  Army  —  Washington's 
Reflections  —  Position  of  the  British  —  A  Council  of  War  called  —  A  second 
Council  convened  —  Improvement  in  the  Condition  of  the  Americans  —  The 
approaching  Conflict  —  Intrenchments  at  Dorchester  —  Movements  of  the 
British  —  Feeling  in  Boston  —  Evacuation  of  the  To\\ii  —  Departure  of  the 
British  Fleet — Condition  of  the  To^vn.     pj).  40-86. 


CHAPTER  III. 

INDEPENDENCE  DECLARED. 

State  of  public  Feeling  in  America — Thomas  Paine's  "  Common  Sense" — 
Views  of  Congress  —  Position  of  Massachusetts  —  State  of  FeeKng  at  the 
South  —  Position  of  John  Adams  —  Course  of  Massachusetts  —  Vote  of  the 
To^vns  in  Favor  of  Independence  —  Effects  of  the  Action  of  Parliament  —  The 
Duke  of  Grafton's  Conciliatory  Plan  —  Discussion  of  the  Question  of  Inde- 
pendence —  Action  of  Virginia  —  Motion  submitted  by  R.  H.  Lee  —  Debates 
on  the  Question  of  Independence  —  Arguments  against  the  Declaration  — 
Arguments  in  Favor  of  the  Declaration  —  Committee  appointed  to  draught  a 
Declaration  —  Mr.  Jeff'erson  selected  to  make  this  Draught  —  Discussion  re- 
sumed—  Letter  of  John  Adams  —  Unanimity  ■with  Difficulty  secured  —  The 
Declai-ation  of  Independence  considered  —  Discussion  upon  the  same  —  Char- 
acter of  the  Instrument  —  Rejoicings  on  its  Passage  —  Propriety  of  this 
Step,     pp.  87-122. 


CONTENTS.  .  IX 


CHAPTER  lY. 

MILITARY  MOVEMENTS  IN  MASSACHUSETTS. 

• 

Fortifications  in  Boston  Harbor  —  General  Lincob  enters  the  Service  — 
Naval  Armament  of  Massachusetts  —  The  British  Fleet  expelled  —  Exploits 
of  the  Privateers  —  Tardiness  in  raising  Troops  —  Local  Jealousies  —  More 
Troops  called  for  —  Enlistments  for  the  Army  —  Sufferings  of  the  People  — 
Treatment  of  the  Tories  —  A  new  Army  raised  —  Board  of  "War  appointed  — 
Enlistments  in  Massachusetts  —  Organization  of  the  Regiments — Prepara- 
tions for  Defence  —  Successes  of  the  Navy  —  Perilous  Position  of  Affairs  — 
Capture  of  BuvgojTie  —  Secret  Expedition  to  Rhode  Island  —  Expenses  of 
the  War  —  New  Quotas  called  for  —  Appeals  to  the  People  —  Expedition  to 
Rhode  Island  —  Disaster  to  the  French  Fleet  —  La  Fayette  visits  Boston  — 
Commissioners  sent  to  America  from  England — Conduct  of  the  Commis- 
sioners—  The  INIinistry  condemned  —  Opening  of  the  new  Year  —  State  of 
AiEiii-s  —  Financial  Embarrassments  —  Expedition  to  the  Eastward  —  Fresh 
Levies  raised  —  The  National  Debt  —  Provision  for  its  Payment  —  Sufferings 
of  the  War  —  Preliminaries  of  Peace  —  A  Treaty  of  Peace  concluded  — 
Close  of  the  War.     pp.  123-17  L 


CHAPTER  Y. 

ADOPTION  OF  THE  STATE  CONSTITUTION.     PEOCEEDINGS  OF  THE 
GOVERNMENT.     MANNERS   AND   CUSTOMS. 

A  Constitutional  Convention  proposed  —  Propriety  of  tins  Step  —  Re- 
jection of  the  Fhst  Constitution  —  A  Convention  called  —  A  Constitution 
draughted  —  Objections  to  tliis  Instrument  —  Discussion  on  the  Bill  of 
Rights  —  Election  of  State  Officers  —  Views  of  the  Statesmen  of  Massa- 
chusetts —  Incorporation  of  the  Academy  of  Arts  and  Sciences  —  The 
Dark  Day  —  Revision  of  the  Laws  —  Massachusetts  Banlc  incorporated  — 
Massachusetts  Mint  —  Character  of  Governor  Hancock  —  The  Question  of 
Slavery  discussed  —  Abolition  of  Slavery  in  Massachusetts  —  Census  of  the 
State  —  Character  of  Governor  Bowdoin  —  Convention  at  Portland  —  Project 
of  a  separate  Government  —  Reelection  of  Governor  Bowdoin  —  Progress  of 
Manufactm-es  —  Settlement  of  the  Massachusetts  and  New  York  Claim  — 
Manners  and  Customs,     pp.  172-217. 


X  CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER  YI. 

SHAYS'S  REBELLION. 

Gathering  at  Northampton  —  Gathering  at  Hatfield —  Convention  at  Deer- 
field  —  State  of  Affaii-s  at  the  Close  of  the  War  —  Causes  of  Complaint  — 
Conduct  of  the  Seditious  —  Convention  at  Worcester  —  Convention  at  Hat- 
field—  Proceedings  in  Worcester  Coimty  —  Proceedings  in  Middlesex  —  Dis- 
turbances at  Taunton  —  Proceedings  in  Berkshii-e  County  —  Position  of  the 
Citizens  of  Boston  —  Disturbances  at  Sprmgfield  —  C'naracter  of  Day  —  Con- 
duct of  the  Insurgents  —  Proceedings  of  the  General  Court  —  Renewed  Dis- 
turbances —  Memorial  of  the  Worcester  Convention  —  Warrants  for  the  Arrest 
of  the  Insm-gents  —  Disturbances  at  Worcester  —  Proceedings  in  Hampshire 
County  —  Troops  raised  to  suppress  the  Rebellion  —  The  Arsenal  at  Spring- 
field attacked  —  Situation  of  Shepard  —  Pursuit  of  the  Insurgents  —  Session 
of  the  General  Court  —  Pursuit  of  Shays  —  Vigilance  of  the  Government  — 
Disqualifjing  Resolves  —  Views  of  General  Lincoln  —  Subsidence  of  the  Dis- 
tm-bances  —  Reformatory  Measures  proposed  —  Approval  of  Governor  Bow- 
doin's  Pohcy  —  Expected  Change  of  Measures  —  Suppression  of  the  Rebellion 
—  AVisdom  of  the  Government  Measures,     pp.  21S-260. 


CHAPTER  yn. 

ADOPTION  OF  THE  FEDERAL  CONSTITUTION.     DEBATES  IN 
MASSACHUSETTS. 

Defects  of  the  Confederation  —  Preparatory'  Steps  to  a  Convention  —  Con- 
gress consents  to  call  a  Convention  —  Wisdom  of  this  Measure  —  Consequences 
of  the  Failm-e  of  the  Convention  —  The  Convention  assembles  in  Philadelphia 
—  Rules  of  the  Convention  —  Dimion  of  Parties  —  Difficulty  of  framing  a 
perfect  system — Points  of  Debate  —  The  Question  of  Slavery  discussed  — 
Discussion  on  the  Slave  Trade  —  Rendition  of  Fugitives  —  Difficulties  of  the 
Slave  Question  —  Results  of  the  Convention  —  The  Massachusetts  Convention 
meets  —  Debate  on  Biennial  Elections  —  Choice  of  Representatives  —  Property 
Qualification  —  The  "Three  Fifths  Clause"  debated  —  Construction  of  the 
Senate  —  Powers  of  Congress  —  Discussion  on  the  Slave  Trade  —  General 
Heath's  Views  —  Close  of  the  Debate  —  Importance  of  the  Question  —  Propo- 
sals to  secure  Unanimity  —  Discussion  on  these  Proposals  —  The  Question 
taken  —  Result  of  the  Vote  —  Nature  of  the  Amendments  proposed  —  Close 
of  the  Convention — Action  of  Congi-ess  —  Washington  looked  to  for  Presi- 


CONTENTS.  XI 

dent — Acceptance  of  the  Trust  urged  upon  him  —  His  Acquiescence  and 
Choice  —  Ceremonies  of  Inaugm'ation  —  Questions  connected  with  the  Con- 
stitution,    pp.  261-308. 


CHAPTER  YIII. 

FROM  THE  ADOPTION  OF  THE  FEDERAL  CONSTITUTION  TO  THE 
ELECTION   OF  ELBRIDGE  GERRY. 

Washington's  Visit  to  Boston — Address  of  the  Governor  and  Council  — 
Reply  of  Wasliington  —  Division  of  Parties  —  Benefits  of  the  Adoption  of  the 
Constitution  —  Resumption  of  the  State  Debts  —  Liternal  Improvements  — 
Revision  of  the  Laws  —  Educational  Laws  —  Establishment  of  Sunday  Schools 

—  Samuel  Adams  chosen  Governor  —  His  Character— French  Revolution  — 
Cqpduct  of  Genet  —  Charges  against  Washington  —  Insolence  of  Genet  — 
Difficulties  -with  England  —  Meeting  m  Boston  —  Reply  of  Washington  — 
Licrease  Sumner  chosen  Governor  —  John  Adams  chosen  President  —  Views 
of  Mr.  Adams  —  Difficulties  with  France  —  Commissioners  appointed — Recep- 
tion of  the  Commissioners  —  Return  of  Pinkney  and  Marshall  —  Measiures  of 
the  Government  —  Reelection  of  Mv.  Sumner  —  Caleb  Strong  chosen  Governor 

—  Fourth  Presidential  Canvass  —  Choice  of  Jefferson  —  Fifth  Presidential  Elec- 
tion —  Chai-acter  of  Jefferson  —  The  Embargo  laid  —  Effects  of  the  Embargo 
upon  Massachusetts  —  Policy  of  this  Measure  —  PoUcy  of  the  Rejection  of 
the  offered  Treaty  —  Pressure  of  the  Embargo  —  Resistance  of  an  Attempt 
for  its  Repeal  —  Sixth  Presidential  Election  —  Mr.  Lloyd  chosen  Senator  in 
the  Place  of  Mr.  Adams — Charge  of  an  Attempt  to  dissolve  the  Union  — 
Mission  of  Henry  —  Overtures  of  Erskine  —  Mr.  Gerry  chosen  Governor  of 
Massachusetts,     pp.  309-364. 


CHAPTER   IX. 

THE  WAR  OF  1812.      HARTFORD   CONVENTION.     PEACE  DECLARED. 
REVISION  OF  THE  CONSTITUTION.      CONCLUSION. 

Removals  from  Office  —  Governor  Gerry's  political  Sympathies — Libels 
charged  upon  the  Federal  Press  —  Reelection  of  Caleb  Strong  —  Lloyd's 
Speech  in  Congress  —  War  Movements  of  the  Administration  —  Position  of 
the  British  j\Iinistry  —  War  declared  —  Policy  of  this  Step  —  State  of  Feehng 
in  Boston  —  Charges  against  the  People  —  Reception  of  the  News  of  the  War 
in  Boston  —  Appeal  of  the  Senate  of  Massachusetts  —  Adcbess  of  the  House 
—  Address  of  the  Federal  Members  of  Congress  —  State  of  Feeling  at  the 


Xn  CONTENTS. 

South  —  Requisitions  upon  Massachusetts  —  Course  of  Governor  Strong  — 
Correspondence  with  General  Dearborn  —  The  Governor's  Defence  —  Recep- 
tion of  the  War  News  in  England  —  Prosecution  of  the  War  in  the  United 
States  —  Remonstrance  of  New  York  —  Pro])osals  for  an  Armistice  —  The  War 
proceeds  on  the  Policy  of  Impressment  —  Measures  adopted  in  Massachusetts 

—  Application  to  Congress  for  Aid  —  Reelection  of  Governor  Strong  —  Cap- 
ture of  the  Chesapeake  —  British  Blockade  of  the  Coast  —  Interdiction  of  the 
Coasting  Trade  —  Reply  of  the  House  to  the  Governor's  Speech  —  The  Parties 
who  were  benefited  by  the  War  —  AiTangements  for  the  Defence  of  the  Coast 

—  Proposals  for  a  Negotiation  at  London  —  Ghent  selected  as  the  Place  of 
Meeting  —  Action  of  Massachusetts  —  Report  of  the  Legislative  Committee  — 
Resolutions  of  the  General  Court  —  A  Convention  proposed  —  Hartford  Con- 
vention called  —  Qiaracter  of  the  Members  —  Proceedings  of  the  Convention 

—  Amendments  proposed  —  Action  of  Congress  —  Massachusetts  approves 
the  Action  of  the   Convention  —  Peace  concluded  —  Proceedings  in  Boston 

—  Manufacturing  Comjmnies  incorporated  —  Re^•ision  of  the  Constitution  — 
Amendments  proposed  —  Conclusion,     pp.  365-426. 


HISTORY  OP  MASSACHUSETTS. 


CHAPTER    I. 

THE  WAR  OF  THE  REVOLUTION.     BATTLE   OF  BUNKER  HILL. 

The  battle  of  Lexington  was  the  opening  scene  of  the  war  chap 
of  the  revolution.     As  the  action,  in  its  consequences,  was  of  ,^_^1^, 
the  greatest  importance,  an  official  account  was  draughted,  to    1775. 
be  sent  to  England,  and,  by  express,  to  South  Carolina.*     All 
America  was  exasperated  at  the  conduct  of  Gage.    "  To  arms ! 
to  arms  !  "  was  the  general  cry.     "  Divide  and  conquer,"  was 
the  maxim  of  the  enemy.     "  Unite  and  be  invincible,"  was  the 
maxim  of  the  Americans.    "  Liberty  or  death,"  "  Unite  or  die," 
were  the  mottoes  which  blazoned  the  chronicles  of  the  day, 
and  embellished  the  standards  of  nearly  every  company.     The 
enthusiasm  of  the  people  was  inflamed  to  the  highest  pitch ; 
the  militia  from  all  parts  rushed  to  arms,  and  preparations  for 
future  hostilities  were  prosecuted  with  vigor.^ 

'  The  despatches  to  England,  in-  ISIems.  i.  231,  248,  276-285;  Gor- 
duding  a  letter  to  Dr.  Franklin  and  don's  Am.  Kev.  i.  33  L 
an  address  to  the  people  of  Great  "  Sparks's  Franklin,  vili.  153  ;  Sted- 
Britain,  were  sent  in  a  vessel  belong-  man's  Am.  War,  i.  120  ;  Bissett's 
ing  to  Richard  Derby,  Esq.,  of  Sa-  Hist.  Eng.  i.  426  ;  Thacher's  Jour, 
lem ;  and  the  despatches  to  South  21;  Webster's  Bunker  Hill  Monu- 
Carolina  were  forwarded  from  post  to  ment  Address,  20.  An  alarm,  attend- 
post,  and  duly  endorsed,  until  they  ed  with  somewhat  ludicrous  results, 
reached  their  destination.  Jour.  Prov.  occurred  in  Essex  county  on  the  21st 
Cong.  148,  153-156, 159,  523;  Force's  of  April.  Coffin's  Newbury,  245-247. 
Am.  Arcliives,  ii.  363-369 ;  Drayton's 

VOL.   III.  1 


•  PROVISIONS   FOR   RAISING    AN  ARMY. 

The  Provincial  Congress  had  adjourned  until  May  ;  but,  W 
a  special  vote  of  the  committee  of  safety,  the  executive  for 
1775.  the  time  being,  the  members  reassembled  in  the  town  of  Con- 
Apr.  22!  cord,  and,  adjourning  from  thence  to  Watertown,  entered  at 
once  upon  those  measures  which,  at  that  crisis,  were  "  indis- 
Apr.  20.  pensable  for  the  salvation  of  the  country."  Already  had  a 
circular  been  addressed  to  the  towns,  urging  upon  the  people 
the  necessity  of  raising  troops  to  "  defend  their  wives  and 
children  from  the  butchering  hands  of  an  inhuman  soldiery," 
and  entreating  them  to  "  hasten  and  encourage  by  all  possible 
means  the  enlistment  of  men  to  form  an  army."  "  Our 
all,"  it  was  said,  "  is  at  stake.  Death  and  devastation  are  the 
consequences  of  delay.  Every  moment  is  infinitely  precious. 
An  hour  lost  may  deluge  the  country  in  blood,  and  entail  per- 
petual slavery  upon  the  few  of  our  posterity  who  may  survive 
the  carnage." ' 
Apr.  23.  The  local  Congress,  feeling  the  importance  of  this  subject, 
zealously  entered  upon  its  consideration,  and  voted,  at  the 
opening  of  its  session,  "  that  an  army  of  thirty  thousand  men 
be  immediately  raised,  and  that  thirteen  thousand  six  hundred 
be  raised  by  this  province."^  Provision  was  likewise  made 
for  levying  money  to  defray  expenses  ;  the  committee  of  safety 
was  ordered  to  "  bring  in  a  plan  for  the  establishment  of  the 
officers  and  soldiers ; "  and  committees  were  sent  to  the  New 
Hampshire  Congress  at  Exeter,  and  to  Connecticut  and  Rhode 
Island,  to  inform  them  of  these  resolutions,  and  request  their 
concurrence.^ 

Up  to  this  date,  the  officers  appointed  by  the  former  Con- 
gress had  directed  the  movements  of  the  provincial  troops  ; 


*  Jour.  Prov.  Cong.  147  and  note,  Am.  Rev.  i.  192  ;  Thacher's  Jour.  20 ; 

518;    Gordon's   Am.   Rev.    i.    336;  Bratlford,  i.  375. 

Thacher's  Jour.   20;    Frothmgham's  ^  Jour.  Prov.  Cong.  149;  Force's 

Siege,  191 ;  Shattuck's  Concord,  118.  Am.  Archives,  ii  377,  378  ;  Gordon's 

^  Jour.  Prov.  Cong.  148,  and  comp.  Am.   Rev.    i.   318;    Stedman's  Am. 

ibid.  520;  Jour.  Coot.   Cong.   i.  76;  War,  i.   121;   Sparks's  Washington, 


Gordon's  Am.  Rev.  i.  316  ;  Ramsay's     iii.  487 


OFFICERS  OF  THE  AEanr.  3 

and  General  Hcatli  issued  his  orders  until  tlie  arrival  of  chap. 
"Ward,  who  assumed  the  command.^  The  same  day,  a  coun-  ^_^_J^_^ 
cil  of  war  was  held  ;  ^   for  the  protection   of  the  neif^hbor-    1775. 

Apr.  20 

hood,  guards  were  stationed  on  the  Charlestown  road  and  at 
other  points;  and  on  the  following  day,  at  the  instance  of  Apr. 21 
Ward,  Colonels  Prescott,  Learned,  and  Warren  were  ordered 
to  march  their  regiments  to  Roxbury,  to  join  General  Thom- 
as.^ The  exact  number  of  men  in  the  field  it  is  impossible  to 
determine  ;  ^  but  rcenforcements  daily  arrived,  and  the  army 
was  joined  by  the  resolute  Putnam,  a  native  of  Massachusetts, 
but  a  resident  of  Connecticut,^  and  by  the  chivalrous  Stark, 
and  Paul  Dudley  Sargeant,  of  New  Hampshire,  whose  services 
at  this  juncture  were  exceedingly  valuable.^  Nor  should  the 
gallantry  of  Warren,  the  young  physician,  be  forgotten,  who 
"did  wonders  in  preserving  order  among  the  troops."'^  He 
was  one  of  tiie  most  active  of  the  Boston  patriots,  beloved  for 
his  virtues  and  renowned  for  his  courage  ;  and  such  was  the 
confidence  inspired  by  his  wisdom  that  he  was  looked  up  to 
by  all  with  unbounded  respect. 

It  could  not,  of  course,  be  expected,  at  this  period,  that  the 
strictest  discipline  should  have  prevailed  in  the  army.  Com- 
ing from  different  colonies,  and  thrown  together  by  accident, 
as  it  were,  concert  of  action  could  only  be  gradually  secured. 


'  Gordon's  Am.  Ilev.  i.  315,  316  ;  Heath,  who  remained  at  Roxbury  un- 

Heath'.s  Mems.  16,  17  :  Ward's  AVard  til  the  arrival  of  Wasliington. 

Family,  47  ;  Sjjarks's  Washington,  iii.  *  Thacher,    Jour,,  says    the   army 

488.     General  Ward  had  command  consisted  of  40,000  ;  and  Stiles,  in  his 

at  Cambridge,  and  General  Thomas  ])iary.  and  Stcdman,  Am.  War,  i.  120, 

at  Roxbury.  say  20,000.   But  both  these  estimates 

^  At  which  were  present  Generals  seem  to  be  too  high.  Comp.  Froth- 
Ward,  Heath,  and  Whitcomb;  Colo-  ingham's  Siege,  91,  note, 
nels  Bridge,  Foye,  J.  Prescott,  W.  '"  He  was  born  in  Salem,  Mass., 
Prescott,  Ballard,  and  Barrett;  and  Jan.  7,  1718.  Humphreys's  Life  of 
Jjieutenant  Colonels  Spaulding,  Nix-  Putnam,  15,  ed.  1818. 
on,  Whitney,  INIansfield,  and  Wliee-  "  Bradford,  i.  380 ;  Frothingham's 
lock.     Frotiiingham's  Siege,  91,  92.  Siege,  92. 

3  Ward's  Orderly  Book;  lieatli's  ^Ramsay's  Am.  Rev.  i.  205 ;  Froth- 

Mems.  17;  Frothingham's  Siege,  92.  ingham's  Siege,  92.     See  also  Swett's 

The   regiments  named   in    the    text  sketch,  in  Life  of  Putnam,  190,  ed. 

were  under  the  command  of  General  1818. 


4  CONDITION    OF   THE    INHABITANTS    OF    BOSTON. 

CHAP.  Yet  the  difficulties  which  were  encountered  did  not  preclude 
^____j^_^  harmony  ;  and  in  a  very  short  time,  this  "  unshaken  embryo 
1775.  of  a  military  corps,  composed  of  militia,  minute  men,  and  vol- 
unteers, with  a  burlesque  appearance  of  multiformity  in  arms, 
accoutrements,  clothing,  and  conduct,"  grew  into  "  a  regular 
army,"  which  "  vindicated  the  rights  of  human  nature,  and 
established  the  independence  "  of  a  glorious  republic.^ 

The  ravages  committed  by  the  British  troops  at  Lexington 
and  Concord  alarmed  the  people  of  Boston  and  its  vicinity, 
and  led  them  to  fear  for  the  safety  of  their  own  homes. 
Hence,  in  the  metropolis,  the  "  hotbed  of  disaffection,"  and  in 
Charlestown  and  Cambridge,  numbers  prepared  to  remove  to 
the  country.  The  American  officers,  with  a  generous  spirit, 
afforded  them  all  the  protection  in  their  power  :  and  the  regi- 
ments posted  at  Waltliam,  Watertown,  Cambridge,  Roxbury, 
and  Medford  were  serviceable  for  this  purpose.^  The  Con- 
gress likewise  labored  for  the  organization  of  the  army, 
appointed  engineers,  authorized  the  purchase  of  stores  and 
supplies,  and  provided  for  the  payment  of  officers  and  men.^ 
Before  much  was  effected,  however,  a  large  number  of  minute 
men  left  for  their  homes,  so  that  some  of  the  avenues  into  the 
country  were  but  slightly  guarded.  On  the  Neck,  in  particu- 
lar, between  Boston  and  Roxbury,  but  six  or  seven  hundred 
men  were  posted,  under  Colonel  Robinson  ;  and  for  nine  days 
together  they  were  obliged  to  maintain  their  position  without 
relief.^ 

The  inhabitants  of  Boston,  hemmed  in  by  the  British  troops, 
found  their  situation  peculiarly  distressing.  By  the  orders 
of  the  governor,  they  had  been  cut  off  from  intercourse  with 
their  friends  in  the  country  ;  and,  conscious  of  the  dangers  to 

1  Bradford,  i.   380 ;   Humphrevs's  »  Jour.  Prov.  Cong.  152,  153,  157, 

Life  of  Putnam,  92,  93.                 '  165  ;  Bradford,  i.  376. 

■^  Frothingham's    Siege,  92.     The  ■»  Qor^on's  Am.  Rev.  i.  337:  Heath's 

regiments  at  Waltham   and  Water-  Memoirs,  18;    Frothingham's  Siege, 

town  were  ordered  to  Cambridge  on  93,  and  note, 
the  26th  of  April. 


PREPARATIONS    FOR    LEAVING    THE   TOWN.  5 

which  they  were  exposed,  they  could  not  but  view  tlieir  con-  chap 
dition  with  alarm.     Fortunately  for  them,  Gage  was  equally      ^• 
alarmed  ;  and,  fearing  that  the  provincial  troo])«  might  bo-    1775. 
siege  the  town,  and  the  inhabitants  within  second  tliem,  an 
interview  was  had  with  the  selectmen,  and  an  arrangement 
was  made,  which  was  approved  by  the  people  and  by  the  com-  Apr.  22. 
mittee  of  safety,  granting  to  the  women  and  children  a  safe 
conduct  without  the  garrison,  and  to  the  men  also  upon  con- 
dition of  delivering  up  their  arms,  and  pledging  themselves  to 
maintain  neutrality  for  a  season.' 

Under  these  stipulations,  which  were  sanctioned  by  both 
parties,  all  who  could  leave  prepared  to  do  so  ;  and  for  a 
short  time  the  treaty  was  faitlifully  observed.  Nearly  two 
thousand  stands  of  arms  were  delivered  up,  with  a  large  Apr.  27. 
number  of  other  weapons  ;  ^  permission  was  given  to  the  in- 
habitants to  remove,  with  their  effects,  by  land  or  water  ;  and 
applications  for  passes  were  to  be  made  to  General  Robert- 
son.3  Nearly  at  the  same  time,  a  letter  was  written  to  Dr. 
Warren,  "  that  those  persons  in  the  country  who  inclined  to 
remove  into  Boston  with  their  effects  might  have  liberty  to 
do  so  without  molestation  ; "  and  the  Provincial  Congress, 
not  to  be  behind  his  excellency  in  courtesy,  voted  to  comply  Apr.  30. 
with  his  request ;  officers  were  ai)pointed  to  grant  permits  ;  "* 
and  a  large  number  of  "  tories,"  as  they  were  termed  by  the 
patriots,  availed  themselves  of  this  opportunity  to  seek  the 
shelter  of  the  British  guns.^     Already  had  two  hundred  of  the 

1  Jour.  Prov.  Cong.  167,  173,  519,  ered;  and  he  further  contended  that 

521 ;  Force's  Am.  Ai-chives,  ii.  374-  the  word  '  etiects  '  was  never  meant  to 

377;    Gordon's   Am.   Rev.   i.    316;  inchide  merchandise." 
Ramsay's    Am.   Rev.    i.    189,    190;         ^  Frothingham's  Siege,  9.5.  On  the 

Frothingham's  Siege,  93,  94,  and  note,  ditficuhies  encountered  by  the  peo])le 


2 


Jour.  Prov.  Cong.  526  ;  Ramsay's  in  effecting  a  removal,  see  Letter  of 

Am.  Rev.  i.  189 ;  Gordon's  Am.  Rev.  T.  Brown,  April  28,  1775,  in  Trumbull 

i.   336  ;    Frothingham's    Siege,    95.  MSS.  i\:  75. 

Lord  Mahon,  Hist.  Eng.  vi.  39,  says,         *  Jour.  Prov.  Cong.  173,  529;  Gor- 

"  Neither  party  appears  to  have  fill-  don's  Am.  Rev.  i.  316,  317. 
filled   their  part   in  this   agreement.         *  Jour.  Prov.  Cong.   184;  Thach 

General    Gage   complained   that  the  er's  Joui   22. 
arms  had  not  been  faitlifully  deliv- 


6  OBSTRUCTIONS  TO  THE  REMOVAL  OF  THE  PATRIOTS. 

CHAP,  tories  of  Boston  —  merchants,  traders,  and  others  —  sent  in 
,__^J^.,^  their  names  to  General  Gage,  to  arm  in  his  service  as  volun- 
1775.    teers ;  and  they  were  enrolled  under  General  Ruggles,  and 
placed  on  duty.^ 

In  pursuance  of  the  arrangements  for  that  purpose,  hun- 
dreds of  the  inhabitants  of  Boston  applied  for  passes,  and  left 
the  town.  But  the  departure  of  so  many  alarmed  the  tories, 
who  exclaimed  against  the  "  pernicious  tendency  of  such  an 
indulgence,"  and  threatened  to  withdraw  in  case  it  was  con- 
tinued.2  The  governor,  for  a  time,  paid  no  attention  to  these 
threats ;  but  becoming  apprehensive  that  difficulties  might 
arise,  on  various  pretexts  the  agreement  was  violated,  and 
obstacles  were  thrown  in  the  way  of  a  removal.  At  first,  no 
merchandise  was  allowed  to  be  carried  away  ;  next,  provis- 
ions, and  even  medicines,  were  prohibited  ;  and,  finally,  guards 
were  appointed  to  examine  "  all  trunks,  boxes,  beds,  and  every 
thing  else  to  be  carried  out."^  Still  many  persisted  in  leaving, 
notwithstanding  these  restrictions ;  upon  which  passes  were 
refused,  and  numbers  who  had  received  them  were  obliged  to 
leave  their  property  behind.  Nor  was  this  the  worst  fea- 
ture of  the  governor's  policy  ;  for  the  passports,  in  some  cases, 
were  purposely  so  framed  that  families  were  divided  —  wives 
from  their  husbands,  children  from  their  parents,  and  the 
aged  and  infirm  from  their  relations  and  friends.  The  gen- 
eral was  especially  reluctant  to  allow  women  and  children  to 
leave  ;  for,  while  they  remained,  it  was  thought  they  contrib- 
uted to  the  safety  of  his  troops.  The  poor  and  the  helpless, 
whose  presence  would  have  been  a  burden,  and  those  who 
were  afflicted  with  infectious  diseases,  were  suffered  to  depart, 
and  were  even  turned  out  upon  the  charity  of  their  neighbors.'* 

>  Letter  from  Boston  of  April  23,  »  Jour.  Prov.  Cong.  192,  195.  212, 

1775,   in   Frothingham's    Siege,    97,  245 ;    Gordon's   Am.    Rev.    i.    342 ; 

note.  Frothingham's  Siege,  96. 

**  Extracts  from  an  English  paper  of  **  Join-.  Cont.  Cong.  i.   137;   Jour. 

September  14, 1775,  in  Frothingham's  Prov.  Cong.  551 ;  Ramsay's  Am.  Rev. 

Siege,  95,  97,  note.  i.   191  j  Franklin's  Works,  \iii.  156; 


ENLISTMENTS    FOR   THE    ARilY.  7 

The  inhabitants  of  Charlestown  had  already  left  that  town  ;  chap. 
and  so  deserted  had  it  become,  that,  early  in  June,  a  petition  ,__^ 
was  presented  to  tlie  Provincial  Congress  for  aid  in  removing-    177,5. 

•  1      c         ^  June. 

those  who  remained,  who  were  too  poor  to  provide  tor  them- 
selves.^ A  few  of  the  citizens  occasionally  returned,  to  "  look 
after  their  effects,  or  to  plant  their  gardens,  or  to  mow  their 
grass  ; "  but  at  the  date  of  the  battle  of  Bunker  Hill,  out  of 
a  population  of  between  two  and  three  thousand,  but  one  or 
two  hundred  remained. ^ 

The  enlistment  and  organization  of  an  army  was  a  matter 
of  primary  importance  ;  and,  as  it  was  esteemed  "  the  best 
and  only  measure  left  to  bring  the  present  disputes  to  a  happ} 
'issue,"  it  was  pushed  forward  with  all  possible  despatch.^   The 
regiments  of  Massachusetts,  at  least  twenty-four  in  number,"* 
were  to  consist  of  ten  companies  each,  of  fifty-nine  men,  in- 
cluding officers  ;  and  by  the  middle  of  July  more  than  eleven 
thousand  men  were  raised.-'^      Rhode  Island,  as  her   quota, 
voted  to  raise  fifteen  hundred  men  for  the  service;^    Con- Apr.  25. 
necticut,  equally  spirited,  voted  to  raise  six  thousand  men,  Apr.  26. 
to   be  organized   into  six   regiments   under  General  Joseph 
Spencer  ;  "^  and  New  Hampshire,  as  her  quota,  voted  to  raise  May  20. 

Impartial   Hist,    of   the   War,   201;  iii.  4cS8;  Frnthingham's   Siege,   101. 

Thacher's  Jour.  3o ;  Bradford,  i.  37G  ;  «  Jour.    Prov.    Cong.     156,    169; 

Frothingham's  Siege,  9  J,  96.  Force's  Am.  Archives,  ii.  390  ;  Swett, 

'  Jour.  Prov.  Cong.  362,  430,  431,  in  Life  of  Putnam,    183;  Frothing- 

441,443,  474,  et  al.  ham's   Siege,  100.     The  forces  from 

^  Frothingham's  Siege,  97.  Rhode   Island   were    organized   into 

'  On  the  24th  of  April,  a  committee  three  regiments,  of  eight  companies 

of  one  from  each  county  was  appoint-  each,  and  placed  under  the  command 

ed  to  attend  the  committee  of  safet}-,  of  Nathaniel  Greene. 

and  furnish  the  names  of  the  most  '  Force's  Am.   Archives,   ii.  411; 

suitable    persons   for    officers    in    the  Hinman's   AVar    of    the    Kev.    o47 ; 

army  now  raising.    Jour.  Prov.  Cong.  Swett,  in  Life  of  Putnam,  18.3,  186; 

loO.  Frothingham's  Siege,    100.     On  the 

*  Heath's   Memoir,    17.      Sparks,  previous"  difficulties  with  Connecticut, 
Writings  of  Washington,  iii.  488,  says  and  their  communication  with  General 

26.  Hildreth,  Hist.  U.  S.  iii.  69,  says  Gage,  see  Jour.  Prov.  Cong.  179-183, 

27.  Bradford,  i.  382,  says  there  were  194,  196.  General  Spencer,  with  one 
22  regiments  complete,  and  3  incom-  of  the  regiments  under  his  command, 
plete,  and  in  a  note  gives  a  list  of  the  arrived  at  the  camp  early  in  ^lay,  and 
same  and  of  the  officers.  was  posted  at  Roxbury ;  and  a  second 

*  Jour.  Prov.  Cong.  152,  253,  522  ;  regiment,   under   Putnam,   was    sta- 
Sparks's  Writings    of    Wasliington,  tioned  at  Cambridge. 


MILITARY   STORES. 


CHAP,  two  tliousand  mcn.^     The  military  stores  which  had  been  eol- 
^__^_^;,^  lected  were  exceedinglj^  limited,  and  the  supply  of  cannon  was 
1775.    especially  meagre.     At  an  early  date,  the  Congress  expressed 
'  their  "  deep  concern  on  account  of  the  state  and  situation  of 
the  cannon  ; "  and  wlien  an  inventory  of  the  same  was  taken, 
it  was  found  that  there  were  "  in  Cambridge  six  three  pound- 
ers complete,  with  ammunition,  and  one  six  pounder  ;  and  in 
Watertown   sixteen   pieces   of  artillery,  of  different   sizes," 
which,  however,  were  not  in  a  fit  state  for  immediate  use.^ 
May  22.  To  provide  for  this  deficiency.  General  Ward  recommended 
that  there  should  be  procured  "  thirty  twenty-four  pounders, 
and  if  that  number  of  cannon  cannot  be  obtained,  that  the 
weight  of  metal  should  be  made  up  with  eighteen  pounders, 
double  fortified ;  ten  twelve  pounders,  and  eighteen  nine  pound- 
ers, with  twenty-one  thousand  six  hundred  pounds  of  powder, 
and  eighty  balls  for  each  gun."^ 

Nearly  every  thing,  it  will  be  perceived,  was  at  this  date  in 
an  unsettled  state.  Not  only  had  no  efficient  preparations 
been  made  for  the  equipment  and  supply  of  the  troops,  but  tho 
organization  of  the  army  was  likewise  defective.  Each  colony 
had  its  own  establishment,  and  chose  its  own  officers  under 
whom   the   men  were   to  act.     General  Ward,  who  led  the 

'  Jour.  N.  H.  Prov.  Cong. ;  Force's  '  Jour.  Prov.  Cong.  249, 250.    For 

■    Am.  Archives,  ii.  431,  652;   Froth-  an  account  of  the  arms  of  the  provmce 

ingham's  Siege,  99.    The  New  Hamp-  previous  to  the  19th  of  April,  see  1  M. 

shire  troops  were  organized  into  three  H.  Coll.  i.  232,  and  Jour.  Prov.  Cong, 

regiments,  and  ])laced  under  General  756.     For  the  efforts  made  to  pro- 

Folsom,  who,  ho\\ever,  did  not  arrive  cure   additional   su])])lies,    see    Jour, 

at  Cambridge  until  the  2()th  of  June.  Prov.  Cong.  197,  198,  200;   Force's 

Two  of  these  regiments,  under  Stark  Am.  Archives,  ii.  666.    Elbridge  Ger- 

and  Reed,  were  organized  before  the  ry  was  jjlaced  at  the  head  of  the  com- 

battle  of  Bunker  Hill.     General  Sul-  niittee  of  sujjplies,  and  the  following 

livan  hud  also  arrived  before  that  pe-  curious  jjostscript  Mas  added  to  a  let- 

riod.  ter  of  instructions  :  "  Sir,  you  are  also 

^  Jour.    Prov.    Cong.    168,    171;  desired,  if  powder  is  to  be  found  in 

Frothingham's     Siege,     102,     note,  any  part  of  America,  to  procure  it  in 

There  were   a  few  cannon  in  other  such  way  and  manner  as  you  shall 

places,    but   the    su])ply   was    small,  think  best ;  and  we  will  confirm  what- 

Jour.  Prov.  Cong.  520-522,  525,  547.  ever    you   shall   do   relative   to   this 

For  an  account  of  the  number  of  can-  matter."     Austin's  Life   of  Gerry,  i. 

non  in  New  Haven  May  29,  see  Trum-  75. 
bull  MSS.  iv.  99. 


RANK   AND    SERVICES    OF   THE    OFFICERS.  9 

Massachusetts  forces,  was  authorized  to  command  only  tlie  chap. 
troops  from  that  colony  and  from  New  Hampsliirc  ;  ^  but  as  _^;_^ 
his  orders  were  copied  by  tlie  rest,  and  as  his  position  entitled  177-5. 
him  to  the  precedence,  a  voluntary  obedience  was  yielded  to 
him,  and  he  was  virtually  the  commander-in-chief,  tliough  lie 
had 'received  no  official  appointment.^  Nor  could  a  more  defi- 
nite arrangement  have  been  expected,  under  the  circumstances. 
Massachusetts  had  no  authority  to  assume  supreme  power. 
The  Continental  Congress  was  the  only  body,  if  any,  wliich 
could  properly  settle  the  rank  of  the  officers  ;  and  before  tliat 
body  could  act,  matters  were  left  to  regulate  themselves. 
Hence  the  uncertainty  which  hangs  over  this  period,  and  the 
difficulties  which  have  arisen  in  assignino-  to  the  officers  their 
relative  positions.^  The  experience  of  such  a  battle  as  that 
of  Bunker  Hill  was  needed  to  expose  the  evils  of  a  "  want  of 
due  subordination  ;"  and  after  such  experiei^ce,  the  war  com- 
mittee of  Connecticut  instructed  their  generals  to  obey  General 
Ward,  and  advised  the  other  colonies  to  follow  their  exam- 
ple.* But  even  this  was  a  temporary  expedient ;  nor  was  the 
army  fully  organized  until  the  arrival  of  Washington. 

Imperfect,  however,  as  was  the  discipline  whicli  prevailed, 
there  was  no  lack  of  courage  on  the  part  of  the  soldiers ;  nor 
were  they  or  their  officers  entirely  destitute  of  military  skill. 
General  Ward,  of  Shrewsbury,  in  Worcester  county,  hud 
served  under  Abercrombie  in  the  expedition  to  Canada,  and 
returned  with  tlie  rank  of  lieutenant  colonel.^  General 
Thomas,  of  Kingston,  in  Plymouth  county,  had  also  served  in 
the  Frencli  war,*^  as  had  General  Putnam,  of  PomiVct,  Con- 

>  Bradford,  1.380;  Sparks's  Wash-  333,338,   on   these   difhcuhies,  and 

ington,  iii.  487,  488 ;  Frothmgham's  Frothingham's  Siege,  102. 
Siege,  101.  ■•  Force's  Am.  Archives,  ii.  1039; 

^  He  was  appointed  to  the  com-  Frothinglnm's  Siege,  101. 
mand  on  the    19tli  of  May.     Jour.         ^  ^Yard■s  "Ward  Family,  4G ;  Allen 

Prov.  Cong.  239,  243,  247  ;"  Swett,  in  and  Eliot's  Biog.  Diets. ;  Swett,  in  Life 

Life  of  Putnam,   187,    188;  Ward's  of  Putnam,  ISL 
Ward  Family,  48.               '  ''  Allen  and  Eliot ;  also  S^vett,  in 


3 


Cora]).   Jour.   Prov,  Cong.    2.57,     Life  of  I'utnam,  188 ;   BradlLrd,  ii. 


10  MOVEMENTS   OP   THE   TORIES. 

CHAP,  necticut.      General  Folsom,  of  New  Hampsliire,  was  at  the 

^__J^  capture  of  Dieskau,  in  1755.^  Colonel  Prescott,  of  Pepperell, 
1775.  had  served  under  Winslow  at  the  conquest  of  Nova  Scotia ;  ^ 
and  Pomeroy  and  Nixon  had  served  under  Pepperrell  in  the 
reduction  of  Louisburg.^  Gridley,  the  engineer,  won  laurels 
in  the  same  service ;  ^  and  General  Spencer,  of  Connecticut, 
had  also  served  in  the  French  war.^  The  gallant  Stark  had 
served  under  Braddock  ;  ^  and  other  officers,  and  a  large  num- 
ber of  privates,  had  seen  active  service.  Indeed,  there  was 
scarcely  a  soldier  in  the  ranks  who  was  not  a  practised  marks- 
man, and  who  did  not  pride  himself  on  his  skill  with  the 
musket.' 

As  the  movements  of  the  tories  were  somewhat  suspicious, 
it  became  necessary  to  watch  them ;  and  the  committees  of 
correspondence  and  the  selectmen  of  the  several  towns  and 

May  8.  districts  were  authorized  to  "  take  effectual  care  to  disarm  all 
who  would  not  give  an  assurance  of  their  good  intentions  and 
regard  to  the  interests  of  the  country,"  and  to  "  put  it  out  of 
their  power  to  obstruct  by  any  means  whatever  the  neces- 
sary measures  for  the  common  defence."  ^     A  manifesto  was 

May  5.  likewise  issued  against  General  Gage,  declaring  that,  by  rea- 
son of  his  having  "  conducted  as  an  instrument  in  the  hands 
of  an  arbitrary  ministry  to  enslave  this  people,"  he  had,  "  by 

104 ;  Thacher's  Hist.  Plymouth,  90.  «  Allen   and  Eliot ;   also,   Life   of 

General  Thomas  died  of  the  .small  ]jox  Stark. 

in  the  exjxHiition  to  Canada,  in  1776,  '  J.  Adams's  Diary,  in  "Works,  ii. 

and  was  lamented  as  a  brave  and  up-  406.     "  A  few  days  after  this  event, 

right  officer.  [the  battle  of  Lexington,]  I  rode  to 

'  Allen  and  Eliot ;  also  Belknap's  Cambridge,  and  saw  General  Ward, 

Hist,  N.  H.,  and  Barstow's  Hist,  N.  H.  General  Heath,  General  Joseph  War- 

"  Allen  and  Eliot ;  also  Swett,  in  ren,   and    the   New   England   armj^ 

Life  of  Putnam,  209,  210.  There  was  great  confusion  and  much 

^  Allen  and  Eliot ;  also  Swett,  in  distress.      Artillery,   arms,    clothing 

Life   of  Putnam,    189 ;   W.   Barry's  were  wanting,  and  a  sufficient  supply 

Hist.  Framingham.  of   provisions    not    easily    obtained. 

■*  Swett,  in  Life  of  Putnam,  194  ;  Neither  the  officers  nor  men,  however, 

Sparks's  Washington,  iii. ;  Frothing-  wanted  spirits  or  resolution." 

ham's  Siege,  184.  '  Jour.  Prov.  Cong.  202,  205. 

*  Allen  and  Eliot ;  also  Hinmau's 
War  of  the  Rev. 


RESUMPTION    OF    GOVERNMENT.  11 

these  means  and  many  otliers,  utterly  disqualified  himself  to  chap. 
serve  this  colony  as  governor  and  in  every  other  capacity,  and  __J_ 
that  no  obedience  ought  in  future  to  be  paid  by  the  several    1770. 
towns  and  districts  in  the  colony  to  his  writs  for  calling  a 
General  Assembly,  or  to  his  proclamations,  or  to  any  other  of 
his  acts  and  doings  ;  but  that,  on  the  other  hand,  he  ouglit  to 
be  considered  and  guarded  against  as  an  unnatural  and  invet- 
erate enemy  to  the  country."  ^ 

Whether  the  province  should  assume  into  its  own  hands  the 
powers  of  government  was  a  question  upon  which  a  dilicrence 
of  opinion  existed  ;  nor  was  it  until  after  a  week's  dehiy,  and 
the  maturest  deliberation,  that  a  resolve  was  passed  author- 
izing an  "application  to  the  Continental  Congress  for  obtain- May  12. 
ing  their  reconnnendation  for  this  colony  to  take  up  and  exer- 
cise civil  government  as  soon  as  may  be."  ^     Provision  was 
made,  however,  for  establishing  post  offices  and  post  riders,^  May  13. 
and  for  the  erection  of  a  court  of  inquiry,  consisting  of  seven  May  27. 
persons,  "  to  hear  all  complaints  against  any  person  or  i»er- 
sons  for  treason  against  the  constitution  of  their  country,  or 
other  breaches  of  the  public  peace  and  security,  and  to  deter- 
mine and  make  judgment  thereon  according  to  the  laws  of  this 
province  and  those  of  reason  and  equity."  ^     Yet  it  is  worthy 
of  notice  that  no  radical  changes  were  made  in  the  govern- 
ment, either  at  tliis  date,  or,  indeed,  at  a  later  period,  but  only 
such  alterations  as  circumstances  required.     No  revolution,  in 
fact,  of  which  history  furnishes  the  record,  was  ever  attended 
with  fewer  innovations  upon  established  usages.     The  seces- 
sion from  the  mother  country  simply  severed  the  political  ties 
which  had  previously  bound  the  colonies  to  the  crown.     Nei- 
ther the  halls  of  legislation  nor  the  courts  of  justice  were 

1  Jour.  Prov.  Cong.  190,  192,  193,  G20,  621 ;  Ramsay's  Am.  Rev.  i.  210  ; 
525;    Stedman's  Am.  War,  i.    121;  Bradford,  i.  37S,  ii.  40-42. 
Bissett's  Hist.  Eiig.  i.  426.  ^  jm,i._  p^ov,  C(>ng.  208,  212,  219 

2  Jour.  Prov.  Cong.  i97,  207,  208,  -223,  525  ;  Jour.  H.  of  R.  for  1776  ; 
219,  229,  319;  Jour.  Coht.  Cong.  i.  Ramsay's  Am.  Rev.  i.  211. 

105,  108 ;  Force's  Am.  Arcliives,  ii.         *  Joiu".  Prov.  Cong.  202,  540. 


12  POSITION   OF  THE   CLERGY. 

CHAP,  invaded.  True,  a  monarchical  government  was  exchanged  for 
^^,^^  a  republican  ;  the  choice  of  the  chief  magistrate  was  revested 
1775.  in  the  people  ;  the  encroachments  of  usurped  authority  were 
removed  ;  and  various  abuses  which  had  crept  in  were  re- 
formed. But  these  changes,  important  as  they  were,  did  not 
affect,  at  least  not  permanently,  the  constitution  of  the  Gen- 
eral Court,  nor  did  they  abolish  the  customs  which  had  been 
followed  in  the  other  courts.  Justice  was  administered,  and 
the  business  of  legislation  was  conducted,  after  the  old  and 
familiar  forms.  The  people  took  into  their  own  hands  the 
management  of  their  affairs ;  but  they  prided  themselves  in 
the  wisdom  of  their  measures  rather  than  in  weakening  the 
pillars  of  society  —  the  prostration  of  wliich  would  have  en- 
dangered their  own  safety,  as  well  as  have  imperilled  the 
liberties  of  their  posterity.  Great  credit  should  be  accorded 
them  for  this  prudence.  They  were  practical  conservators  of 
the  public  weal,  rejecting  the  evil,  yet  retaining  the  good.^ 

The  clergy,  for  the  most  part,  were  ardent  patriots,  and 
warmly  espoused  the  cause  of  liberty.  Hence  their  services 
were  freely  offered  as  chaplains  in  the  army  ;  at  their  annual 
Junei.  convention  in  Watertown  they  expressed  their  "  sympathy  for 
the  distresses  of  their  much  injured  and  oppressed  country  ; " 
and  in  their  address  to  the  Congress  they  devoutly  commended 
the  interests  of  that  body,  and  of  their  "  brethren  in  arms,"  to 
"  the  guidance  and  protection  of  that  Providence  which,  from 
the  first  settlement  of  this  country,  has  so  remarkably  ap- 
peared for  the  preservation  of  its  civil  and  religious  rights."  ^ 
Indeed,  throughout  the  war,  whenever  by  their  counsels  they 
could  revive  the  flagging  zeal  of  the  faltering,  or  inspire  afresh 
the  confidence  of  the  wavering,  they  engaged  in  the  work  with 
cheerfulness  and  alacrity  ;  and  it  may  reasonably  be  doubted 
whether  the  liberties  of  America  would  have  been  so  speedily 

'  Corap.W.Ban7's  Hist.  Framing-         «  Jour.    Prov.    Cong.    283,    284  j 
ham,  91,  note.  Bradford,  i.  381. 


PROSPECTS   OF   THE   ARMY.  13 

secured,  had  it  not  been  for  their  diligence.     They  prayed  for  chap 
success  in  the  hour  of  battle.     The  spirit  of  self-sacrifice  was  ^^J^ 
strong  in  their  breasts.     And,  amidst  the  most  appalling  and    1775. 
difficult  scenes,  they  shrank  not  from  danger,  but  bravely  en- 
countered the  deadliest  perils,  endured  without  murmuring  the 
severest  privations,  and  set  an  example  of  heroic  devotion 
which  spread  an  infectious  enthusiasm  among  all.^ 

Yet  earnest  as  were  those  who  had  entered  the  lists  as  the 
champions  of  freedom,  the  prospect  before  them  could  hardly  be 
called  flattering.  The  population  of  Massachusetts  probably 
fell  short  of  three  hundred  and  fifty  thousand  souls ;  ^  and  the 
population  of  the  thirteen  colonies  did  not  exceed  three  millions.^ 
Destitute  in  a  great  measure  of  available  funds,  poorly  supplied 
with  arms  and  ammunition,  and  called  from  the  workshop  and 
the  plough  to  the  field,  they  were  required  to  encounter  a  dis- 
ciplined force,  amply  provided  with  the  munitions  of  war, 
flushed  with  victory  from  the  battles  of  Europe,  and  capable 
of  being  constantly  recruited  from  abroad.  To  those  who 
weigh  the  probabilities  of  success  in  the  fluctuating  balance 
of  physical  strength,  the  odds  against  the  colonies  were  cer- 
tainly great.  But  the  cohorts  of  England,  made  up  as  they 
were  of  veteran  troops,  were  doomed  to  be  vanquished  by  a 
resolute  people  trusting  in  God.     A  good  cause  in  itself  is 


*  Comp.  Ramsay's  Am.  Rev.  i.  199,  of  magistrates  and  rulers.     Accord- 

Thacher's   Jour.  22,  and  Bradford,  i.  inglj-  we  have  from  our  pulpits  the 

381.  The  statements  in  the  text  could  most  fervent  and  pious  effusions  to 

be  easilv  substantiated  by  a  multitude  the  throne  of  divine  grace  in  behalf  of 

of  quotations  from  MS.  journals,  ser-  our  bleeding,  afflicted  country."     It 

mons,  &c.,  of  the  clergy,  the  contem-  -was    not,   in    those   days,   "  2)olitical 

porary  testimony  of  officers  and  pri-  priestcraft "  to  preach  and  pray  for 

vates,  and  the  voluminous  and  valua-  freedom. 

ble  documents  j)reserved  in  our  state         -  The  estimate,  in  1776,  was  349,- 

and  national  arcliives.     "  It  is  recom-  094.     Jour.  Prov.  Cong.  loo. 
mended,"  says  Thacher,  "  by  our  Pro-         ^  Translation   of  Mem.  to  Sover- 

vincial  Congress,  that  on  other  occa-  eigns  of  Europe,  London,  1781,  p.  19; 

sions  than  the  Sal)l)ath,  ministers  of  Colls.  Am.  Statist.    Association.     In 

parishes  adapt  their  discourses  to  the  1791,  eight  years  after  the  war,  the 

times,  and  exjjlain  the  nature  of  civil  population   of  the  United  States  was 

and  religious  Uberty,  and  the  duties  but  3,680,253.     Hist,  of  Cong.  193. 


14 


FOETIFICATIONS   COMMENCED. 


CHAP,  invincible.     Its  triumph  may  be  delayed  for  a  season  ;  but  it 

^^^.^^  can  never  be  finally  and  fully  defeated.' 

1775.        With  whatever  misgivings,  however,  a  few  may  have  been 

moved,  as  they  reflected  upon  the  difficulties  which  surrounded 

their  path,  the  more  ardent  felt  that  they  had  engaged  in  a 

work  iu  tlie  prosecution  of  which  it  would  be  fatal  to  relax 

Apr. 24.  their  efforts.  Hence  Hancock  queried  with  his  friends,  "Are 
our  men  in  good  spirits  ?  For  God's  sake,  do  not  suffer  the 
spirit  to  subside  until  they  have  perfected  the  reduction  of  our 
enemies.  Boston  must  be  entered  ;  the  troops  must  be  sent 
away.  Our  friends  are  valuable,  but  our  country  must  be 
saved.  I  have  an  interest  in  that  town  ;  what  can  be  its 
enjoyment  to  me,  if  I  am  obliged  to  hold  it  at  the  will  of 
General  Gage  or  any  one  else  ?  We  must  also  have  the  Cas- 
tle. Tlie  ships  must  be  removed.  Stop  up  the  harbor  against 
large  vessels  coming  in."  ^  Indeed,  the  necessity  for  vigilance 
was  every  where  felt.  The  crisis  had  come  ;  and  it  depended 
upon  the  firmness  with  which  it  was  met  whether  the  Ameri- 
cans should  be  freemen  or  slaves. 

May  3.  Early  iu  May,  the  erection  of  fortifications  was  commenced  ; 
and  tlie  first  works  were  probably  thrown  up  at  Cambridge.^ 
The  guard  on  the  Neck  between  Boston  and  Roxbury  was 

May  4.  Still  somcwhat  weak  ;  and  the  committee  of  safety  wrote  to 
the  governments  of  Connecticut  and  Rhode  Island  for  a  force 
to  be  sent  to  secure  this  pass ;  for  "  if  the  enemy  once  gain 
possession  of  it,"  they  urged,  "it  will  cost  us  mucli  blood  and 
treasure  to  dislodge  them.  But  it  may  now  be  secured  by  us, 
if  wo  had  a  force  sufficient,  witliout  any  danger."^     The  ap- 

Mav9.  prehensions  of  a  sally  from  Boston  likewise  led  to  a  request 
of  the  council  of  war  for  two  thousand  men,  to  reenforce  the 
troops  at  Roxbury  ;  and  the  committee  of  safety  ordered  the 

'  Comp.    J.   Adams's    Diary,    in  ^  Jour.   Prov.    Cong.    542,    543; 

Works,  ii.  406.  Frothingham's  Siege.  106. 

*  Jour.    Prov.    Cong.     170,    note;  ^  Jour.    Prov.    Cong.     536,    537; 

Force's  Am.  Archives,  ii.  384,  385.  Frothingham's  Siege,  106   107. 


SKIRMISHES   WITH   THE    EXEMY.  15 

officers   of  the  different  regiments   to  forward   the   enlisted  chap. 
soldiers  forthwith  to  Cambridge,  and  the  ton  nearest  towns  ,^_J.^ 
to  muster  one  half  of  their  militia  and  minute  men,  and  march    1770. 
to  Roxbury.      General  Tiiomas,  who  was  stationed  at  this 
place,  and  whose  post  included  a  high  hill  visible  from  Bos- 
ton, had  but  seven  hundred  men  under  his  connnand  ;  and, 
conscious  of  his  weakness,  he  resorted  to  an  artifice  to  deceive    , 
the  enemy,  by  "  marching  his  men  round  and  round  the  hill," 
to  multiply  their  numbers  to  "  any  who  were  reconnoitring."^ 
A  similar  artifice  was  subsequently  resorted  to  by  General  May  13. 
Putnam,  wlio  formed  the  troops  in  Cambridge,  some  twenty- 
two  hundred  in  number,  in  a  line  of  a  mile  and  a  half  in 
length,  and  marched  from  thence  to  Cliarlestown.^ 

Occasional  skirmishes  which  occurred  with  the  outposts  of 
the  enemy,  and  with  foraging  parties,  tested  the  valor  of  the 
American  troops,  and  accustomed  them  to  face  the  British 
regulars.  The  islands  in  the  harbor,  which  were  stocked 
with  cattle,  were  the  principal  scenes  of  these  engagements  ; 
and  alarms  were  raised  in  the  neighboring  towns  of  preda-  , 
tory  incursions,  which  exercised  the  vigilance  of  tlie  local 
militia.^  '  The  skirmishes  on  Noddle's  Island  were  perhaps  May  27 
the  most  important  ;  and  the  Americans  captured  a  number 
of  horses  belonging  to  the  English,  and  drove  away  several 
hundred  sheep  and  cows.^  The  depredations  of  the  English, 
which  Avere  vigorously  pushed,  were  as  vigorously  repulsed  ; 
and,  as  an  additional  measure  of  safety  and  precaution,  prep- 
arations were  made  for  the  establishment  of  a  naval  force  at 
the  most  exposed  places,^  and  companies  were  raised  in  Cohas- 
set  and  in  other  towns  for  the  defence  of  the  sea  coast.*"     On 

»  Jour.  Prov.  Cong.  537,  540,  541 ;  557  ;  Im]:iartial  Hist,  of  the  War,  205 ; 

SwPtt,  in  Life  of  Putnam,  188;  Gor-  Frothingham's  Siege,  10!),  110. 
don's  Am.  Rev.   i.   339  ;    Frothing-         "  Jour.  Prov.  Cong.  308,  540. 
ham's  Siege,  107.  **  Jour.  Prov.  Cong.  433,  531,  533, 

^Baldwin's    Diary,    in   Frothing-  540  ;  Hev.  Poll-;,  vol.  xxxvi.,  in  Mass. 

ham's  Siege,  108.  Archives  ;   Wi.isor's   Hist.  Puxbury, 

3  Frotlungham's  Siege,  108,  109.  129;  Harry's  Hist.  Hanover,  115, 116 

*  Jour.  Prov.  Cong.  292,545,554,  Frothingham's  Siege,  111. 


16  MEETING    OF   THE   SECOND    CONGRESS. 

CHAP,  the  petition  of  Major  Baldwin,  afterwards  distinguished  for 

^...^^.^^  his  abilities  as  an  artificer,  surveys  were  likewise  made  of  the 

1775.    ground  between  the  camp  of  the  Massachusetts  army  and  the 

Juue  6.  o    1      T->   •   •  1    1 

posts  of  the  British.' 
May  10.  The  second  Continental  Congress,  in  the  mean  time,  assem- 
bled at  Philadelphia  ;  and  the  delegates  from  Massachusetts 
urged  upon  their  attention  the  adoption  of  measures  for  the 
relief  of  Boston.  John  Adams,  in  particular,  advised  that 
the  first  step  should  be  "  to  recommend  to  the  people  of  every 
state  in  the  Union  to  seize  on  all  the  crown  officers,  and  hold 
them,  with  civility,  humanity,  and  generosity,  as  hostages  for 
the  security  of  the  people  of  Boston,  to  be  exchanged  for  them 
as  soon  as  the  British  army  would  release  them."  He  was 
likewise  in  favor  of  recommending  "  to  the  people  of  all  the 
states  to  institute  governments  for  themselves,  under  their 
own  authority,  and  that  without  loss  of  time  ; "  of  declaring 
"  the  colonies  free,  sovereign,  and  independent  states  ; "  and 
then  informing  Great  Britain  of  their  willingness  "  to  enter 
into  negotiations  with  them  for  the  redress  of  all  grievances, 
and  a  restoration  of  harmony  between  the  two  countries  upon 
permanent  principles."  .  All  this,  he  thought,  might  be  done 
before  entering  "  into  any  connections,  alliances,  or  negotia- 
tions •  with  foreign  powers ; "  and  then,  if  Great  Britain  re- 
fused to  accede,  it  would  be  time  to  inform  her  that,  if  the 
war  was  continued,  the  colonies  were  "  determined  to  seek 
alliances  with  France,  Spain,  and  any  other  power  of  Europe  " 
that  would  contract  with  them.  Finally,  he  urged  the  adop- 
tion of  the  army  in  Cambridge  as  a  continental  army,  the 
officers  of  which  should  be  appointed,  and  the  provisions  for 
its  support  made,  by  the  General  Congress.^ 

But  with  whatever  eloquence  these  measures  were  advo- 

'  Jour.  Prov.  Cong.  302.  ganized  into  a  continental  army,  and 

*  J.  Adams's  Diary,  in  AVorks,  ii.  received  into  the  pay  of  the  United 

407.    The   army  at  Cambridge  was  Colonies.     Jour.  Cont.  Cong.  i.   Ill 

adopted  by  the  General  Congress,  or-  et  seq. 


PROPOSITIONS  OF  JOHN  ADAMS.  17 

cated,  tliere  were  not  wanting  many  who  hesitated  to  approve  chap. 
them.      Especially  the  Quakers   of  Pennsylvania,  who  had      ^" 
hitherto  acquiesced  in  the  action  of  the  colonies,  or,  at  least,    1775. 
who  had  made  no  professed  opposition,  so  soon  as  independ- 
ence was  named,  "  started  back."  ^     The  delegates  from  South 
Carolina  likewise  hesitated,  nor  could  any  persuasion  remove 
their  scruples.^      At  length,  committees  were  appointed  to  June  3. 
draught  a  petition  to  the  king,  and  addresses  to  the  inhabit- 
ants of  Great  Britain,  of  Ireland,  and  of  Jamaica,  and  to 
bring  in  an  estimate  of  the  moneys  to  be  raised  for  the  pros- 
ecution of  the  war .2     The  action  of  Massachusetts,  in  refusing 
obedience  to  General  Gage,  was  also  approved  ;  '^  and  it  was  June  9. 
recommended  to  the  towns  and  districts  in  that  colony,  and 
in  all  others,  to  collect  the  materials  requisite  for  the  manu- 
facture of  gunpowder,  and  to  "  transmit  the  same  with  all 
possible   despatch   to    the   Provincial    Convention    at    New 
York."^     Ten  companies  of  riflemen  were  likewise  ordered  Jun.  14. 
to  be   raised  in   Pennsylvania,   Maryland,  and  Virginia,  to 
"  march  and  join  the  array  near  Boston,  to  be  there  employed 
as  light  infantry  under  the  command  of  the  chief  officers  of 
the  army."  ^ 

The  next  step  was  of  still  greater  importance,  and  was  the 
corner  stone,  indeed,  of  the  new  structure  to  be  raised.  This 
related  to  the  selection  of  a  commander-in-chief.  John  Han- 
cock, of  Massachusetts,  the  president  of  the  Congress,  who 
was  "  extremely  popular  throughout  the  United  Colonies,  and 
was  called  'King  Hancock'  all  over  Europe,"  is  said  to  have 
"himself  had  an  ambition  to  be  appointed"  to  this  office  ;  but 

'  J.  Adams's  Diary,  in  Works,  ii,  Washington,  iii.  7,  100,  note  ;  Ram- 

407-409.  say's  Am.  Rev.  i.  219  ;  Austin's  Life 

2  J.  Adams's  Diarj',  in  Works,  ii.  of  Gerry,  i.  S3,  SS.     Twelve  compa- 

408.  nies  in  all  were  ordered  to  be  raised  ; 

=*  Jour.  Cont.  Cong.  i.   106;  Lee's  and  the  men  to  the  number  of  1430 

Lee,  i.  141  et  seq.  "  were  procured  and  forwarded  with 

^  Jour.  Cont.  Cong.  i.  108.  great  expedition."     This  estimate  in- 

^  Jour.  Cont.  Cong.  i.  108,  109.  eludes  the   two  additional  companies 

®  Jour.  Cont.  Cong.  i.   110  ;    Gor-  ordered  to  be  raised  June  22. 
don's  Am.  Rev.  i.  347,  368  ;  Sparks's 

VOL.  III.  2 


18  WASHINGTON    CHOSEN   COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF. 

CHAP,  although  he  had  "  some  pretensions  to  the  compliment  on 
^^^.^^  account  of  his  exertions,  sacrifices,  and  general  merits  in  the 
1775.  cause  of  his  country,"  the  "  delicacy  of  his  health,  and  his 
entire  want  of  experience  in  actual  service,"  were  pleaded  as 
objections  against  his  appointment.  Nor  would  it  have  been 
politic  on  the  part  of  his  friends  to  have  insisted  upon  his 
choice ;  for,  even  at  this  early  period,  jealousies  existed  be- 
tween the  north  and  the  south  ;  and  the  south,  it  is  said,  refused 
to  enlist  in  the  common  cause,  if  compelled  to  serve  under  an 
ofl&cer  from  New  England.^  No  alternative  was  left,  there- 
fore, but  concession  ;  and,  fortunately  for  the  country,  no  diffi- 
culty was  experienced  in  selecting  for  the  responsible  trust 
one  whose  abilities  were  of  the  highest  order,  whose  courage 
was  unquestioned,  and  whose  gentlemanly  deportment  had 
won  for  him  universal  affection  and  esteem.  None  need 
be  told  that  reference  is  here  made  to  the  illustrious  Wash- 
Jun.  15.  ington  ;  and  when  the  question  of  his  appointment  came  up, 
"  the  voices  were  generally  so  clearly  in  his  favor,  that  the 
dissentient  members  were  persuaded  to  withdraw  their  oppo- 
sition," and  he  was  unanimously  elected.^ 

'  J.  Adams's  Diarj-,  in  Works,  ii.  tained  by  some  of  the  members  of 
415-418,  and  Letter  to  Lloyd,  A])ril  Congress  as  to  the  policy  of  aj)point- 
14,  1815,  in  Works,  ix.  163,  164.  ing  a  southern  general  to  the  corn- 
Washington,  also,  Writings,  iii.  4,  6,  mand  "  of  the  army  about  to  be  adopt- 
speaks  of  a  "  political  motive,"  in  ad-  ed  by  Congress, 
dition  to  the  "  partiality  of  Congress."  ^  Jour.  Cont.  Cong.  i.  Ill,  112; 
■which  led  to  his  aj^pointment ;  and  al-  L-ving's  Life  of  M^ashington,  vol.  i.  ; 
though  he  does  not  specify  this  mo-  Sparks's  AVashington,  iii.  A])]3. 1.  ;  N. 
tive,  it  may  have  been,  as  suggested  A.  Rev.  for  Oct.  1838,  366 ;  Lord 
by  Ramsay,  Am.  Rev.  i.  216,  "to  bind  Mahon's  Hist.  Eiig.  \i.  42.  "  I  should 
the  uninvaded  pro^■inces  more  closely  heartily  rejoice,"  wrote  Elbridge  Ger- 
to  the  common  cause."  See  also  Gor-  ry  to  the  Massachusetts  delegates  in 
don's  Am.  Rev.  i.  349,  350,  and  Lord  Congress,  June  4,  1775,  "  to  see  this 
jSIahon's  Hist.  Eng.  vi.  49.  Mr.  Cur-  way  the  beloved  Colonel  Washington, 
tis,  however.  Hist.  Const.  U.  S.  i.  41-  and  do  not  doubt  the  New  England 
48,  doubts  the  correctness  of  the  state-  delegates  would  acquiesce  in  showing 
ment  of  Mr.  Adams,  and  thinks  that  to  om-  sister  colony,  Virginia,  the  re- 
"  Washington  was  chosen  command-  spect  which  she  had  before  experi- 
er-in-chief  for  his  unquestionable  mer-  enced  from  the  continent,  in  making 
its,  and  not  as  a  compromise  between  him  generalissimo."  Austin's  Life 
sectional  interests  and  local  jealous-  of  Gerry,  i.  79.  See  also  Hancock's 
ies."  Yet,  at  the  same  time,"  he  ad-  Letter  "to  Gerry,  June  18,  1775,  in 
mits  that  "  serious  doubts  were  enter-  ibid.  i.  83,  and  J.  Adams's  Letter  of 


PROCLAMATION   OF   GAGE.  19 

The  appointment  of  a  second  officer  was  likewise  attended  chap. 
with  difficulties.     General  Lee,  a  native  of  Wales,  and  a  cor-  _..^1^ 
respondent  of  Burke  and  Charlemont,  was  first  nominated  ;    177-5. 
and  it  was  declared  that,  considering  his  rank,  his  character, 
and  his  experience,  he  was  entitled  to  the  place  —  that  he  must 
be  aut  secundus  aut  nullus.     But  the  services  of  General  Ward 
could  not  be  overlooked  ;  and,  as  the  chief  command  had  been 
given  to  an  officer  from  the  south,  it  was  no  more  than  just 
that  the  next  highest  compliment  should  be  paid  to  the  north. 
Hence  General  Ward  was  elected  as  the  second  officer,  and  Jun.  19. 
General  Lee  as  the  third. ^ 

Meanwhile,  in  Massachusetts,  important  events  were  occur- 
ring, and  the  hour  of  conflict  was  rapidly  approaching.  The 
situation  of  Gage,  cooped  up  in  Boston,  and  "  panting  for  an 
airing,"  of  which  he  was  "  debarred  by  his  denounced  rebels," 
was  i:Kiculiarly  mortifying  ;  and  his  anger  against  the  patriots, 
which  had  for  some  time  been  rising,  now  overflowed  in  a 
memorable  proclamation  declaring  martial  law  to  be  in  force,  Jun.  12. 
and  offering  pardon  to  all  who  would  forthwith  lay  down 
their  arms,  "  excepting  only  from  the  benefit  of  such  pardon 
Samuel  Adams  and  John  Hancock,  whose  offences  are  of  too 
flagitious  a  nature  to  admit  of  any  other  consideration  than 
that  of  condign  punishment."  ^    This  manifesto,  the  "  climax  of 

the  same  date,  p.  88.  The  charge  of  fi-om  the  letter  of  Adams  that  Lee 
Botta,  Am.  llev.,  that  "  the  members  aspired  to  the  chief  command,  and  was 
of  Congress  from  Massachusetts,  and  "  extremely  assiduous  in  his  visits  to 
particularly  Samuel  Adams,  had  never  all  the  members  of  Congress  at  their 
been  able  to  brook  that  the  sujjreme  loilgings,  and  universally  represented 
command  of  all  the  amiies  should  in  America  as  a  classical  and  \miver- 
have  been  conferred  on  a  Virginian,  to  sal  scholar,  as  a  scientific  soldier,  and 
the  exclusion  of  the  generals  of  their  as  one  of  the  greatest  generals  in  the 
province,"  is  fiilly  examined  and  an-  world,  who  had  seen  service  with  Bui'- 
swered  by  Austin  in  his  Life  of  Geriy,  go^iie  in  Portugal  and  in  Poland,  &"c., 
i.  233  et  seq.,  and  is,  indeed,  sutfi-  and  who  was  covered  over  with  wounds 
ciently  refuted  by  the  extracts  above,  he  had  received  in  battles."  Of  the 
'  Join-.  Cont.  Cong.  i.  114,  115;  other  officers  appointed  by  Congress, 
Sparks's  Washington,  iii.  6  ;  Gordon's  Gates  was  an  Englishman  and  a  god- 
Am.  Rev.  i.  350 ;  J.  Adams's  Diary,  son  of  Horace  Walpole,  and  Mout- 
in  Works,  ii.  418,  and  Lett,  to  Lloyd,  gomery  was  a  native  of  the  north  of 
in  Works,  ix.  164 ;  Lord  ]Mahon's  L-eland. 
Hist.  Eng.  vi.  52.     It  would  appear         ^  Jour.  Pro  v.  Cong.  330,  331  ;  Im- 


20 


COUNTER  PROCLAMATION  PROPOSED, 


CHAP,  all  possible  folly,"  and  a  theme  on  which  the  poetry  of  Trurj- 

^^_J_^  bull  was  successfully  exerted  to  amuse,  was  brought  before  the 

1775.    Provincial  Congress  ;  a  committee  was  appointed  for  its  con- 

Juu.  13. 

sideration,  and  a  counter  proclamation  was  prepared,  declar- 
ing pardon  to  all  offenders  against  the  rights  and  liberties  of 
the  country,  "  excepting  only  from  the  benefit  of  such  pardon 
Thomas  Gage  and  Samuel  Graves,  with  the  mandamus  coun- 
sellors Sewall,  Paxton,  and  Hallowell,  who  had  not  resigned 
their  office,  and  all  the  natives  of  America,  not  belonging  to 
the  navy  or  army,  who  went  out  with  the  regular  troops  on 
the  nineteenth  of  April  last,  and  were  countenancing,  aiding, 
and  assisting  them  in  the  robberies  and  murders  then  commit- 
ted ;  "  but  the  operations  of  the  field  prevented  its  issue.^ 

These  operations  had  long  been  maturing  ;  for  Gage  had 
been  advised  to  seize  and  hold  the  heights  in  Charlestown 
and  at  Dorchester,  both  of  which  were  of  the  greatest  impor- 
May25.  tancc  for  his  security.  The  recruits  for  his  army  had  already 
arrived,  with  Generals  Clinton,  Burgoyne,  and  Howe ;  so  that 
he  had  under  his  command  nearl\ ,  if  not  quite,  ten  thousand 
men,  all  in  high  spirits,  accustomed  to  hard  service,  and  flushed 
with  the  idea  of  an  easy  conquest.^    Had  he,  at  an  earlier 


Frothingham's 


partial  Hist,  of  the  War,  207  ;  Sted- 
man's  Am.  War,  i.  124 ;  Gordon's 
Am.  Rev.  i.  343 ;  Austin's  Life  of 
GeriT,  i.  70,  71 ;  Ramsay's  Am.  Rev. 
i.  206  ;  Bissett's  Hist.  Eng.  i.  428  ; 
Thacher's  Jour.  22 ;  Lord  Mahon's 
Hist.  Eng.  vi.  54  ; 
Siege,  113. 

i  Jour.  Prov.  Cong.  344-347 ;  Jour. 
Cont.  Cong.  i.  134-139.  The  answer 
of  the  General  Congress  to  the  mani- 
festo of  Gage  is  characterized  by  Bis- 
sett,  Hist.  Eng.  i.  431,  as  "  a  very  mas- 
terly paper,  and  in  point  of  ability 
equal  to  any  public  declaration  re- 
corded in  diplomatic  history."  "  It 
enumerated,"  he  adds,  "  with  cleai*- 
ness  and  plausibility  the  alleged  causes 
of  the  war,  deduced  the  history  of  the 
American  colonies  from  their  fii'st  es- 
tablishment, marked  the  piinciples  of 


their  settlements,  and  described  their 
conduct  to  have  been  such  as  their 
principles  required.  It  also  sketched 
the  pohcy  of  Britain  in  former  times 
and  in  the  present  —  the  l)eneficial 
consequences  which  accrued  to  both 
parties  from  the  one,  and  the  baneful 
effects  from  the  other ;  repeated  the 
grievances  before  stated ;  and  added 
new  subjects  of  complaint,  in  the  re- 
dress and  hearing  reftised,  and  in  the 
measures  for  subjugation  adopted. 
After  detailing  those  acts  and  coun- 
sels as  being,  together  M'ith  antecedent 
proceedings,  the  causes  of  the  war, 
and  a])])ealing  to  God  and  man  for  its 
justice,  they  specified  the  resources 
by  which  they  should  be  able  to  carry 
it  on  with  force  and  effect." 

2  Impartial  Hist,  of  the  War,  204  ; 
Stedman's  Am.  War,  i.  124 ;  Bissett's 


POSITION   OF   THE   AMERICAN   ARMY.  21 


date,  availed  himself  of  the  advantages  of  the  positions  to  chap. 


which  his  attention  was  turned,  and  erected  upon  them  works 


s 


I. 


of  sufficient  strength  to  command  the  town,  a  different  aspect  1775. 
might,  perhaps,  have  been  given  to  the  war.  But  he  had 
delayed  too  long  to  make  the  attempt  with  impunity  ;  for  the 
Americans,  acquainted  with  his  designs,  planned  to  counteract 
them  by  previously  possessing  themselves  of  the  posts  in 
question. 

Some  time  before,  a  committee  had  been  appointed  by  the  May  12. 
Provincial  Congress  to  reconnoitre,  especially  at  Cbarlestown, 
with  a  view  to  the  erection  of  suitable  fortifications  ;  and  in 
their  report  they  recommended  the  construction  of  a  breast- 
work near  the  present  site  of  the  M'Lean  Asylum,  and  another 
on  Prospect  Hill,  with  redoubts  on  Winter  and  Bunker  Hills, 
provided  with  cannon  to  annoy  the  enemy.  This  report  was 
referred  to  the  council  of  war,  and  so  far  a})provcd  as  to 
authorize  the  construction  of  a  part  of  the  works  ;  but,  as  a 
difference  of  opinion  prevailed  relative  to  the  redoubt  on 
Bunker  Hill,  no  steps  were  immediately  taken  towards  forti- 
fying that  post.^  Now,  however,  that  the  intentions  of  Gage 
to  occupy  Dorchester  Heights  were  definitely  known,  the  com- 
mittee of  safety  deprecated  longer  delay,  and  voted  that  jios-  Jun.  15. 
session  should  be  taken  of  "Bunker's  Plill,  in  Oharlestown," 
and  of  "  some  one  hill  or  hills  on  Dorchester  Neck."  - 

The  position  of  the  American  army  is  said  to  have  been  as 
follows  :  its  right  wing,  under  General  Thomas,  was  stationed 
at  Rosbury,  and  consisted  of  about  four  thousand  Massachu- 
setts troops,  with  the  forces  from  Rhode  Inland,  under  General 
Greene,  who  were  at  Jamaica  Plains,  and  the  greater  part  of 
the  regiment  of  General  Spencer,  from  Connecticut.     In  this 

Hist.   Eng.   i.   428 ;    Ramsay's  Am.  Putnam,    200-203 ;     Frothingham's 

Rev.  i.  200  ;  Lord  Mahon's  Hist.  Eng.  Siege,  115,  note, 

vi.   53 ;    Swett,  in  Life   of  Putnam,  "•'  Jour.  Prov.  Cong.  569 ;  Gordon's 

198  ;  Frothingham's  Siege,  1 14.  Am.  Rev.  i.  350  ;  Bissett's  Hist.  Eng. 

'  Jour.    Prov.     543  ;     Worcester  i.  429;  Frotliingham's  Siege,  117. 
Magazine,  ii.  126  j  Swett,  in  Life  of 


22  TOPOGRAPHY   OP   CHARLESTOWN. 

CHAP,  wing  there  were  three  or  four  artillery  companies,  provided 
^"  with  field  pieces  and  a  few  heavy  cannon.  The  head  quarters 
1775.  of  General  Ward,  the  principal  officer  from  Massachusetts, 
were  at  Cambridge,  where  the  centre  of  the  army  was  sta- 
tioned, consisting  of  fifteen  regiments  from  Massachusetts,  the 
half-organized  battalion  of  artillery  under  Colonel  Gridley, 
and  the  regiment  of  General  Putnam,  with  the  other  Connecti- 
cut troops.  In  this  division  there  were  lour  artillery  compa- 
nies with  field  pieces.  The  left  wing  comprised  three  com- 
panies of  Gerrish's  regiment,  stationed  at  Chelsea ;  Stark's 
regiment,  at  Medford  ;  and  Reed's  regiment,  at  Charlestown 
Neck.i 

The  topogTaphical  features  of  this  region  are  too  well  known 
to  render  it  necessary  to  describe  them  minutely.  It  may 
suffice  to  state  that  the  peninsula  of  Charlestown,  of  an  oval 
form,  about  a  mile  in  length,  and  half  a  mile  in  breadth  in 
its  widest  part,  lies  opposite  the  northerly  part  of  Boston,  and 
is  included  between  the  Charles  and  Mystic  Rivers.  The 
Neck,  at  the  western  end  of  this  peninsula,  was  an  artificial 
causeway  connecting  the  town  with  the  main  land,  and  was 
then  so  low  as  to  be  often  overflowed.  Near  this  Neck  was  a 
large  green,  known  as  the  Common,  by  wiiich  ran  two  roads 
—  one  in  a  westerly  direction  to  Cambridge  Common,  and  the 
other  in  a  northerly  direction  to  Medford.  Bunker  Hill, 
which  begins  at  the  isthmus,  rises  gradually  for  about  three 
hundred  yards,  forming  a  round,  smooth  hill,  one  hundred  and 
ten  feet  high,  sloping  on  two  sides  towards  the  water,  and 
connected  by  a  ridge  on  the  south  with  Breed's  Hill,  which  is 
sixty-two  feet  high.  The  easterly  and  westerly  sides  of  this 
height  were  steep,  the  settled  part  of  the  town  being  at  the 
base  of  the  latter  side ;  and  at  the  base  of  the  former  were 
brick  kilns,  clay  pits,  and  an  impassable  slough.     A  highway, 

'  Sparks's  "Washington,  iii.  488 ;  note  ;  Swett,  in  Life  of  Putnam,  179, 
Frotliingham's  Siege,   117,  118,  and     181,  191,  192. 


ORDERS  TO    INTRENCH    ON    BUNKER   HILL.  23 

from  sixteen  to  thirty  feet  broad,  ran  over  Bunker  Hill  to  chap. 
Moulton's  Point,  near  which  rose  Morton's  Hill,  some  thirty-     ^" 
five  feet  high  ;  and  another  road,  connecting  with  this,  wound    1775. 
round  Breed's  Hill.     The  easterly  portions  of  these  eminences 
were  chiefly  improved   for  mowing  and  pasturage,  and  the 
westerly  portions  contained  fine  orchards  and  gardens.^ 

On  Friday,  the  sixteenth  of  June,  by  the  advice  of  the  conn-  Jun.  16. 
cil  of  war,  orders  were  issued  by  General  Ward  to  Colonel 
William  Prescott,  and  the  commandiug  officers  of  Frye's  and 
Bridge's  regiments,  with  a  fatigue  party  of  two  hundred  Con- 
necticut troops,  under  Thomas  Kuowlton,  and  the  artillery 
company  of  Captain  Samuel  Gridley,  of  forty-nine  men  and 
two  field  pieces,  —  in  all,  about  twelve  hundred  men,  supplied 
with  a  day's  provisions  and  suitable  intrenching  tools, —  to 
proceed  to  Charlestown,  and  fortify  Bunker  Hill,  under  the 
direction  of  Colonel  Richard  Gridley,  the  chief  engineer.^ 
In  accordance  with  these  orders,  the  detachment  paraded  on 
Cambridge  Common,  and,  about  nine  in  the  evening,  after 
listening  to  a  fervent  prayer  from  President  Langdon,  of  Har- 
vard College,  commenced  its  march,  headed  by  Prescott,  and 
preceded  by  two  sergeants  carrying  dark  lanterns.  At  Charles- 
town  Neck  the  troops  halted,  where  they  were  joined  by 
Major  Brooks,  and  probably  by  General  Putnam,  and  another 
general;  2  and  Captain  Nutting,  with  his  own  company  and 
ten  of  the  Connecticut  troops,  was  ordered  to  proceed  to  the 
lower  part  of  the  town  as  a  guard,  while  the  main  body 
marched  on  over  Bunker  Hill.  Here  they  again  halted,  and 
a  consultation  was  held  relative  to  the  most  suitable  place  to 


1 


Frothingham's  Siege,  119,  120;  Charlestowii ;  but  this  must  be  a  mis- 
Swett,  in  Lite  of  Putnam.  203,  204.  take.     Marshall,  Life  of  Washington, 
-  Jour.  Prov.  Cong.  36.5;  Gordon's  ii.  214,  commits  a  still  greater  mis- 
Am.  Rev.  i.  350  ;  Bissett's  Hist.  Eng.  take  in  representing  the  number  sent 
i.    429;    Frotliingham's    Siege,   121,  as  4000. 

122  ;  Swett,  in  Life  of  Putnam,  20S,         ^  Comp.  Frotliingham's  Siege,  122, 

209.     Trumbull,  Letter  of  Aug.  31,  123,  notes,  with  Swett,  in  Life  of  Put- 

1779,  in  1  M.  H.  Coll.  \i   lo9,  says  nam,  218. 
there   were   but    600   men   sent    to 


24  THE   FOKTIPICATIONS    COMMENCED. 

cnAP.  be  fortified.  The  orders  of  Ward  were,  that  the  works  should 
^^__^^  be  thrown  up  on  Bunker  Hill ;  but,  as  that  was  too  far  from 
1775.  the  enemy  to  annoy  their  army  and  shipping,  though  in  other 
respects  the  most  eligible  and  defensible  position,  it  was  de- 
cided to  intrench  on  Breed's  Hill,  which  was  better  adapted  to 
the  objects  of  the  expedition,  and  better  suited  to  the  spirit 
of  the  officers.^ 

The  position  being  decided  upon,  the  plan  of  the  fortifica- 
tions was  marked  out  by  Gridley,  the  tools  were  distributed, 
and  about  midnight  the  first  spade  entered  the  ground.  The 
difficulties  of  the  enterprise  were  truly  formidable  ;  for  the 
Boston  shore,  directly  opposite,  was  belted  by  a  chain  of  sen- 
tinels, and  in  the  waters  between  were  moored  the  British 
vessels  of  war.^  The  proximity  to  the  enemy  prompted  to 
caution ;  and  a  detachment  under  Captain  Maxwell  was  or- 
dered to  patrol  near  the  old  ferry  to  watch  their  motions. 
The  workmen,  in  the  mean  time,  "  performed  prodigies  of 
labor,"  to  which  they  were  stimulated  by  the  presence  of  their 
officers,  and  the  consciousness  that  every  thing  depended  on 
their  celerity.  Twice  during  the  night  did  the  vigilant  Pres- 
cott,  with  Major  Brooks,  steal  to  the  shore  to  reconnoitre ; 
but  the  usual  cry  of  "  All  is  well,"  drowsily  repeated  from  ship 
to  ship,  assured  him  that  his  movements  were  as  yet  unknown. 
Before  the  sun  rose,  a  redoubt,  eight  rods  square  and  six  feet 
high,  was  thrown  up  on  the  summit  of  the  hill,  where  the 
monument  now  stands,  the  strongest  side  of  Avhich,  in  the 
form  of  a  redan,  faced  the  town,  and  protected  the  south  side 
of  the  hill.  On  the  east  was  an  extensive  field  ;  and  in  a  line 
with  this,  running  down  the  north  side  of  the  hill  towards  the 
slough,  was  a  breastwork,  which,  at  its  southern  extremity, 
was  separated  from  the  redoubt  by  a  narrow  passage  way,  or 
sally  port,  protected  in  front  by  a  blind  ;  and  in  the  rear  of 

'  Gordon's  Am.  Rev.  i.  351 ;  Froth-         ^  For  their  positions,  see  Frothing- 
ingham's  Siege,  122,  123;  Swett,  in     ham's  Siege,  124. 
Li:e  of  Putnam,  211. 


AMAZEMENT    OP   THE    BRITISH.  25 

the  redoubt  was  a  passage,  or  gateway,  opening  towards  the  chap. 
slough.^  .^,-^1^, 

At  an  early  hour,  as  the  gray  of  the  morning  was  dissipated  177.J. 
by  the  beams  of  the  rising  sun,  tlie  veil  was  lifted,  and  the 
officers  of  the  fleet  beheld  with  amazement  the  Americans 
overlooking  them  from  their  strong  intrenchments,  which  had 
sprung  up  as  by  magic  while  they  were  asleep.  Tiie  cannon 
of  the  Lively  were  the  first  to  fire ;  and,  as  the  sound  of  the 
guns  broke  the  stillness  of  the  summer's  morning,  the  alarm 
was  spread  both  in  the  British  camp  at  Boston  and  the  Amer- 
ican camp  at  Cambridge.^  Gage  was  thunderstruck,  and 
immediately-called  a  council  of  war  ;  while  from  several  of 
the  frigates,  from  the  floating  batteries,  from  the  decks  of  the 
Somerset,  and  from  a  mortar  on  Copp's  Hill,  a  shower  of 
balls  and  bombs  was  poured  in  upon  the  works  sufficient  to 
appall  the  stoutest  heart.  Yet  steadily  the  Americans  contin- 
ued their  toil,  strengthening  their  intrenchments,  and  throw- 
ing up  platforms  of  wood  and  earth  as  a  foothold  to  stand 
upon  during  the  engagement.^  To  inspire  them  with  still 
greater  confidence,  Prescott  himself  mounted  the  parapet,  and 
walked  leisurely  around,  inspecting  the  works,  issuing  his 
orders,  and  addressing  the  soldiers  with  words  of  encourage- 
ment or  sallies  of  humor.'* 

As  the  day  advanced,  the  heat  became  oppressive  ;  and  the 
gallant  band,  who  had  toiled  so  long  without  even  w^ater  to 
quench  their  thirst,  found  their  stock  of  provisions  exhausted. 
At  this  juncture,  the  officers  urged  Colonel  Prescott  to  send 
for  relief ;  but  the  men  were  too  enthusiastic  to  ask  for  suc- 
cors, and  the  colonel,  in  reply,  declared  that  "  the  enemy  would 

1  Gordon's  Am.  Rev.  i.  351 ;  Swett,         ■'  Impartial  Hist,  of  tlio  War,  209 ; 

in  Life   of  Putnam,  211  ;  Frothing-  Thacher's  Jour.  2(5 ;  Swett,  in  Life  of 

ham's  Siege,  135,  and  notes.  Putnam,  214;  Frothingham's  Siege, 

^  Jour.  Prov.  Cong.  365;  Heatli's  126. 
Mems.  18;  Thacher's  Jour.  26;  liis-         •*  Swett,  in  Life  of  Putnam,  214, 

sett's  Hist.  Eng.  i.  429 ;  Lord  Ma-  215;  Frothingham's  Siege,  126. 
hon's   Hist.   Eng.   vi.   55 ;  Swett,  in 
Life  of  Putnam,  213. 


26  PREPARATIONS    FOR    AN    ATTACK. 

CHAP,  not  dare  attack  them,  and  if  they  did,  would  be  defeated.    The 
^__j_^  men  who  had  raised  the  works  were  the  best  qualified  to  de- 
1775.    fend  them.     They  had  already  learned  to  despise  the  face  of 
'  the  enemy.     They  had  the  merit  of  the  labor,  and  should 
enjoy  the   honor   of  the  victory."  ^     Thus   encouraged,  this 
Spartan  band  remained  at  their  posts  ;  while  Captain  Nutting, 
with  his  company,  and  Captain  Walker,  with  a  small  detach- 
ment, were  ordered  into  Charlestown,  near  the  ferry,  to  watcli 
the  movements  of  the  British.^ 

The  council  of  war  which  had  been  called  by  Gage,  finding 
the  Americans  were  strongly  intrenched,  decided  unanimously 
that  it  was  necessary  to  dislodge  them,  but  could  not  agree 
on  the  mode  of  attack.  Clinton  and  Grant,  officers  of  expe- 
rience, were  in  favor  of  embarking  at  the  foot  of  the  Com- 
mon in  boats,  and,  under  the  protection  of  the  batteries,  land- 
ing in  the  rear  of  the  Americans,  to  cut  off  their  retreat ;  and 
a  majority  of  the  council  fell  in  with  their  views.  But  Gage, 
full  of  confidence  in  his  own  superior  knowledge,  opposed  the 
plan  as  unmilitary  and  hazardous  —  placing  his  troops  be- 
tween two  armies,  the  one  strongly  fortified,  and  the  other 
superior  in  numbers.^  It  was  therefore  decided  to  make  the 
attempt  in  front ;  orders  were  issued  for  the  troops  to  parade  ; 
and  the  manceuvring  of  a  corps  of  dragoons,  and  the  rattling 
of  artillery  carriages  and  wagons,  announced  to  the  Ameri- 
cans that  an  attack  was  contemplated.  Prescott  was  in  ecsta- 
sies. "  Now,  my  boys,"  said  he,  "  we  shall  have  a  fight ;  and 
we  shall  beat  them,  too."  ^  Yet  the  condition  of  his  men  was 
far  from  encouraging.  No  refreshments  had  arrived,  and  they 
were  nearly  exhausted  by  hunger  and  fatigue.  A  special 
messenger  was  accordingly  sent  to  General  Ward  for  a  re- 


'  Oral    Communication    of   Hon.  ^  Swett,  in  Life  of  Putnam,  216. 

Lemuel  Shaw  to  the  Mass.  Hist.  Soc. ;  ^  Stedman's  Hist,  of  the  Wai",  L 

Swett,  in  Life  of  Putnam,  215,  216  ;  12 ;  Bissett's  Hist.  Eng.  i.  430. 

Frothmgham's  Siege,  127.  ■*  Swett,  in  Life  of  Putnam,  217. 


MOVEMENTS    OP   WARD.  27 

enforcement  and  for  supplies  ;  and  Major  Brooks,  afterwards  chap. 
Governor  Brooks,  was  selected  for  that  purpose.^  _i^.^. 

General  Ward,  in  the  mean, time,  had  been  urged  by  Putnam,  1770. 
who  had  returned  to  the  camp,^  to  send  reenforcements  to 
Prescott ;  but,  doubtful  of  the  expediency  of  the  measure,  he 
ordered  only  a  thiixl  of  Stark's  regiment  to  Charlestown,  and, 
on  the  arrival  of  Major  Brooks,  refused  further  to  weaken  his 
army  until  the  intentions  of  the  ene^iiy  were  more  fully  re- 
vealed. They  might,  he  observed,  attack  Cambridge  first, 
where  the  scanty  stores  of  the  province  were  lodged  ;  and,  as 
the  salvation  of  the  country  depended  upon  these,  it  Avould  be 
unwise  and  unsafe  to  risk  their  capture.  As  the  committee 
of  safety  were  then  in  session,  however,  he  consented  to  refer 
the  subject  to  tliem  ;  and  Richard  Devens,  one  of  the  mem- 
bers, who  was  a  resident  of  Charlestown,  with  an  anxiety 
almost  amounting  to  frenzy  importuned  them  to  comply  with 
Prescott's  request.  His  eloquence  prevailed  ;  and  marching 
orders  were  issued  to  the  whole  of  the  regiments  of  Stark  and 
Reed,  who  were  furnished  with  fifteen  charges  of  loose  pow- 
der and  balls  to  a  man,  and  sent  on  their  way.^^ 

Pending  these  movements  on  the  part  of  the  Americans, 
the  British,  by  taking  advantage  of  the  tide,  were  enabled  to 
bring  three  or  four  floating  batteries  to  bear  on  the  intreneh- 
ments,  and  the  firing  became  severe ;  but  the  only  return  made 
by  the  Americans  was  a  few  shot  from  a  cannon  in  a  corner 
of  the  redoubt."*  xit  length,  about  eleven  o'clock,  the  troops 
under  Prescott  ceased  from  their  labors,  the  intrenching  tools 
were  piled  in  their  rear,  and  all  awaited  the  arrival  of  the 
expected  refreshments  and  recruits.  No  works  had  as  yet 
been  thrown  up  on  Bunker  Hill,  as  a  protection  in  case  of  a 
retreat ;  nor  was  it  possible,  under  the  circumstances,  to  have 


^  Swett.  in  Life  of  Putnam,  218  ;  Thacher's  Jour.  26 ;  Swett,  in  Life  of 

Frothino-ham's  8ieo-e,  128.  Putnam,   219,   221;    Frothingham's 

-  Frotliin<rham's  Siege,  128,  note.  Siege,  128. 
^  Ward's  Sliiewsbury,  53,  54,  00 ;         »  Frotliingham's  Siege,  129. 


28  THE  BRITISH  EMBARK  FOR   CHARLESTOWN. 

CHAP,  done  more  than  was  done.     If,  therefore,  the  neglect  of  this 
^^^J^^,^  post  was  an  oversight,  it  could  not  be  helped.     Yet,  as  a  par- 
1775.    tial  atonement  for  the  error,  at  a  later  hour  in  the  day,  by  the 
'  advice  of  Putnam,  the  tools  were  sent  to  Bunker  Hill,  and  a 
breastwork  was  begun ;  but  the  operations  of  the  field  inter- 
rupted the  labor,  and  before  night  the  tools  were  taken  by  the 
enemy. -^ 

The  preparations  of  Gage  were  now  completed  ;  and,  about 
noon,  four  battalions  of  infantry,  ten  companies  of  grenadiers, 
and  ten  of  light  infantry,  with  a  corps  of  artillery,  were  em- 
barked in  boats  from  the  North  Battery  and  from  the  end 
of  Long  Wharf.  Two  of  the  ships  of  war  had  been  ordered 
to  move  up  the  river  to  join  with  the  Somerset,  the  floating 
batteries,  and  the  battery  on  Copp's  Hill  in  firing  upon  the 
American  works  ;  the  Falcon  and  the  Lively  swept  the  low 
grounds  in  front  of  Breed's  Hill,  to  protect  the  landing ; 
the  Glasgow  frigate  and  the  Symmetry  transport,  moored 
farther  up  Charles  River,  raked  the  Neck.^  A  blue  flag 
displayed  was  the  signal  for  starting  ;  and,  as  the  meridian 
sun  shone  in  its  splendor  upon  the  glittering  array  of  scarlet 
uniforms  and  burnished  muskets,  the  plashing  of  the  oars,  as 
the  boats  moved  on,  the  flashes  of  fire  from  the  throats  of  the 
cannon,  and  the  deafening  roar  which  reverberated  from  the 
waters  and  the  wood-crowned  hills,  rendered  the  spectacle  one 
of  sublime  and  thrilling  interest.^ 

At  one  o'clock  the  boats  touched  at  Moulton's  Point ;  the 
troops  were  landed  without  molestation,  and  formed  into  three 
lines.  Directly  it  was  discovered  that  the  cartridges  which 
had  been  sent  for  the  use  of  the  artillery  were  too  large  for 
the  pieces  ;  and  General  Howe,  who  had  examined  the  Amer- 
ican works,  and  found  them  more  formidable  than  he  had 

1  Heath's  Mems.   19,  20;  Froth-  Rev.  i.  351;  Ramsay's  Am.  Rev.  i. 

ingham's  Siege,  130,  and  note;  Swett,  201;    Bissett's   Hist.   Eng.    i.    429; 

in  Life  of  Putnam,  225.  Humphreys's   Life  of  Putnam,  95  ; 

^  Impartial  Hist,  of  the  War,  209;  Frothingham's  Siege,  130,  131,  notes. 
Heath's   Mems.   18;    Gordon's  Am.         ^  Frothingham's  Siege,  131. 


MORE    TROOPS   SENT   OVER.  29 

anticipated,  sent  to  Gage  for  roenforcemeiits  and  for  a  fresh  chap. 
supply  of  powder.     During  the  absence  of  the  messenger,  the  ^^J^ 
British  troops  dined ;  and  many,  at  that  hour,  ate  tlieir  last    1775. 
TTienl  1  '^'^''-  ■^'^- 

At  two  o'clock,  more  troops  arrived  ;  and  at  tliree,  the  re- 
enforcements,  consisting  of  the  forty-seventh  regiment,  the 
battalion  of  marines,  and  a  few  companies  of  grenadiers  and 
light  infantry,  landed  at  the  ship  yard,  at  the  east  end  of 
Breed's  Hill.^  The  movements  of  the  British  were  soon 
known  at  Cambridge ;  and  the  bells  were  rung,  and  drums 
were  beaten.  Orders  were  likewise  issued  for  all  the  troops, 
save  Ward's  own  regiment,  and  those  of  Gardner  and  Patter- 
son, and  part  of  Bridge's,  wlio  were  reserved  to  be  prepared 
for  an  attack  on  Cambridge,  to  march  to  Charlestown.  At 
the  latter  place  the  Americans  were  particularly  active ;  and 
the  Connecticut  troops,  under  Captain  Knowlton,  with  the 
artillery  and  two  field  pieces,  were  ordered  to  oppose  the  Brit- 
ish right  wing,  and  took  post  behind  a  rail  fence  running  across 
the  tongue  of  land  from  the  road  to  the  Mystic,  —  a  distance 
of  two  hundred  and  fifty  yards,  —  in  front  of  wliich  was  a  thick 
orchard  ;  and,  by  pulling  up  the  neighboring  fences,  a  breast- 
work was  hastily  formed,  the  intervening  spaces  being  stuffed 
with  grass  which  had  been  recently  mown.  This  imperfect 
defence  was  about  two  hundred  yards  in  the  rear  of  the  main 
breastwork,  and  eighty  yards  in  the  rear  of  the  head  of  the 
slough,  leaving  an  extensive  opening  between  the  breastwork  and 
the  fence  exposed  to  cannon  shot,  and  a  considerable  space  be- 
tween the  slough  and  the  fence  open  to  the  advance  of  infantry. 
This  was  the  weak  point,  yet  the  key,  of  the  American  position.^ 

*  Impartial  Hist,  of  the  War,  209 ;  phreys's  Life  of  Putnam,  95  ;  Heath's 

Bissett's  Hist.  Eng.  i.  429 ;  Lord  Ma-  Meiiis.  18 ;  Frothingham's  Siege,  137. 

hon's  Hist.   Eng.   \i.  55 ;    Swett,  in  ^  Heath's   Mems.    1 9  ;    Tliacher's 

Life  of  Putnam,  225  ;   Frothingham's  Jour.  28  ;  Swett,  in  Life  of  Putnam, 

Siege,  131,  132.  222,  223  ;  Frotliingham's  Siege,  134, 

^  Impartial  Hist,  of  the  War,  209 ;  and  note. 
Ramsay's  Am.  Rev.  i.  201     Hum- 


Jun.  17. 


30  POSITION    OF   THE    AMERICANS. 

The  detachments  of  guards  were  now  recalled  by  Colonel 
Prescott,  and  posted  at  a  cartway  running  southward  from 
i/ys.  the  south-eastern  angle  of  the  redoubt  to  the  narrow  road 
round  the  hill,  where  a  breastwork  of  fences,  filled  in  with 
grass,  was  thrown  up  as  on  the  left.^  Already  had  Warren 
and  Pomeroy  arrived  on  the  field  as  volunteers ;  and  their 
presence  was  greeted  with  the  heartiest  cheers.^  General 
Putnam  had  likewise  returned,  with  the  intention  of  remain- 
ing to  share  in  the  battle ;  and  he  tarried  in  Charlestown 
through  the  whole  afternoon,  ordering  the  reenforcements  as 
they  arrived,  encouraging  the  troops  to  behave  gallantly  in 
the  action,  and  rendering  invaluable  services  in  every  quarter. 
The  regiment  of  Stark  arrived  at  the  Neck  between  two  and 
three  o'clock  ;  and  though  it  was  enfiladed  by  a  galling  fire 
from  the  ships  and  batteries,  and  Captain  Dearborn,  who  was 
by  his  side,  urged  him  to  quicken  his  step,  the  undaunted 
colonel  replied,  "  One  fresh  man  in  action  is  worth  ten  fatigued 
ones,"  and  marched  steadily  over.^ 

The  American  troops  were  posted  as  advantageously  as  the 
nature  of  the  ground  permitted.  The  original  detachment, 
commanded  by  Colonel  Prescott,  with  the  exception  of  the 
Connecticut  troops,  were  at  the  redoubt  and  breastwork, 
"where  they  were  joined,  just  before  the  action  commenced,  by 
portions  of  the  Massachusetts  regiments  under  Colonels  Brew- 
er, Nixon,  Woodbridge,  and  Little,  and  Major  Moore  with  one 
of  Callender's  artillery  companies.  General  Warren  was  also 
at  the  redoubt,  where  he  served  as  a  volunteer.^  Gridley's 
artillery  company  and  that  under  Captain  Callender  were 
stationed  at  the  exposed  point  between  the  breastwork  and 
the  rail  fence.  Perkins's  company,  belonging  to  Little's  regi- 
ment, and  the  troops  under  Nutting,  with  a  part  of  Warner's 


*  Swett,  in  T>ife  of  Putnam,  223.  lar  incidents,  but  refers  them  to  Gen- 

*  Frothinfjham's  Sien;e,  133.  eral  Putnam. 

'  Frothino;ham'sSie<,'e,  134.  Swett,  *  Heath's   Mems.    20;    Frothingw 

in  Life  of  Putnam,  225,  relates  simi-  ham's  Siege,  136. 


NUMBER   AND    OFFICERS    OF    THE   BRITISH    ARMY.  31 

company,  lined  the  cartway  on  tlie  right  of  the  redoubt.     The  chap. 
Connecticut   troops,  under  Knowlton,  with  those  from  New  „^,_J^ 
Hampshire  under  Stark  and  Reed,  and  a  few  of  the  Massachu-    1770. 
setts  troops,  were  at   the   other   fence.     Putnam,  who    took 
charge  of  these  scattered  forces,  was  at  the  same  place  when 
the  battle  began  ;  ^  and  General  Pomeroj^,  armed  with  a  mus- 
ket, served  there  as  a  volunteer.^   Three  other  companies  were 
stationed  in  Main  Street,  at  the  base  of  Breed's  Hill,  and 
formed  the  extreme  right.^ 

The  British  troops,  probably  not  less  tlmn  three  thousand 
in  number,^  were  under  the  command  of  General  Howe,  an 
officer  of  distinguished  bravery  and  merit ;  and  under  him 
were  Pigot,  Nesbit,  Abercrombie,  Clarke,  Butler,  Williams, 
Buce,  Spendlove,  Smelt,  Mitchell,  Pitcairn,  Short,  Small,  and 
Lords  Percy  and  Rawdon,  most  of  whom  were  veterans  in 
the  service.^  The  neighboring  heights,  which  commanded  a 
view  of  the  scene  of  action,  were  thronged  with  people,  many 
from  a  distance,  anxious  to  witness  the  approaching  contest ; 
and  the  steeples  of  the  churches  in  Boston  were  crowded  by 
the  inhabitants  of  the  metropolis  and  by  British  soldiers.^ 

The  fire  from  Copp's  Hill,  from  the  ships,  and  from  the  bat- 
teries now  centred  on  the  intrenchments ;  while  a  furious 
cannonade  was  opened  on  the  American  camp  at  Roxbury,  to 
divert  the  attention  of  that  wing  of  the  army.'''  Before  open- 
ing the  action.  General  Howe  addressed  his  army,  encouraging 

»  Frothin<jham's  Siege,  136.  i.  202,  Thacher,   Jour.   26.  Gordon, 

-  Swett,  in  Life  of  Putnam,  228 ;  Am.  Rev.  i.  3.32,  and  Bradford,  i.  384, 

Frothingfham's  Siege,  136.  say  3000.     C'onteniporarv  MSS.  say 

^  Frothingham's  Siege,  136,  notes.  3300 ;    and  the   Jour,   of  the  Prov. 

There  is  considerable  confusion  in  the  Cong.  366,  says    between  3000  and 

account  of  the  position  of  the  Amer-  4000.      Swett's  estimate  of  5000  is 

icans.  altogether   too    large.     See,  further, 

••  Trumbull  Lett,  of  Aug.  31, 1779,  Frothingham's  Siege,  191. 

in   1  M.  IL  Coll.   \i.    159,  says  the  '"  Swett,  in  Life  of  Putnam,  226. 

number  of  the  British  was  but  1200.  *  Swett,  in  Life  of  Putnam,  226, 

Stedman.  Am.  War,  i.  1 26,  Bissett,  227. 

Hist.  Eng.  i.  429,  Lord  Mahon,  Hist.  '  Heath's  Mems.  20 ;  Swett,  in  Life 

Eng.  \i.  59,  and  Heath,  Memoirs,  20,  of    Putnam,     227  ;     Frotliingham's 

say  2000.     Marshall,  Life  of  Wash-  Siege,  138. 
ington,   ii.   231,  llamsay,  Am.  llev. 


32  COMMENCEMENT    OP   THE    BATTLE. 

CHAP,  them  to  "behave  like  Englishmen  and  g"ood  soldiers;"^  and, 

^.^j;.^  before  moving  from  his  first  position,  he  sent  out  strong  flank 

1775.    guards,  and  directed  his  field  pieces  to  play  on  the  American 
Jun.  17. 

lines.^     This  fire  was  but  feebly  returned  by  Gridley  and  Cal- 

lender  ;  and  the  guns  of  the  former  were  soon  disabled  and 
drawn  to  the  rear,  while  Callender,  alleging  that  his  cartridges 
were  too  large  for  his  pieces,  withdrew  to  Bunker  Hill,  Here 
he  was  met  by  Putnam,  and  ordered  to  return  ;  but  he  refused 
to  obey.  At  length  he  was  deserted  by  his  men  ;  and  the 
pieces  were  recovered,  and  drawn  to  the  rail  fence,  by  Captain 
Ford's  company,  which  had  just  entered  the  field.^  Flanking 
parties,  under  Robinson  and  Woods,  were  likewise  detached 
to  annoy  the  enemy  ;  but  no  particulars  are  given  of  their 
service.^ 

The  British  columns  were  soon  put  in  motion,  and  advanced 
in  two  divisions  —  the  right,  under  General  Howe,  pushing 
towards  the  rail  fence,  to  cut  off  a  retreat  from  the  redoubt, 
and  the  left,  under  General  Pigot,  proceeding  to  storm  the 
redoubt  and  breastwork.^  In  a  short  time,  the  fire  from  the 
artijlery  ceased ;  and  General  Howe,  much  to  his  chagrin, 
learned  that  twelve  pound  balls  had  been  sent  to  load  his  six 
pound  guns  ;  upon  which  he  ordered  the  pieces  to  be  charged 
with  grape.  The  progress  of  the  artillery,  however,  was 
greatly  impeded  by  the  miry  ground  at  the  base  of  the  hill ; 
and  it  was  posted  near  the  brick  kilns,  where  its  balls  pro- 
duced but  little  effect.^  The  troops,  heated  by  the  burning 
sun,  burdened  with  knapsacks,  and  obstructed  by  the  tall 
grass  and  fences  in  their  way,  moved  forward  slowly,  yet  with 

'  Clarke's  Narr.  in  Frothingham's  iii.  490;  Frothlngham's  Siege,  185. 

Siege,  137.  *  Frothingham's  Siege,  138. 

2  Frothingham's  Siege,  138.  ^  Impartial  Hist,  of  the  War,  210; 

'  Force's  Am.  Archives,  ii.  1705  ;  Stedman's  Am.  War,  i.  126  ;  Ram- 
Lord  Mahon's  Hist.  Eng.  vi.  60  ;  say's  Am.  Rev.  i.  202  ;  Swett,  in  Life 
Swett,  in  Life  of  Putnam,  231,  232 ;  of  Putnam,  229;  Frothingham's 
Boston  Centinel  for  1818;  Frothing-  Siege,  138,  139. 
ham's  Siege,  138.  Callender  was  af-  ^  Stedman's  Am.  War,  i.  129 ; 
terwards  cashiered  for  his  conduct  on  Frothingham's  Siege,  140,  and  note, 
this  occasion.     Sparks's  Wasliin»ton, 


•?' 


DIRECTIONS   OP   THE   AMERICAN   OFFICERS.  33 

unbounded  confidence.     "  Let  us  take  the  bull  by  the  horns,"  chap. 
was  shouted  by  some ;  and,  inspired  with  the  hope  of  an  easy      ^" 
victory,  not  a   doubt  was   entertained   that   the  "cowardly    1775. 
Americans  "  would  flee  at  the  first  charge.    But  the  yeomanry 
of  Massachusetts  were  made  of  too  stern  stuff  to  recoil  before 
any  force  without  giving  battle,  and  were  ordered  by  their 
officers  to  reserve  their  fire  until  the  British  were  within  ten 
or  twelve  yards  of  their  works,  and  then  to  wait  until  the 
word  was  given.     "  Powder  is  scarce,"  it  was  said,  "  and  must 
not  be  wasted."    "  Wait  till  you  see  the  white  of  their  eyes  ; 
then  fire  low  ;  take  aim  at  their  waistbands."     "  Aim  at  the 
handsome  coats."     "  Pick  off  the  commanders."  ^ 

At  length  the  enemy  came  within  gunshot ;  and  a  few  of 
the  more  ardent,  forgetting  the  caution  which  had  been  given, 
hastily  fired  ;  but  Prescott  severely  and  indignantly  reproved 
them,  and  some  of  the  officers  ran  round  the  top  of  the  par- 
apet, and  kicked  up  the  guns.  When  within  eight  rods,  the 
order  was  given  ;  and  from  redoubt  and  breastwork  a  mur- 
derous volley  was  poured  in,  which  mowed  down  officers  and 
soldiers  by  scores.  Colonel  Abercrombie  had  sneered  at  the 
cowardice  of  the  Americans.  "  Colonel  Abercrombie,  are  the 
Yankees  cowards  ?  "  was  now  shouted  from  their  ranks.  But 
if  the  Americans  were  not  cowards,  neither  were  the  British, 
and  they  returned  the  fire  with  unperturbed  coolness.  The 
Americans,  however,  were  protected  by  their  works ;  and 
Pigot,  with  "  surly  reluctance,"  was  obliged  to  retreat.^ 

Howe,  in  the  mean  time,  led  the  right  wing  against  the  rail 
fence  ;  and  the  light  infantry  moved  along  the  banks  of  the 

*  Stcdman's  Am.War,  i.  128, 129  ;  "were  Ijlomi  to  the  Avinds  the  silly 

Lord    Mahon's   Hi.st.    Ens;,    vi.    o7 ;  predictions    of    Lord   Sandwich   and 

Swett,  in  Lite  of  Pxitnam,  230  ;  Froth-  Colonel  Grant  as  to  the  alleged  defi- 

mgham's  Siege,  140.  ciency  of  courage  in  the  colonists  — 

'■^  Impartial  Hist,  of  the  War,  210;  ])redictions   which,  besides   being  in 

Thacher's  Jour.   27 ;    Lord  Mahon's  this  case  utterly  false  and  groundless, 

Hist.  Eng.  vi.  o7  ;  Swett,  in  Life  of  have  always  a  manifest  tendency  to 

Putnam,  231  ;  Frothingham's  Siege,  defeat  themselves." 
141.     "Then,"  says    Lord    Mahon, 

VOL.  III.  3 


34  RESULT   OF   THE   FIRST   CHARGE. 

CHAP.  Mystic  to  turn  the  left  of  the  American  line,  while  the  grena- 
„_,J^^  diers  advanced  directly  in  front.^  The  field  pieces  which  Cal- 
177.'5.  lender  had  deserted,  and  which  Putnam  had  recovered,  were 
"  here  brought  to  bear,  and  the  general  himself  directed  some  of 
the  discharges  ;  ^  but  when  the  advancing  troops  deployed  into 
line,  and  a  few,  as  at  the  redoubt,  hastily  fired,  the  veteran 
ofiicer  rode  to  the  spot,  his  sword  whistling  through  the  air, 
and  with  a  voice  of  thunder  threatened  to  cut  down  the  next 
man  who  disobeyed.  At  length,  when  they  were  at  the  right 
distance,  the  word  was  given  ;  and  the  British  were  mowed 
down  as  severely  as  at  the  redoubt.  The  officers  especially 
were  victims  to  the  aim  of  the  skilful  marksmen,  who,  as  they 
saw  one,  shouted,  "  Shoot  him !  shoot  him !  "  ^  Nearly  every 
shot  was  fatal ;  and  the  carnage  was  so  great,  that  the  col- 
umns were  broken  and  compelled  to  retreat.  Some  of  the 
Americans  were  eager  to  pursue,  and  jumped  over  the  breast- 
work for  that  purpose  ;  but  the  officers  remonstrated,  and 
they  were  with  difficulty  restrained.^ 

For  a  brief  period  the  Americans  seemed  to  be  victorious. 
But  Prescott  was  confident  that  the  attack  would  be  renewed, 
and  Putnam  rode  to  Bunker  Hill  to  urge  forward  the  re- 
enforcements  which  had  long  been  expected.  Some  had 
reached  Charlestown  Neck,  but  were  deterred  from  crossing 
by  the  storm  of  shot  which  raked  the  passage ;  and  Gerrish, 
who  had  ventured  over,  confessed  that  he  was  exhausted.  In 
vain  did  Putnam  attempt  to  rally  them,  and  inspire  them  with 
a  portion  of  his  own  resolute  spirit.  In  vain  he  entreated 
and  threatened  by  turns,  lashing  his  horse  with  the  flat  of  his 
sword,  and  crossing  and  recrossing  to  convince  them  there 
was  no  danger.  The  storm  raged  too  fiercely  to  admit  of  a 
revival  of  their  courage,  and  only  a  few  could  be  persuaded  to 
follow.^ 

'  Frothingham's  Siege,  141.  "•  Frothingham's  Siege,  142. 

'  Frothingham's  Siege,  141.  *  Swett,  in  Life  of  "Putnam,  233 

^  Swett,  in  Life  of  Putnam,  232  ;  236 ;  Frotliingham's  Siege,  143. 
Frothingham's  Siege,  142. 


BURNING   OF    CHARLESTOWN.  35 

The  Britisli  troops  were  speedily  reorganized,  and  advanced  chap. 
to  the  attack.  But  the  obstacles  before  them  were  the  same  ^^J^ 
as  before  ;  and  they  had,  besides,  to  pass  over  the  dead  bodies  1775. 
of  their  comrades,  scattered  upon  the  hill.  At  this  juncture 
the  cry  was  raised  that  tlie  town  was  on  fire  ;  and,  turning 
their  eyes  thitherwards,  the  Americans,  to  their  horror,  saw 
dense  clouds  of  smoke  ascending,  and  the  forked  flames,  from 
churches  and  dwellings,  shooting  and  glaring  upon  the  even- 
ing sky.-^  It  was,  indeed,  a  terrific  scene,  such  as  had  never 
before  been  witnessed  on  tliese  shores  ;  and  the  mingled  roar 
of  cannon  and  flame,  and  the  storm  of  shot  and  cinders  which 
hurtled  around,  contrasted  painfully  witli  the  calmness  of 
nature,  smiling  in  loveliness  and  beauty  on  all.^  Thousands 
of  eyes  gazed  on  the  spectacle  with  feelings  of  awe  ;  and  the 
varied  emotions  excited  by  the  battle  and  by  the  burning  of 
the  town  stirred  every  heart  to  its  inmost  depths. 

The  British  troops  continued  to  advance,  but  with  more 
caution  than  at  first ;  and,  as  their  fire  was  directed  more 
skilfully,  a  number  of  the  Americans  were  killed  or  wounded. 
When  they  were  within  six  rods,  the  Americans  fired ;  and 
oflBcers  and  men  fell  in  heaps  —  whole  ranks  being  swept 
away  in  a  moment's  time.  Partially  recovering,  however, 
they  still  pressed  forward  ;  but  the  leaden  storm  burst  upon 
them  witli  resistless  fury.  General  Howe  was  in  the  hottest 
of  this  fire  ;  and  two  of  his  aids  and  several  officers  fell  at 
his  side.  In  vain  did  the  survivors  urge  the  men  on  at  the 
points  of  their  swords  ;  they  were  compelled  to  give  way,  and 
retreated  in  confusion,  leaving  the  ground  strewed  with  the 
slain. 3 

^  Stcdman's  •  Am,  War,    1,    126  ;         2  Thachev's  Jour.  29  ;  Burgojue  to 

Thacher's  Jour.  28  ;   Ramsay's  Am.  Stanley,  in  Force's  Am.  Ai-chives,  ii., 

Rev.  i.  202;  Swett,  in  Life 'of  Put-  and  Lord  Mahon's  Hist.  Eng.  \-i.  56; 

nam,  239  ;  Frothingham's  Siege,  143.  Gordon's  Am.  Rev.  i.  353;  Frothing- 

The  town  seems  to  have  been  set  on  ham's  Siege,  144. 
fire  soon  after  the  commencement  of        ^  Impartial  Hist,  of  the  War,  210 

the  action;  and  by  the  time  the  Brit-  Stedman's  Am-  War,  i.    127,    128 

ish  raUied,  the  flames  had  made  alarm-  Rivington's  Gazette  for  Aug.  3,  1775 

ing  progress.  Frothmgham's  Siege,  145,  146. 


36  THE    THIRD    ATTACK. 

CHAP  Some  time  elapsed  before  they  again  rallied  —  so  much 
,_^.J^  that  the  Americans  thought  they  would  not  renew  the  assault. 
i77o.  Putnam,  who  was  on  horseback,  had  once  more  hastened  to 
*  the  rear  for  the  reenforcements  ;  but  the  disorder  in  the 
camp  at  Cambridge  was  such  that  the  commands  of  General 
Ward  were  imperfectly  executed.  A  few  companies  were  col- 
lected, however,  and  marched  on  to  Charlestown  ;  but  several 
which  were  expected  did  not  arrive.  ^  In  the  mean  time,  some 
of  the  troops  were  scattering  —  skulking  behind  rocks,  and 
haycocks,  and  apple  trees  ;  and  some  even  retreated,  alleging 
exhaustion,  or  that  they  had  no  officers  to  lead  them  on.  Yet 
in  the  redoubt  all  was  quiet ;  and  the  gallant  Prescott  re- 
mained at  his  post,  encouraging  his  men  to  resist  to  the  last, 
and  assuring  them  that,  if  the  British  were  once  more  driven 
back,  they  could  never  again  rally .^  "  We  are  ready  for  the 
red  coats,"  was  the  hearty  response.  But  ammunition  was 
failing  ;  and  only  a  few  artillery  cartridges  were  left,  which 
were  opened  and  distributed.  "  Waste  not  a  kernel,"  said 
Prescott ;  "  make  every  shot  tell ; "  and,  directing  those  who 
had  bayonets  to  be  stationed  at  the  points  most  likely  to  be 
assailed,  he  awaited  in  silence  the  approach  of  the  enemy .^ 

A  third  time  General  Howe  ordered  his  men  to  advance  ; 
when  some  of  his  officers  remonstrated,  declaring  that  it  would 
be  butchery  to  expose  them  to  so  dreadful  a  charge.  But 
their  remonstrances  were  unheeded.  To  conquer  or  die  was 
his  fixed  resolve.  The  general  himself  led  the  grenadiers  and 
light  infantry  in  front  of  the  breastwork  ;  while  Clinton,  who 
had  hastened  to  the  rescue,^  and  Pigot,  led  the  extreme  left, 
to  scale  the  redoubt.  In  a  short  time,  the  artillery  was  so 
posted  as  to  enfilade  the  breastwork  ;  and  its  defenders  were 
driven  to  the  redoubt  for  protection.^     Colonel  Prescott,  who 

*  Frothingham's  Siege,  146,  147.  Conduct  of  the  War,  14 ;  Thacher's 
^  Frothingham's  Siege,  147.  Jour.  27  ;  Frothingham's  Siege,  148. 
3  Swett,  in  Life  of  Putnam,  243;         ="  Swett,  m  Life  of  Putnam,  245; 

Frothingham's  Siege,  148.         ,  Frotliinghani's  Siege,  149. 

*  Stedman's    Am.  War,   i,    127; 


RETREAT   OF   PRESCOTT.  37 

had  seen  every  thing,  was  convinced  that  the  redoubt  must  be  chap. 
carried.     Yet  he  did  not  for  a  moment  hesitate,  but  issued  his  ^_j,^ 
orders  as  coolly  as  ever.     Most  of  his  men  had  but  one  round    i77'5. 
left,  and  few  more  than  three  rounds  ;  and  he  ordered  them 
all  to  reserve  their  fire  until  the  British  troops  were  within 
twenty  yards.     The  enemy  came  on,  but  not  with  the  zeal 
with  which  they  had  formerly  advanced.     Taught  by  experi- 
ence, they  had  stripped  oif  their  knapsacks,  and  many  of  them 
their  coats,  to  be  less  encumbered  ;  and,  exhausted  in  strength 
and  depressed  in  spirits,  it  was  only  by  the  desperate  exer- 
tions of  their  officers  that  they  could  be  inspired  with  firmness 
for  the  struggle.     As  they  drew  near  the  works,  the  Ameri- 
cans fired  ;  and  the  volley  was  so  deadly,  that  the  columns 
wavered.     Recovering  in  an  instant,  they  again  sprang  for- 
ward ;  and  the  redoubt  was  scaled.^ 

Nothing  remained  for  Prescott  but  to  retreat.  His  pow- 
der was  exhausted ;  and  his  men  had  only  stones  and  the 
buts  of  their  muskets  as  weapons  of  offence.  The  word  was 
accordingly  given  ;  and  while  some  leaped  the  walls,  others 
hewed  their  way  through  the  enemy's  ranks.  Prescott  himself 
was  the  last  to  leave  ;  and  he  escaped  unharmed,  "  though  his 
banyan  and  waistcoat  were  pierced  in  several  places."^  The 
chivalrous  Warren,  who  up  to  this  moment  had  fought  in  the 
ranks  with  self-sacrificing  zeal,  was  reluctant  to  flee.  A  few 
rods  from  the  redoubt,  a  ball  pierced  his  head  ;  and  he  fell 
to  the  ground.  His  death  was  deeply  lamented  at  the  time  ; 
and  the  country  felt  it  had  lost  one  of  its  best  and  bravest 
men.2 

The  troops  at  the  rail  fence,  who  had  been  slightly  reen- 

»  Swett,  in  Life  of  Putnam,  245-  of  April,  1776,  the  remains  of  Gener- 

248 ;  Frothinghara's  Siege,  150.  al  Warren  were  disinterred  from  the 

*  Frothingham's  Siege,  150.  spot  where  they  had  been  hastily  bur- 

'  Impartial  Hist,  of  the  War,  213  ;  ied,  and  a  public  funeral  was  celebrat- 

Sparks's  Washington,  iii.  512,  note;  ed  with   masonic  honors.     Gordon's 

Swett,  in  Life  of  Putnam,  250  ;  Froth-  Am.   Rev.  ii. ;   Thacher's  Jour.   45  ; 

ingham's  Siege,  151,  171.     After  the  Bradford,  ii.  96,  97  ;  Austin's  Life  of 

evacuation  of  Boston,  or  on  the  8th  Gerry,  i.  86,  note. 


81 


38  TRIUMPH    OF  THE   BRITISH. 

CHAP,  forced,  fought  for  a  time  with  desperate  courage  ;  ^  but  when 
,_^_^  they  saw  that  Prescott  had  retreated,  they  began  to  give 
1775.  ground.  Their  retreat  was  covered  by  Putnam  with  his  Con- 
'  necticut  troops,  who  "  dared  the  utmost  fury  of  the  enemy  in 
the  rear  of  the  whole."  ^  On  reaching  Bunker  Hill,  he  ex- 
claimed, "  Make  a  stand  here !  We  can  stop  them  yet.  In 
God's  name,  form,  and  give  them  one  shot  more  ; "  and,  taking 
his  own  post  near  a  field  piece,  he  "  seemed  resolved  to  brave 
the  foe  alone."  The  veteran  Pomeroy,  with  his  shattered 
musket  in  his  hand,  seconded  this  appeal  ;  but  the  troops  felt 
that  it  would  be  useless  to  rally.  The  slaughter  on  the  brow 
of  the  hill  was  terrible  ;  and  to  remain  longer  was  to  expose 
themselves  to  certain  destruction.  Once  more,  therefore,  the 
retreat  was  commenced  ;  and  the  whole  body  retired  over  the 
Neck  amidst  the  shot  from  the  enemy's  ships.  A  solitary  can- 
non was  their  only  defence.' 

At  five  in  the  afternoon,  the  British  troops,  with  a  parade 
of  triumph,  took  possession  of  Bunker  Hill,  and  lay  on  their 
arms  during  the  night.  General  Howe  was  advised  by  Clin- 
ton to  follow  up  his  advantage  by  an  attack  upon  Cambridge  ; 
but  he  had  seen  service  enough  for  one  day,  and  contented 
himself  with  firing  two  field  pieces  upon  the  Americans,  who 
retreated  to  Winter  and  Prospect  Hills,  and  to  the  camp  of 


1  Frothingham's  Siege,  151.  '  many   of  them  distinguished   them- 

"  Swett,  in  Life  of  Putnam,  252.  selves  by  their  gallant  iiehavior.    The 

^  Impartial  Hist,  of  the  "VVai-,  211.  soldiers  generally  showed  great  spirit 

Subsequent  to  the  date  of  this  battle,  and   resolution."     It    might   be   ob- 

there  was  considerable  complaint  of  served,  however,  in  extenuation  of  the 

the  conduct  of  the  officers ;  and  Gen-  conduct  of  the  persons  referred  to, 

eral  AVashington,    on    reaching    the  that  very  little  dascipline  had  as  yet 

camp,  made  a  strict  inquiry,  and  re-  been  introduced  into  the  camj),  and 

ported  the  result  as  follows,  in  a  con-  that  the  lack  of  subordination  which 

fidential  letter  to  the  president  of  Con-  jjrevailed  must  have  embarrassed  even 

gress  :  "  U])on  my  arrival,  and  since,  the  best  disposed,  if  it  chd  not  dis- 

some  comj^laints  have  been  preferred  hearten  them.     Yet  if  the  charge  of 

against  officers  for  cowardice  in  the  cowardice   jn-operly  attaches   to   any 

late  action  on  Bunker's  Hill.     I  have  mIio  served  on  tliis  occasion,  it  must 

been  sorry  to  find  it  an  uncontradicted  rest  there  ;  for  no  apology  should  be 

fact  that  the  principal  fliilure  of  duty  offered  for  such  conduct, 
that  day  was  in  the  officers,  though 


CLOSE   OP   THE   BATTLE. 


39 


General  Wai'd.^     Prescott,  whom  nothing  could  subdue,  re-  chap. 
paired  at  once  to  head  quarters,  and  offered  to  retake  Bunker  ,_„j[_^ 
Hill,  or  perish  in  the  attempt,  if  three  regiments  of  fifteen  liun-    1770. 
dred  men,  well  equipped  with  ammunition  and  bayonets,  were 
placed  at  his  disposal ;  but  Ward  very  wisely  decided  that  the 
condition  of  his  army  would  not  justify  so  bold  a  measure.^ 

Thus  ended  the  battle  of  Bunker  Hill.  The  loss  of  the 
Americans,  in  the  different  engagements,  was  one  hundred  and 
fifteen  killed,  three  hundred  and  five  wounded,  and  thirty  cap- 
tured —  a  total  of  four  hundred  and  fifty  men.^  Tlie  loss  of 
the  British  was  admitted  in  the  official  account  to  have  been 
two  hundred  and  twenty-six  killed,  and  eight  hundred  and 
twenty-eight  wounded  —  a  total  of  ten  hundred  and  fifty-four 
men  ;  but  the  Americans  estimated  their  loss  as  high  as  fifteen 
hundred."* 


^  Swett,  in  I^ife  of  Putnam,  254  ; 
Frothingham's  Siege,  153. 

*  Swett,  in  Lite  of  Putnam,  256 ; 
Frothingham's  Siege,  153. 

^  Impartial  Hist,  of  the  War,  211; 
Stedman's  Am.  War,  i.  127  ;  Thacher's 
Jour.  30  ;  Heath's  Mems.  20  ;  N.  H. 
Hist.  Coll.  ii.  144-147  ;  Gordon's  Am. 
Rev.  i.  357  ;  MarshiUl's  Washington, 
ii.  131 ;  Sparks's  Washington,  iii.  38; 
Bradford,  i.  386 ;  Lord  ^iahon's  Hist. 
Eng.  ^^.  58 ;  Swett,  in  Life  of  Put- 
nam, 257  ;  Frothingham's  Siege,  l'J2, 
193. 

•*  Impartial  Hist,  of  the  War,  211 ; 
Stedman's  Am.  War,  i.  127  ;  liissett's 
Hist.  Eng.  i.  430;  Heath's  Mems. 
20  ;  Thacher's  Jour.  30 ;  Essex  Ga- 
zette for  July  6  and  Aug.  17,  1775  ; 
Gordon's  Am.  Rev.  i.  355 ;  Marsliall's 
Washington,  ii.  23 1 ;  Sparks's  Wash 
ington,  iii.  36,  38 ;  Lord  Mahon's 
Hist.  Eng.  vi.  58 ;  Bradford,  i.  3S6 ; 
Swett,  in  Life  of  Putnam,  259 ;  Froth- 
ingham's Siege,  194.  The  question 
has  been  raised,  and  discussed  with 
some  warmtli.  Who  was  the  com- 
mander at  Bmilver  Hill  ?  That  Jo- 
seph Warren  was  not  the  commander 
is  now  generally  admitted ;  nor  does 
he  seem  to  have  claimed  or  occu]jied 
any  other  position  than  that  of  a  vol- 


unteer. The  honor,  therefore,  lies  be- 
tween Prescott  and  Putnam.  But  if 
it  is  borne  in  mind  that  each  colony, 
at  this  time,  had  an  establishment  of 
its  own,  and  that  no  commander-in- 
chief  had  been  appointed  by  the  Gen- 
eral Congress,  it  will  be  evident  that 
General  \V^ard,  who  acted  under  the 
authority  of  the  Provincial  Congress 
of  Massachusetts  alone,  had  no  au- 
thority over  Putnam,  and,  though  he 
could  advise  with,  could  not  direct, 
him.  The  intrenching  party  sent  out 
by  Ward  was  headed  by  Prescott; 
and  the  command  of  that  officer  seems 
to  have  been  j)rincipally  limited  to  the 
redoubt.  Putnam  seems  to  have  taken 
u])on  himself  the  charge  of  afiairs 
without  the  redoubt,  and  was  active 
throughout  the  engagement  wherever 
his  services  were  needed.  There  was, 
therefore,  no  one  officer  who  ha(J  the 
sole  and  exclusive  command ;  and  not 
only  are  Prescott  and  Putnam  entitled 
to  equal  credit,  —  the  former  for  his 
fidelity  hi  executing  the  orders  of  his 
superior,  and  the  latter  for  his  zealous 
and  effective  cooperation,  —  but  all 
who  served  on  that  day,  and  who  made 
such  a  noble  and  gallant  stand,  should 
be  remembered  with  gratitude. 


CHAPTER    II. 


THE  SIEGE  OF  BOSTON. 


The  immediate  consequence  of  tlie  battle  of  Bunker  Hill 
was  to  establish  a  state  of  general  hostility.     The  Americans, 

1775.  though  defeated,  were  in  effect  victorious  ;  ^  and  the  courage 
they  had  displayed  was  such  as  caused  even  Washington  to 
declare  that  "  the  liberties  of  the  country  were  safe."  2  The 
lack  of  subordination  was  a  serious  evil ;  and  so  sensible  were 
all  of  the  necessity  of  remedying  this  evil,  that  the  subject 
was  freely  discussed  by  the  officers,  and  urged  upon  the  atten- 

•  tion  of  the  proper  authorities.  The  position  of  the  army  was 
somewhat  alarming.  The  firing  from  the  British  cannon, 
commenced  on  Saturday,  had  not  ceased  on  Sunday  at  three 
in  the  afternoon.  That  night  it  was  rumored  the  British 
would  leave  Boston,  and  march  out  through  Roxbury.  In 
such  case,  it  was  expected  "  a  dreadful  battle  must  ensue  ;  " 
and  the  wife  of  John  Adams  wrote,  "  Almighty  God  cover  the 
heads  of  our  countrymen,  and  be  a  shield  to  our  dear  friends."  ^ 
Gage,  however,  had  no  intention  of  removing  his  quarters ; 
Jun.  19.  and,  exasperated  by  his  reverses,  he  issued  a  proclamation 
requiring  all  the  inhabitants  who  had  arms  "  immediately  to 
surrender  them  at  the  court  house,"  threatening  that  "  all  per- 
sons in  whose  possession  any  firearms  might  hereafter  be 
found  should  be  deemed  enemies  to  his  majesty's  govern- 
ment."''   The  tories,  to  evince  their  loyalty,  volunteered  as 

Impartial  Hist,  of  the  War,  214.     ingham's  Siege,   157,  note. 
Comix  Lord  :Mahon's  Hist.  Eng.  vi.         '■'  Letters  of  Mrs.  Adams ;  N.  A. 
58,  and  Webster's  Bunker  HilfAd-     Rev.  for  Oct.,  1840,  369  ;  Frothing- 
di-ess,  21.  ham's  Siege,  207. 

^  Webster's    Address,  in    Froth-        *  Frothingliam's  Siege,  208. 

(40) 


AMERICAN  INTRENCHMENTS.  41 

pati'ols  ;  and  a  company  of  forty-nine  was  established,  each  chap. 
niglit,  to  relieve  the  troops.^  ^^^ 

The  campaign  had  now  opened  ;  and,  as  it  was  uncertain    1775. 
how  soon  hostilities  might  be  renewed,  it  behooved  both  par- 
ties to  fortify  their  positions  as  speedily  as  possible.     Accord- 
ingly, General  Howe,  who  had  encamped  on  Bunker  Hill,  and 
who  was  promptly  supplied  with  additional  troops,  commenced  Jun.  17. 
a  breastwork  on  the  north-western  declivity  of  the  hill,  upon 
which,  for  several  days,  his  men  labored  with  diligence.^    The 
Americans  were  equally  active;    and  General  Putnam,  who  Jun.  is. 
had  taken  possession   of  Prospect  Hill,  marked   out   an   in- 
trenchment,  working  with  his   own  hands,  to   encourage  his 
men;  and  one  half  of  eight  of  the  Massachusetts  regiments  Jun. 20 
were  draughted  daily  to  assist  him.^    By  the  last  of  the  month  Jun.  30 
nearly  four  thousand  men  are  said  to  have  been  concentrated 
here  ;  ^  both  the  eminences  forming  the  hill  were  strongly  for- 
tified, and  connected  by  a  rampart  and  fosse  ;  and  the  works 
were  prosecuted  with  such  vigor,  that  early  in  July  they  were  July  3. 
"  almost  impregnable."  ^ 

The  New  Hampshire  troops,  on  the  night  of  the  battle,  oc- 
cupied Winter  Hill ;  and,  being  reenforced  by  Poor's  regiment, 
intrenchments  were  thrown  up  of  a  size  and  strength  exceed- 
ing those  of  any  other  position,  which  were  held  by  about  two 
thousand  men,  under  General  Folsom,  until  the  arrival  of 
Washington.*^  Tlie  head  quarters  at  Cambridge  were  likewise 
strengthened ;  and,  from  the  redoubt  near  the  college,  a  complete 
line  of  circumvallation  extended  from  the  Charles  to  the  Mystic 
River.'''     The  right  wing,  at  Roxbury,  was  equally  cared  for ; 

»  Frothingham's  Siecre,  208.  zette  for  June  29,  1775;  Frothing- 

2  Sjwrks's    AYashington,    iii.    17  ;  ham's  Siege,  211. 
Frothingham's  Siege,  208.  c  Marshall's  AYashington,   ii.  241 ; 

2  Heath's  ^Memoirs,  22 ;  Sparks's  Sparks's  '\Yashington,  iii.  17 ;  Froth- 
Washington,  iii.  17,  18;  Frothing-  ingham's  Siege,  211.  General  Fol- 
ham's  Siege,  210,  211.  som  arrived  at  tlie  camp  on  Tuesday, 

•■  Frothingham's  Siege,  211.    Mar-  June  20.    Letter  in  N.  H.  Hist.  Coll. 

shall,  Life  of  Washington,  ii.  241,  says  ii.  146. 
Putnam  had  under  him  but  1000  meii.         ''  Heath's  Memoirs,  22  ;  Frotliino'- 

°  Heath's  Mems.  22;  Essex  Ga-  ham's  Siege,  211,  217.  ° 


42  ADDITIONAL   FORCES  EAISED. 

CHAP,  and,  under  the  direction  of  General  Thomas,  who  was  at  the 
^__.^.l^  head  of  two  of  the  Connecticut  and  nine  of  the  Massachusetts 
1775.   regiments,  —  in  all,  between  four  and  five  thousand  men,  —  a 
fort  was  built  upon  the  hill  about  two  hundred  yards  west- 
ward of  the  meeting  house  ;  an  intrenchment  at  the  Dudley 
House  extended  to  the  hill  east  of  the  meeting  house  ;  a  breast- 
work was  thrown  up  across  the  main  street,  and  another  on 
the  Dorchester  road  near  the  burial  ground  ;  and  redoubts  and 
breastworks  were  planted  at  other  points.^     The  first  heavy 
Jun.24.  cannon  were  mounted  here  a  week  after  the  battle  ;  and,  a 
week  later,  shot  were  thrown  from  them  into  Boston. ^ 

The  Provincial  Congress  having  appealed  to  the  other 
colonies  for  additional  troops,  reenforcements  for  the  army 
poured  in  daily,  and  at  least  one  company  of  Stockbridge 
Indians  repaired  to  the  camp  for  service.^  The  regiments 
from  Connecticut  and  Rhode  Island  were  placed  under  Gen- 
eral Ward ;  the  troops  were  all  in  high  spirits  ;  and  they 
"  longed  to  speak  again  "  with  his  majesty's  forces.^  "  I  wish," 
wrote  Greene,  "we  could  sell  them  another  hill  at  the  same 
price  ;  "  ^  and  this  wish  was  cherished  by  all.  Fears  had,  in- 
deed, been  expressed  by  Congress  that,  "  as  soon  as  the  enemy 
should  have  recovered  a  little  strenu'th  from  tlieir  amazing 
fatigues,  and  their  surprising  losses  should  have  been  made  up 
by  the  arrival  of  new  troops,  which  were  shortly  expected, 
they  would  direct  all  their  force  to  some  one  point,  and  make 
the  utmost  efforts  to  force  the  American  lines,  destroy  their 
magazines,  and  thereby  strike  a  general  terror  and  amazement 


•  Essex  Gazette  for  June  29,  1775';  E.  Gerrv,  Sept.  26,  1775,  in  Austin's 

Frothingham's  Siege,  212,  217.     The  Life  of  Gerry,  i.  1 14. 

Dudley  House,  it  is  said,  stood  on  the  ^  Joui-.  Prov.  Cong.  387-389 ;  Lord 

site  of  the  present  Uiiiversalist  meet-  Mahon's  Hist.  Eng.  vi.  35  ;  Frothing- 

ing  house.  ham's  Siege,  212,  213.    For  a  sketch 

^  Heath's  Memoirs,  23 ;  Thacher's  of  the  treaty  \nth  the  Penobscot  tribe, 

Jour.  33;  Frothingham's  Siege,  212.  see  Jour.  Prov.  Cong.  369-371. 

The  works   at  Roxbury  ai'e  said  to  *  Frothingham's  Siege,  209,  210. 

have  been  planned  by  "the  ingenuity  *  Frothingham's  Siege,  210. 
of  Knox  and  Waters'."     S.  Adams  to 


ARRIVAL    OF   WASHINGTON.  43 

iuto  the  liearts  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  whole  country."!  chap. 
But,  whatever  apprehensions  were  felt  on  this  score,  few  were  __^ 
intimidated  ;  and  though  an  'irregular  warfare  was  kept  up  for    177-5. 
more  tlian  two  weeks,  and  shots  and  shells  were  discharged 
by  the  Britisli  upon  the  American  camp,  and  alarms  of  sallies 
were  raised,  no  serious  engagement  occurred  ;  and  these  prel- 
udes served  simply  to  occupy  the  attention  of  the  Americans, 
and  to  incite  them  to  vigilance  to  prevent  a  surprise."^ 

The  arrival  of  Wasliington  was. awaited  with  anxiety.  The 
Congress,  as  a  mark  of  respect  to  his  person,  ordered  a  com- 
mittee to  repair  to  Springfield  to  escort  liim  to  head  quarters ; 
and  a  cavalcade  of  citizens  and  a  troop  of  light  horse  accom- 
panied him  on  his  entry.  At  Watertowu,  he  was  welcomed  July  2. 
in  a  congratulatory  address,  to  which  he  replied  with  his 
accustomed  dignity  ;  and,  having  taken  up  his  quarters  at  the 
house  of  the  president  of  the  college,  which  had  been  fitted 
up  for  his  reception,  he  entered,  upon  his  duties  as  commander- 
in-chief.^ 

The  first  care  of  his  excellency,  immediately  upon  his  arri- 
val, was  to  visit  the  American  posts,  and,  as  soon  as  the 
weather  permitted,  reconnoitre  the  enemy's  works.  The  troops 
subject  to  his  command  consisted  of  "  a  mixed  multitude  of 
people,  under  very  little  discipline,  order,  or  government ; " 
and  their  supply  of  powder,  when  examined,  proved  so  mea- 
gre, that  there  was  "  hardly  enough  in  the  camp  for  nine  car- 
tridges to  a  man."  The  difficulty  of  maintaining,  with  such 
materials,  a  line  of  posts  so  extensive  and  important,  would 
have  disheartened  a  general  of  inferior  abilities.  But,  fertile 
in  expedients,  and  possessing  the  confidence  of  all  his  subor- 
dinates, Washington  devoted  himself  earnestly  to  the  remod- 
elling of  his  army,  and  in  a  very  short  time  was  enabled  to 

'  Jour.  Prov.   Cong.  389 ;  Froth-  Gordon's   Am.    Rev.    i.    3G5,    366  ; 

ingham's  Siege,  210.  Thucher's  Jour.  31 ;  }>Iarshall's  Wash- 

^  Frothingham's  Siege,  212,  213.  ington,  ii.  239;  Sparks's  Washington, 

3  Jour.  Prov.  Cong.  398-400,  438,  iii.  14, 4S4-486 ;  Frothingham's  Siege, 

439 ;  Essex.  Gazette  for  July  6, 1775 ;  214,  21i5. 


44  FORCES    OF   THE  BRITISH. 

CHAP,  infuse  into  every  branch  of  the  military  service  a  portion  of 
^_J^^^  his  own  resolute  spirit,  so  that  the  system  of  discipline  and 
1775.    order  which  was  established  proved  of  infinite  value  to  the 
American  cause. ^ 

The  forces  of  the  British,  including  seamen,  probably  con- 
„  sisted  of  from  nine  to  ten  thousand  men  ;  ^  and  as  it  was  con- 
ceived that  an  American  army  of  twenty-two  thousand  would 
be  necessary  to  compete  with  them  successfully,  and  but  six- 
teen thousand  had  been  enrolled,^  of  whom  but  fourteen  thou- 
Juiy9.  sand  five  hundred  were  fit  for  duty,  the  council  of  war  de- 
cided in  favor  of  fresh  levies  ;  and  the  troops  already  raised 
were  arranged  in  three  divisions,  each  comprising  two  bri- 
gades —  the  right  wing,  posted  at  Roxbury,  being  placed  under 
General  Ward ;  the  left  wing,  towards  Charlestown,  under 
General  Lee ;  and  the  centre  under  General  Putnam,  with 
Washington  as  chief,  whose  head  quarters  were  at  Cambridge.'* 
The  appearance  of  the  camp  was  remarkably  grotesque. 
The  lodgings  of  the  soldiers  were  "  as  different  in  their  form 
as  the  owners  in  their  dress  ; "  and  every  tent  was  "  a  por- 
traiture of  the  temper  and  taste  "  of  the  occupants.  "  Some," 
writes  one,  "  were  made  of  boards,  and  some  of  sailcloth ; 
some  partly  of  the  one,  and  partly  of  the  other.  Again,  others 
are  made  of  stone  and  turf,  brick  or  brush.  Some  are 
thrown  up  in  a  hurry ;  others  curiously  wrought  with  doors 
and  windows,  done  with  wreaths  and  withes  in  the  manner 
of  a  basket.     Some  are  your  proper  tents  and  marquees,  look- 

'  Gordon's  Am.  Rev.  i.  368 ;  Ram-  the  losses  then  sustained. 

say's  Am.  Rev.  i.  222 ;  BracH'ord,  ii.  ^  Sparks's  Washington,  iii.  27,  39. 

19;  S)«rks's  Washington,  iii.  17,39;  ■*  Jour.   Cont.  Cong.  i.  162;  Gor- 

Frothingham's  Siege,  218.  don's  Am.   Rev.    i.    367;    Sparks's 

^  Washington,  to  his  brother,  July  Washington,  iii.    15,   19,  27,  33,  54, 

27, 1775,  savs  1 2,000 ;  the  Jour,  of  the  488 ;  Ramsay's  Am.  Rev.  i.  223,  224 ; 

Prov.   Cong.  389,  says  10,000;  and  Bradford,  ii."  17,   18;  Frothingham's 

Marslmll,    Life   of   Washington,    ii.  Siege,  219,  220.  Of  the  14,500  troops 

248,  says  8000.    The  estimate  in  the  named  in  the  text,  9000,  it  is  said, 

text  is  i)robably  correct,  or  nearly  so,  belonged  to  Massachusetts,  and  the 

as  there  were  but  about  10,000  be-  remaining  5500  were  raised  by  the 

fore  the  battle  of  Bunker  Hill,  and  other  New  England  colonies, 
that  number  was  reduced  1000   by 


SCENERY  AROUND   BOSTON.  45 

ing  like  the  regular  camp  of  the  enemy.     In  these  arc  the  chap. 
Rhode  Islanders,  who  are  furnished  with  tent  equipage,  and  _^.J^ 
every  thing  in  the  most  exact  English  style."     "  However,"    1775. 
he  adds,  "  I  think  this  great  variety  is  rather  a  beauty  than  a 
blemish  in  the  army."  ^ 

The  country  around  Boston  lias  long  been  famed  for  its 
charming  scenery  ;  and  the  ampliitheatre  of  hills  which  encir- 
cles the  peninsula  affords,  from  a  great  number  of  points,  mag- 
.  nificent  views  of  the  metropolis,  and  of  the  islands  wliich  gem 
the  waters  in  front,  while  the  more  lofty  eminences  completely 
overlook  the  city,  and  command  it  from  every  quarter.  The 
changes  which  have  been  made  within  the  last  fifty  years  have 
materially  altered  the  aspect  of  the  town  ;  and  its  area  has 
been  so  enlarged  by  filling  in  vast  tracts  once  covered  with 
water,  and  so  large  a  portion  of  its  surface  is  now  covered 
with  buildings,  that  it  is  difficult  to  conceive  how  it  must  have 
appeared  when  it  was  a  village  of  but  a  few  thousand  inhab- 
itants, in  no  part  densely  settled,  and  with  here  and  there 
extensive  openings  either  entirely  unoccupied  or  improved  as 
pastures.^  The  neighboring  towns  have  likewise  changed, 
and,  relatively,  perhaps  to  as  great  an  extent  as  the  metrop- 
olis itself.  Roxbury,  Brookline,  Cambridge,  and  Charlestown, 
together,  contain  at  least  three  times  the  number  of  inhabit- 
ants that  Boston  did  at  the  opening  of  the  revolution.^  But 
beyond  these  towns  the  aspect  of  nature  is  less  altered  ;  and 
one  wlio  views  from  the  dome  of  the  State  House  the  splendid 
panorama  spread  before  the  eye  can  form  some  idea  of  the 
appearance  of  the  landscape  three  fourths  of  a  century  ago. 
The  same  hills  are  there,  crowned  with  trees.  The  same  rocks 
are  there,  hoary  with  lichens.     And  occasionally  a  majestic 

*  Letter  of  Rev.  William  Emerson,  opening  of  the  revolution,  was  about 

in  Sparks'sWashinj2;ton,iIi.  491,492;  20,000;  the  population  of  the  cities 

Lord   Mahon's   Hist.    Eng.    vi.   6o ;  and  towns  named  in  the  text,  by  the 

Frothing-liam's  Siege,  222.  census   of   185o,   was   not   far   from 

2  Frothingham's  Siege,  221.  60,000. 

'  The  population  of  Boston,  at  the 


46  INCIDENTS    OF   THE   SIEGE    IN   JULY. 

CHAP,  elm  or  a  decaying  buttonwood  marks  the  site  of  some  old 
^^J^^^  mansion,  carefully  protected  from  the  ravages  of  time,  and 
1775.  serving  as  a  link  to  connect  the  present  with  the  eventful 
past. 

It  must  have  been,  to  our  fathers,  a  painful  thought,  that  the 
lands  which  they  had  redeemed  and  improved  for  tillage,  cov- 
ered with  orchards,  cornfields,  and  grass,  and  upon  the  culture 
of  which  they  had  expended  their  toil  as  well  as  their  treas- 
ure, were  to  be  ploughed  by  the  cannon  of  the  enemy,  and 
converted  for  a  season  into  a  desolate  waste.  But,  with 
whatever  regrets  they  submitted  to  the  sacrifice,  not  a  mur- 
mur escaped  them  ;  and  he  was  accounted  the  best  patriot 
who  submitted  most  cheerfully,  and  yielded  his  property  at 
the  call  of  his  country".  Nor  should  the  generous  spirit  which 
animated  them  be  forgotten  by  their  descendants  ;  and  may 
they  be  found  ready,  in  the  hour  of  need,  to  follow  the  exam- 
ple of  their  illustrious  sires. 

An  occasional  cannonade  from  Boston  and  Roxbury,^  the 
capture  of  stragglers  from  the  enemy's  camp,^  and  the  arrange- 
ment of  the  army  into  its  several  divisions  constituted  the 
incidents  of  the  siege  in  July.  The  vigilance  of  Washington 
was  constantly  exercised  to  strengthen  his  own  position,  con- 
fine the  enemy  closely  to  their  quarters,  and  cut  off  the  sup- 
plies they  were  daily  expecting.  Partly  for  the  latter  purpose, 
and  partly  as  a  precaution  against  surprise,  whaleboats  were 
provided  by  the  legislature  of  Massachusetts  to  transport  flour 
to  the  camp,  and  were  kept  on  the  watch  to  give  early  notice 
of  movements  by  water  ;  ^  and  express  horses,  ready  saddled, 
were  stationed  at  several  posts,  to  bring  speedy  intelligence  of 
movements  by  land.^  The  Provincial  Congress,  then  in  ses- 
sion, sanctioned  by  the  authority  of  the  Congress  at  Phila- 

1  Heath's  Memoirs,  22 ;  Frothing-  ^  Marshall's  AA^'ashington,  ii.  249 ; 
ham's  Siege,  224-227.  Bradford,  ii.  44 ;  Frothiugham's  Siege, 

2  Heath's  Mems.  24 ;  Force's  Am.     223. 

Archives,   ii.    1650;    Frotliingham's         ■>  Jour.  Prov.  Cong.  482 ;  Alarshall's 
Siege,  225.  Washington,  ii.  249. 


CORRESPONDENCE  BETWEEN  LEE  AND  BURGOYNE.  47 

delpliia,  liad  previously  arranged  for  the  settlement  of  the  chap. 
government  of  the  province  by  calling  an  assembly,^  provided     ^^' 
guards  for  the  sea  coast  by  establishing   companies   in  the    1775. 
maritime  counties,^  a[)pointed  surveyors  for  the  army,^  and 
ordered  an  account  to  be  taken  of  the  powder  in  store.^ 

A  correspondence  between  Generals  Lee  and  Burgoyne, 
which  occurred  about  this  time,  attracted  much  attention;  July 8. 
and  an  interview  was"  proposed  by  the  latter,  "  to  induce  such 
explanations  as  might  tend  in  their  consequences  to  peace  ;  " 
but  as  it  was  apprehended  that  such  an  interview  "  might  cre- 
ate those  jealousies  and  suspicions  so  natural  in  a  people 
struggling  in  the  dearest  of  all  causes,  —  that  of  their  liberty, 
property,  wives,  children,  and  future  generations," — at  the 
suggestion  of  the  Congress,  and  with  the  apjiroval  of  the 
officers,  it  was  wisely  declined.^ 

Well  would  it  have  been  had  all  acted  as  wisely  as  Lee. 
But,  unfortunately,  one  in  whom  great  coniidence  had  been 
placed,  and  who  had  formerly  been  active  in  the  cause  of  lib- 
erty,^ was,  at  a  later  date,  suspected  of  holding  a  treasonable    Oct. 
correspondence  with  the  enemy  ;  and,  after  passing  the  ordeal 

'  Jour.  Prov.  Cong.  359,  454 ;  Im-  erection  of  poMcler  mills,  at  the  ex- 
partial  Hist,  of  the  War,  206 ;  Bis-  pcnse  of  the  pronnce,  at  Stoughton 
sett's  Hist.  Eng.  i.  427  ;  Bradford,  ii.  and  Andover ;  and  establishments  for 
41.  This  assembly,  it  should  be  ob-  tlie  manufacture  of  firearms  and  can- 
served,  was  a  distinct  body  from  the  non  were  encouraged  in  several  ])laces. 
Provincial  Congress,  and  was,  in  fact,  l^radford,  ii.  44,  45. 
the  legislature  of  the  province.  ^  Jour.  Prov.  Cong.  481-483 ;  Es- 

2  Jour.  Prov.  Cong.  422,  423,  421,  sex  Gazette  for  July  13,  21,  28,  and 
433  ;  Bradford,  ii.  49.  At  Plymouth,  Aug.  3.  1775;  S])arks's  Washington, 
a  company  was  ordered  out  for  the  iii.  498-500  ;  Niles's  Principles  and 
defence  of  "that  town,  and  of  the  Gur-  Acts  of  the  Rev.  206-210;  Froth- 
net  at  the  entrance  of  the  harbor.  At  ingham's  Siege,  223,  224. 
Weymouth,  Hingham,  Braintree,  and  "^  Dr.  Benjamin  Churcli.  In  Dra- 
Cohasset,  companies  were  Ulvewise  per's  Gazette  for  Sc])t.  21,  1775,  ap- 
kept  in  service  for  several  montlis ;  peared  the  folkndng  notice,  which 
and  at  Marblehead,  Salem,  and  probably  alludes  to  this  affair  :  "  We 
Gloucester,  a  portion  of  the  citizens,  hear  a  certain  person  of  weight  among 
at  their  own  request,  were  employed  tlie  rebels  hath  offered  to  return  to 
in  mihtary  service.  See  the  rolls,  at  his  allegiance,  on  condition  of  being 
the  State  House.  jjardoned  and  provided  for ;  what  en- 

^  Jour.  Prov.  Cong.  424,  449.  couragement  he  has  received  remains 

_  *  Jour.  Prov.  Cong.  428-430.  Pro-  a  secret." 
visions  were  Ukewise  made  for  the 


48  INCIDENTS    OF    THE    SIEGE. 

CHAP,  of  the  General    Court,  before  which   he  was  summoned,  he 

^__^.^.;^  was  sentenced  by  the  Continental  Congress,  to  which  his  case 

1775.    was  referred,  to  be  imprisoned  in  Connecticut,  and  remained 

in  confinement  until  the  ensuing  spring,  when  he  was  released 

on  the  ground  of  declining  health,  and  afterwards  obtained 

1778.    permission  to  take  passage  in  a  brigantine  bound  to  Marti- 

Jan.  9. 

nique  ;  but  the  vessel  in  which  he  sailed  was  never  again  heard 
from,  and  he  is  supposed  to  have  perished  at  sea.^ 

It  would  be  tedious  to  enumerate  the  incidents  of  the  siege 
with  the  minuteness  of  detail  which  the  newspapers  afford. 
The  army  in  Boston  was  speedily  strengthened  by  the  arrival 

July  29.  of  troops  and  provisions;^  and,  towards  the  last  of  July,  a 
bomb  battery  was  planted  on  Bunker  Hill,  the  guard  on 
Charlestown  Neck  was  advanced  farther  into  the  country,  and 
an  abatis  was  thrown  up  for  its  protection,  formed  of  trees 
felled  for  the  purpose.^  Yet  the  inhabitants  of  the  beleaguered 
town,  and  even  the  soldiers,  owing  to  the  absence  of  fresh  pro- 
visions and  the  oppressive  heat  of  the  summer  weather,  were 
"  very  sickly  and  much  dejected  ; "  and  General  Gage,  tired 
of  the  presence  of  so  many  who  acted  as  spies  upon  his  move- 
ments, and  succeeded,  in  spite  of  his  vigilance,  in  conveying 

July  24.  intelligence  without  the  lines,  gave  orders  for  all  who  were 
disposed  to  depart  by  water  to  return  their  names,  and  they 
should  have  liberty  to  leave.^    The  principal  encouragements 

'  On  the  affair  of  Church,  see  Tram-  (jpuse,  the  council  were  not  satisfied 

bull,    MS.   Letter    Book    B.,    221;  with  his  defence,  nor  was  the  pure- 

Thacher's  Join-.  34 ;   1  M.  H.  Coll.  i.  minded  Washington  fully  persuaded 

84-94  ;  Force's  Am.   Archives  ;    Al-  of  the  honesty  of  his  intentioas. 
mon'sIlemembrancer,ii.  156;  Boston         ^  Heath's  Mems.  24.     TheAssem- 

Gazette  for  Jan.  8,   1776 ;  S])arks's  bly  of  Connecticut  voted,  on  the  1st 

Washington,  iii.  115, 502-506;  Reed's  of  July,  to  raise  two  regiments,  of  700 

Reed,  i.  123 ;  Gordon's  Am.  Rev.  i.  men  each,  to  augment  the  army,  and 

410,  and  ii.  303  ;  Bradford,  ii.  76,  77  ;  marching  orders  were  sent  to  them 

Frothingham's    Siege,   258-260.     It  on  the  25th. 

is  difficult  to  clear  the  doctor  of  all         ^  Sparks's  Corresp.  of  the  Rev.  i. 

blame  in  this  matter;  and  although  5,  10;  Frothingham's  Siege,  229. 
he  personally  repucUated  the  charge         •*  Sparks's    Washington,    iii.    54 ; 

of  a  traitorous  design,  and   no   ex-  Frothingham's  Siege,  229,  237.     In 

pressions  were  found  in  his  letter  de-  the  Essex  Gazette  lor  Aug.  10,  1775, 

cidedly  prejudicial   to   his  comiti'y's  the  number  of  residents  of  Boston  is 


PROCEEDINGS   OF   THE   AMERICANS.  49 

received  by  bis  forces,  for  nearly  a  month,  consisted  in  the  chap. 
success  of  a  plundering  expedition  in  the  neighborhood  of  ^J;^^ 
New  London,^  and  the  capture  of  an  American  vessel  laden    1775. 
with  stores ;  and  "  with  these  trophies  of  victory,"  on  their 
arrival  in  Boston,  "  the  bells  were  set  to  music  —  to  the  no 
small  joy  and  comfort  of  the  poor,  half-starved  tories,"^ 

The  Americans,  in  the  mean  time,  after  calling  upon  God  July  20. 
for  assistance  in  their  trials,^  forwarded  with  all  diligence  July  24. 
their  works  on  Winter  Hill,^  and  performed  gallant  exploits 
in  the  harbor  and  at  Roxbury.^  The  rifle  companies  from 
the  south  had  arrived  —  stout,  hardy  men,  dressed  in  their 
white  shirts  and  round  hats,  and  skilled  as  marksmen  ;  ^  but 
the  stock  of  powder  in  the  camp  was  exceedingly  small,  and 
Washington  pressed  upon  Congress  the  necessity  of  supplies^ 
Nor  was  he  without  suspicion  that  a  surprise  was  intended 
upon  his  camp ;  for  detachments  of  the  enemy  rowed  about 
^he  harbor  daily,  or  paraded  with  their  light  horse  on  Charles- 
town  Common,  where  their  brilliant  appearance  and  scarlet 
uniforms  contrasted  strongly  with  the  homely  garb  and  simple 
frocks  of  the  continentals.  Being  plentifully  supplied  with 
powder,  likewise,  they  diverted  themselves  with  cannonading 
daily  the  American  lines  ;  but,  except  when  the  soldiers  care- 
lessly exposed  themselves,  very  little  damage  was  done,  and 
few  were  killed.^ 

set  down  at  6573  ;  and  the  number  tinental  fast  ever  observed  since  the 

of  troops  at    13,600,  including  their  settlement  of  tlie  colonies."     See  also 

dependants,  Avomen,  and  children.  Pemberton's  Jour,  in  1  M.  H.  Coll.  ii. 

'  Boston  Gazette  for  Aug.  14,  1775;  55. 
Essex   Gazette  for  Aug.   24,   1775  ;         •*  Frothingham's  Siege,  228. 
Almon's  Remembrancei-,  ii,  41,42;         *  Frothingham's  Siege,  230-232. 
Sparks's  Corresp.  of  the   Rev.  i.  31;         "  Essex  Gazette  for  Aug.  13,  1775; 

Caullvins's  Hist.  New  London,  517;  Boston  Gazette  for  Aug.  14,   1775; 

Frothingham's  Siege,  236.  Gordon's  Am.  Rev.  i.  369  ;  Thacher's 

^  Boston  Gazette  for  Aug.  14, 1775;  Jour.  33;  Frothingham's  Siege,  227. 

Frothhigham's  Siege,  236.  One  of  these  companies  arrived  July 

^  Jour.  Cont.  Cong.  i.    109,   110  ;  25,  and  the  rest  Aug.  5  to  7. 
Essex   Gazette  for  June  29,  1775  ;         ^  Frothingham's  Siege,  231. 
Ramsay's  Am.  Rev.  i.  199;  Gordon's         *  Impartial  Hist,  of  the  War,  215; 
Am.  Rev.  i.  371,  372  ;  Frothingham's  Sparks's  Washington,  iii.  66  ;  Froth- 
Siege,   226.     "This,"   says   Thacher,  ingham's  Siege,  231.     The  uniforms 
Jour.  32,  "  is  the  fu'st  general  or  con-  of  the  Americans,  says  a  letter  of  July 

VOL.    III.  4 


50  '  OCCUPATION   OF   PLOUGHED   HILL. 

A  more  important  movement  was  the  occupation  of  Plouglied 
Hill,  now  Mount  Benedict,  in  front  of  Winter  Hill,  and  within 
1775.  point  blank  shot  of  Bunker  Hill.  The  rumor,  which  had  been 
circulating  for  weeks,  that  the  British  intended  to  storm  the 
American  intrenchments,  determined  Washington  to  occupy 
this  hill ;  and,  as  it  was  suspected  that  this  step  would  bring 
on  an  engagement,  the  occasion  was  one  of  unusual  interest. 

Aug.26.  A  fatigue  party  of  twelve  hundred  men,  and  a  guard  of  twen- 
ty-four hundred,  under  General  Sullivan,  were  detailed  for 
this  service,  and  worked  so  diligently  during  the  night,  that 
in  the  morning  the  works  were  sufficiently  strong  to  afford 
some  protection  against  the  enemy's  cannon.     At  an  early 

Aug.27.  hour  the  British  opened  their  batteries,  but  the  fire  was  not 
returned ;  and,  though  they  continued  for  several  days  to 
bombard   the  works,  they  did  not  venture  upon  any  open 

Sep.  10.  attack  ;  and  after  a  time  their  firing  ceased.^ 

Before  this  date,  an  incident  had  occurred  which  reflected 
little  credit  on  Gage  or  his  followers.  This  was  the  felling,  in 
Boston,  of  Liberty  Tree,  famous  in  the  annals  preceding  the 
revolution,  and  which  was  a  sacred  relic  in  the  eyes  of  the 
people.  Armed  with  axes,  the  "  troops  and  the  tories "  at- 
tacked it  with  fury  ;  and,  "  after  a  long  spell  of  laughing  and 
grinning,  sweating,  swearing,  and  foaming  with  diabolical 
malice,"  they  succeeded  in  bringing  its  tufted  honors  to  the 
ground  —  but  not  without  the  loss  of  one  of  their  number, 
perched  on  the  topmost  limb,  who  was  crushed  by  his  precip- 
itate fall  to  the  ground.  Yet,  though  Liberty  Tree  had  fallen, 
the  "  grand  American  tree  of  liberty,  planted  in  the  centre  of 
the  United  Colonies  of  North  America,"  remained  unharmed, 


19,  "are  made  of  brown  Holland  and  Gazette  for  Aug.  31,  1775;  Force's 
Osnaburgs,  something  like  a  shirt,  Am.  Archives,  ii.  1755 ;  Almon's  Re- 
double caped  over  the  shoulder,  in  membrancer,  ii.  179,  180 ;  Sparks's 
imitation  of  the  Indians  ;  and  on  the  Washington,  iii.  71,  73,  84 ;  Gordon's 
breast,  in  capital  letters,  is  their  mot-  Am.  Rev.  i.  405  ;  Frothingham's 
to,  '  Liberty  or  death.'  "  Siege,  233,  234. 
>  Heath's   Mems.  26,  27;   Essex 


V- 


CQRRESPONDENCE   BETWEEN  WASHINGTON   AND   GAGE.  51 

and  "  flourished  with  unrivalled,  increasing-  beauty,  bidding  chap. 
fair,   in   a   short   time,   to   afford   under   its   wide-spreading  _^^[^1^ 
branches  a  safe  and  happy  retreat  for  all  the  Sons  of  Liberty,    1775. 
however  numerous  and  dispersed."  ^ 

The  only  other  incident  of  importance  which  occurred  at 
this  time  was  a  correspondence  between  Washington  and 
Gage  relative  to  the  treatment  of  Amft-ican  prisoners.  A 
number  had  been  taken  at  the  battle  of  Bunker  Hill ;  and 
officers  and  soldiers,  without  distinction,  had  been  thrust  into 
the  common  jail,  and  treated  as  felons.  Washington  protest- 
ed against  the  injustice  of  this  course,  and  hinted  that,  if  it  Aug.ii. 
was  persisted  in,  he  should  be  compelled  to  retaliate ;  but 
Gage,  in  reply,  with  his  accustomed  insolence,  declared  that  Aug.13.. 
"  Britons,  ever  preeminent  in  mercy,  had  outgone  common 
examples,  and  overlooked  the  criminal  in  the  captive." 
"  Upon  these  principles,"  he  added,  "  your  prisoners,  whose 
lives,  by  the  laws  of  the  land,  are  destined  to  the  cord,  have 
hitherto  been  treated  with  care  and  kindness,  and  more  com-^ 
fortably  lodged  than  the  king's  troops  in  the  hospitals  —  indiS' 
crimiuately,  it  is  true,  for  I  acknowledge  no  rank  that  is  not 
derived  from  the  king."  To  this  haughty  message  Washing- 
ton returned  a  dignified  reply,  asserting  that  he  could  conceive 
of  no  more  honorable  source  of  rank  "  than  that  which  flows 
from  the  uncorrupted  choice  of  a  brave  and  free  people  —  the 
purest  source  and  original  fountain  of  all  power  ; "  and  that, 
so  far  from  making  this  "  a  plea  for  cruelty,  a  mind  of  true 
magnanimity  and  enlarged  ideas  would  comprehend  and  re- 
spect it."  But  the  mind  of  Gage  was  too  obtuse  to  be  affected 
by  such  reasoning  ;  and  the  correspondence  with  Sir  William 
Howe,  a  few  days  later,  led  to  a  suspension  of  that  intercourse  Aug.22. 
between  the  camps  which  had  been  hitherto  permitted.^ 

'  Essex  Gazette  for  Aug.  31  and  500,50.1  ;  Almon's  Remembrancer,!. 

Sept.    7,    1775;    Bradford,    ii.    62;  179,  ii.  60  ;  Gordon's  Am,  Rev.  i.  404; 

Frothingham's  Siege,  237,  238.  Niles's  Principles  and  Acts  of  the  Rev. 

"^  Essex  Gazette' for  Oct.  12,  1775;  266,  267  ;  Bradford,  ii.  54-59;  Froth- 

Sparks's  Washington,  iii.  59,  65-68,  ingham's  Siege,  240-242. 


52  OCCURRENCES    IN    SEPTEMBER.  ,^       ■ 

The  month  of  September  passed  quietly,  upon  the  whole. 
Slight  skirmishes,  indeed,  occurred  between  the  American  rifle- 
1775.    men  and  the  British  rea-ulars  ;  additional  works  were  thrown 

Sep.  10. 

up  in  Rosbury  ;  and  a  detachment  of  a  thousand  men.  under 
Colonel  Benedict  Arnold,  was  sent  to  Quebec,  to  cooperate 
with  General  Schuyler  in  following  up,  or  rendering  availa- 
ble, the  capture  of  ^iconderoga,  which  occurred  earlier  in 

Sep.  11.  the  season. 1  A  council  of  war  was  likewise  held  relative  to 
the  expediency  of  an  attack  upon  Boston  by  laud  and  by 
water,  in  cooperation  with  an  attempt  upon  their  lines  at  Rox- 
bury  ;  but  it  was  decided  to  be  inexpedient.^  Yet,  reluctant 
to  relinquish  the  project,  and  convinced  tliat,  should  the  British 
army  be  considerably  strengthened,  the  "  consequences  to 
America  would  be  dreadful,"  the  secretary  of  Washington, 
Joseph  Reed,  who  may  be  supposed  to  have  expressed  the 
views  of  his  superior,  wrote  that  the  army  and  navy  must,  at 
all  events,  be  "  destroyed  this  winter  ;  "  and  Washington  him- 

Sep.  21.  self,  in  an  elaborate  letter  to  the  General  Congress,  described 
his  situation  as  "  inexpressibly  distressing,"  since  the  time  for 
which  the  troops  had  been  enlisted  was  rapidly  expiring,  the 
military  chest  was  totally  exhausted,  and  many  of  the  soldiers 
were  in  a  "  state  not  far  from  mutiny,  upon  the  deduction 
from  their  stated  allowance."  ^ 

The  situation  of  the  British  troops  had  somewhat  improved  ; 
and  a  "  snow,"  from  Cork,  laden  with  claret,  pork,  and  butter, 
which  arrived,  bringing  advices  of  "  great  armaments  fitting 
out  in  England,"  which  might  be  expected  in  the  course  of  the 
next  month,  revived  the  drooping  spirits  of  the  army.  Before 
the  month  closed,  too,  fuel  was  more  abundant ;  "  provisions 
for  man  and  beast "  were  daily  coming  in  ;  and,  instead  of 

»  Heath's  Memoirs,  27  ;    Sparks's  H.  Coll.  ii.  227-247  ;  Frothingham's 

Washington,  iii.   63,  85,  86-91,  102,  Siege,  243. 

128 ;    Sparks's   Life   of   Gouverneur  "  Sparks's  AVashington,  iii.  80,  82, 

Morris,  i.  53-61  ;  Ramsay's  Am.  Rev.  note  ;  Marshall's  Washington,  ii.  251. 

i.  226  et  seq. ;  Bradford,   ii.   72,  73  ;  ^  Sparks's  Washington^  iii.  99,  104 ; 

Maine  Hist.  Colls,  i.  341-416;  2  M.  Frothingham's  Siege,  244,  245. 


PEEPARATIONS  FOB  QUARTERING  THE  TROOPS.  53 

being  a  "  starved  and  deserted  town,"  as  had  been  gloomily  chap. 
anticipated,  "  Boston,"  it  was  said,  "  will  be  this  winter  the     ^^• 
emporium  of  America  for  plenty  and  pleasure."     The  arrange-    1775. 
ments  for  "  pleasure,"  indeed,  seem  to  have  been  dwelt  upon 
with  peculiar  satisfaction  ;  and,  exclaiming  with  the  poet,  — 

"  What  need  of  piping  for  the  songs  and  sherry, 
.  When  oui'  own  miseries  can  make  us  merry," 

it  was  exultingly  announced  in  the  papers  that  "  hivernal  con- 
certs "  would  be  given,  and  that  the  "  playhouse  "  in  Faneuil 
Hall  would  "  shew  away  with  the  tragedy  of  Zara,  on  Tues- 
day, the  17th  of  October,  and  continue  to  perform  on  those 
days  weekly."  ^ 

Preparations  for  quartering  the  troops  in  the  houses  of  the 
inhabitants  were  now  diligently  prosecuted  ;  and  for  this  pur- 
pose a  number  of  buildings  near  the  Hay  Market,  at  the  south 
end,  were  pulled  down,  and  the  furniture  was  removed  from 
other  buildings.^  In  the  midst  of  these  movements.  Gage  was 
recalled,  and  General  Howe  was  appointed  to  succeed  him. 
The  reverses  of  the  seventeenth  of  June,  attributed  in  England 
to  the  mismanagement  of  the  former,  though  not  openly  alleged 
as  the  reason,  were  doubtless  the  cause  of  his  recall ;  and 
though  fulsome  addresses  were  presented  to  his  excellency, 
upon  his  departure,  by  the  Council  and  the  tories,  the  address  Oct.  6 
01  the  inhabitants  was  remarkably  guarded,  and  the  rejoicing 
among  the  Americans  was  hearty  and  general.^ 

*  Thacher's  Jour.  39 ;  Draper's  Ga-  Frothingham's  Siege,  247-249.     "  It 

zette  for  Sept.  21  and  28,  1775  ;  Es-  was  the  bane  of  England,"  says  Lord 

Bex  Gazette  for  Sept.  28,  l77o ;  Froth-  Mahon,  Hist.  Eng.  vi.  53,  "  not  mcre- 

ingham's  Siege,  239.  ly  on  this   occasion,  but  throughout 

^  EssexGazettefor  Sept.  21,  1775;  the  whole  early  part  of  this  war,  to 

Frothingham's  Siege,  247,  252.  have  for  chiefs  inen  brave,  indeed,  and 

^  Almon's  Remembrancer,  ii.  56-  honorable,  skilled  in  the  details  of  the 

59;  Essex  Gazette  for  Oct.  5,  1775  ;  service,  and  zealous  for  Old  England 

Gordon's  Am.  Rev.  i.  411 ;  Thacher's  and  King  George,  but  in  genius  fitted 

Jour.  34 ;  Sparks's  Washington,   iii.  only  for  a  second  place,  not  gifted  by 

611,512;  Lord  Mahon's  Hist.  Eng.  natm-e  M-ith  that  energy  and  firmness 

vi.  67 ;  N.  A.  Rev.  for  Oct.  1838, 368 ;  essential  for  a  chief  command." 


54  ARRIVAL  OP   HOWE. 

The  appointment  of  General  Howe  was  welcomed  by  the 
British  with  great  enthusiasm.    "  Even  the  blunders  of  Bunker 

1775.  Hill  were  forgotten,  so  happy  were  most  people  at  the  change."  ^ 
But,  though  superior  in  abilities  to  Gage,  and  much  more 
beloved  by  his  troops,  the  new  commander-in-chief  entered 
upon  his  duties  at  a  critical  juncture  ;  and  the  reverses  which 
the  British  arms  had  sustained  impressed  him  with  greater 
respect  for  the  prowess  of  the  provincials,  who  were  no  longer 
branded  as  a  "  despicable  rabble,"  but  who  were  feared  for 
their  resolute  and  unflinching  bravery.     Hence,  in  his  early 

Oct.  9.  despatches  to  England,  the  general  very  frankly  confessed  to 
Lord  Dartmouth  that  "  the  opening  of  the  campaign  from  this 
quarter  would  be  attended  with  great'  hazard,  as  well  from  the 
strength  of  the  country  as  from  the  intreuclied  position  the 
rebels  had  taken."  The  prospect  of  success,  indeed,  was,  in 
his  view,  quite  doubtful ;  and,  under  this  impression,  he  did  not 
hesitate  to  recommend  an  entire  evacuation  of  Boston.  At 
the  south,  a  different  spirit  prevailed.  There  the  tories  were 
more  numerous  ;  the  burden  of  oppressive  legislation  had  been 
less  seriously  felt ;  and  the  enthusiasm  of  the  people  had  not 
reached  so  high  as  to  induce  an  entire  reuimciation  of  alle- 
giance to  England.^ 

So  long,  however,  as  he  was  required  to  remain  in  Massa- 
chusetts, General  Howe  devoted  himself  zealously  to  the  im- 
provement of  his  defences  and  the  quartering  of  his  army. 
The  principal  works  in  progress  at  this  time  were  the  fort  on 
Bunker  Hill,  where  Clinton  was  posted,  and  the  fortifications 
on  Boston  Neck  ;  ^  and  as  a  reenforcement  of  five  battalions, 
of  two  thousand  men,  was  expected  from  Ireland,  with  these 
he  proposed  to  "  distress  the  rebels  by  incursions  along  the 


'  Frothingham's  Siege,  251.  and  made  these  middle  ones  the  seat 

*  Sparks's   Washington,    iii.    114,  of  war  ?     The  answer  is  easy:  New 

note,  127.  note;  Frothingham's  Siege,  England  is  not  infested  vnih   tories, 

250.     "  Why,"  asks  Paine,  in  Crisis,  and  we  are." 

No.  1,  —  "  M'hy  is  it  that  the  enemy  *  Frotliingham's  Siege,  251. 

hath  left  the  New  England  provinces, 


PROCLAMATIONS   OF  HOWE.  55 

coast."  ^     Beyond  tins,  he  was  satisfied,  but  little  could  be  chap. 
accomplished.     His  men  would  "  shortly  have  full  employment  ^,,^.1^ 
in   preparing   quarters   for   the  winter  ; "   and,  as  they  had    1775. 
already  sufficiently  felt  the  weight  of  the  American  arms,  they 
had  no  ambition  to  provoke  a  further  trial  of  their  strength. 
The  quartering  of  the  troops  was  accordingly  hastened  ;  the  Oct.  27. 
Old  South  Church  was  cleared  out  for  a  riding  school ;  an 
opening  was  made  across  the  Neck  from  water  to  water  ; 
works  were  erected  to  check  incursions  from  Roxbury ;  and 
redoubts  were  thrown  up  on  the  eminences  on  the  Common.^ 
With  a  view,  also,  to  intimidate  the  patriots  of  Boston,  who 
were  struggling  to  escape  to  their  brethren  in  the  country, 
three  proclamations  were  issued  —  the  first  of  which  threat-  Oct.  28. 
ened  with  military  execution,  and  the  seizure  of  their  goods 
and  effects  as  traitors,  any  who  were  detected  in  attempting  to 
leave  the  town  without  a  written  permission  ;  the  second  pro- 
hibited, under  the  penalty  of  imprisonment  and  the  forfeiture 
of  the  sum  discovered,  those  to  whom  passes  were  given  from 
carrying  away  more  than  five  pounds  in  specie  ;  and  the  third 
recommended  an  association  of  the  loyalists  into  regular  com- 
panies, to  be  employed  within  the  precincts  of  the  town  "  to 
preserve  order  and  good  government."  ^ 


'  Sparks's  Washington,  iii.  134;  clearing  every  thinn:  away,  a  beautiful, 
Frotliingham's  Siege,  250.  "  The  carved  jiew,  with  rich  furniture,  for- 
enemy,"  says  Wasliington,  "  expect  a  merly  l)elonging  to  a  deceased  gentle- 
considerable  reenforcement  this  win-  man  in  high  estimation,  was  taken 
ter,  and,  from  all  accounts,  are  garri-  down,  and  carried  to  Mr.  John  Amo- 
soning  Gibraltar  and  other  places  mth  ry's  house,  by  the  order  of  an  officer, 
foreign  troops,  in  order  to  bring  the  Mho  ap})Ued  the  carved  work  to  the 
former  garrison  to  Ameiica."  erection  of  a  hogsty.     Had  the  meet- 

^  Newell's  .Torn-,  in  4  M.  H.  Coll.  ing  house  and  its  contents  been  hon- 

i.  269  ;  Gordon's  Am.  Kev.  i.  413;  ored  with  episco])al  conseci'ation,  these 

Frothingham's   Siege,  252.     On  the  proceedings  would  be  deemed  by  mul- 

occupancy  of  the  Old  Soutli  Gordon  titudes  profane  and  sacrilegious." 
observes,  "It  is  said,  and   believed,         ^  Boston  Gazette  for  Nov.  6,  1775 

that  an  offer  was  made  of  building  a  Almon's    Remembrancer,     ii.     191  ; 

complete  riding  school  for  less  money  Sparks's    Washington,   iii.    140,   and 

than  it  would  cost  to  remove  the  jiews  note  ;  Thacher's  Jour.  35  ;  Frothiug- 

and  the  side  galleries,  and  to  make  a  ham's  Siege,  252,  253. 
proper  flooring  for  the  horses.    Li 


56  POSITION    OF   THE   BRITISH   SHIPS. 

CHAP.      The  British  ships  of  war  anchored  in  the  harbor  consisted 

TT  •  * 

^,J^^  of  the  Boyne,  of  sixty-four  guns,  which  lay  near  the  western 
1775.    end  of  Spectacle  Island  ;  the  Preston,  of  fifty  guns,  which  was 

Oct.  28. 

moored  for  the  winter  at  the  eastern  end  of  the  town,  between 
Long  Wharf  and  Hancock's  Wharf ;  the  Scarborough,  of 
twenty  guns,  and  a  sloop,  of  sixteen  guns,  moored  a  short  dis- 
tance southward  of  the  Preston  ;  and  the  Mercury,  which  was 
stationed  upon  Charles  River,  at  the  north-western  side  of  the 

Oct.  4.  town.^  A  small  fleet,  under  Captain  Mo  watt,  had  previously 
sailed  to  the  eastward,  and  was  afterwards  engaged  in  the 

Oct.  16.  destruction  of  Falmouth,  now  Portland,  a  seaboard  town  in 
Maine.^  The  troops  under  Clinton,  at  Bunker  Hill,  consisted 
of  about  one  thousand  men  ;  and  these,  with  the  troops  quar- 
tered in  Boston,  and  the  marines  and  sailors,  made  in  all  an 
army  of  some  ten  thousand  men  —  the  whole  force  of  the 
British  now  in  Massachusetts.^  The  intreuchments  on  Bunker 
Hill,  as  well  as  those  in  Boston,  were  of  considerable  strength 
—  so  much  so  that  even  Washington  was  constrained  to  say 
it  would  be  "  almost  impossible  to  force  their  lines."  "  With- 
out great  slaughter  on  our  side,"  he  adds,  "  or  cowardice  on 
theirs,  it  is  absolutely  so.  We  therefore  can  do  no  more  than 
keep  them  besieged,  which  they  are,  to  all  intents  and  pur- 
poses, as  closely  as  any  troops  upon  earth  can  be  who  have  an 


>  Frothingham's  Siege,  255,  note.  ton."     A  letter  ])ublished  in  Almon's 

"  Trumbull's  MS.  Letter  Book  B,  Remembrancer, ii.  230, says, "General 

208;  Gordon's  Am.  Rev.  i.  412;  Al-  Howe  has  barely  6000  effective  men 

mon's  Remembrancer,  ii.   124,  125;  in  Boston;"  but  another,  in  ibid.  iii. 

Sparks's  Washington,  iii.   129,130;  109,  says  he  had  "  7575  effective  men, 

Marshall's  Washington,  ii.  256 ;  Brad-  exclusive  of  the  staff;  so  that,  with 

ford,  ii.  63 ;  Lord  Mahon's  Hist.  Eng.  the  marines  and  sailors,  he  might  be 

vi.  74 ;  Willis's  Hist.  Portland,  Part  considered  as  10,000  strong."     Lord 

n.  153;  Williamson's  Maine,  ii.  422-  Barrington,  however,  in   the   House 

434  ;  Frotliingham's  Siege,  253.  of  Commons,  reported  the  number  of 

^  Gordon's  Am.  Rev.  ;  Debates  in  men  in  Boston  on  the  19th  of  July, 

Pari,  for  1775,  iii.  81 ;  Sparks's  Wash-  exclusive  of  the  three  regiments  going 

ington,  iii.    126.     "It  is   proposed,"  over  to  join  them,  as  8S50;  and  as 

says  Washington,  "  to  keep  from  500  these  three  regiments  had  now  ar- 

to   1000  men  on  Bunker's   Hill  all  rived,  the  number  was  doubtless  not 

winter,  who  are  to  be  reheved  once  a  fai'  from  10,000. 
week ;  the  rest  to  be  di'awn  into  Bos- 


POSITION   OF   THE   AMERICAN   FORCES.  57 

opening  to  the  sea."     The  advanced  works  of  the  two  armies  chap.» 
were  within  musket  shot  of  each  other  ;  and  a  daily  cannon-  _,^^ 
ade  was  kept  up  by  the  British  on  the  American  lines,  to    1775. 
which  they  were  compelled  to  submit  for  the  want  of  pow- 
der, though  occasionally  retaliating  by  "  giving  them  a  shot 
••now  and  then."^ 

The  position  of  the  American  forces  was  not  very  flattering  ; 
and  during  this  month  the  energies  of  Washington  were  prin- 
cipally directed  to  the  reorganization  of  the  army,  which  sadly 
needed  attention,  and  to  preparations  for  the  winter.  Rox- 
bury,  once  a  prosperous  and  flourishing  village,  inhabited  by 
an  intelligent  and  industrious  yeomanry,  had  suffered  severely 
from  the  cannon  of  the  enemy,  and  was  now  nearly  deserted.  Oct.  20. 
The  main  street,  formerly  crowded  with  people,  was  occupied 
only  by  a  picket  guard.  Some  houses  had  beeii  burned,  others 
had  been  pulled  down,  and  many  were  empty,  with  their  win- 
dows taken  out,  and  the  walls  filled  with  shot  holes.  The 
fortifications,  however,  were  in  excellent  condition,  and  ex- 
tended across  the  town  in  a  nearly  unbroken  line  from  Dor- 
chester to  Brookline.^  Charlestown  was  in  ruins,  and  was 
occupied  by  the  enemy.  The  head  quarters  at  Cambridge, 
being  sheltered,  had  suffered  but  little.  The  operations  of 
the  war  had  interrupted  for  the  time  being  the  progress  of 
education  at  the  college ;  the  students  had  returned  to  their 
homes,  and  the  college  buildings  were  occupied  by  the  sol- 
diery.-^ 

In  the  fitting  out  of  a  naval  armament,  —  a  matter  of  the 
greatest  interest  and  importance,  —  some  progress  had  been 
made  ;  and  the  few  vessels  chartered  for  service  had  behaved 
with  gallantry  in  several  engagements.     So  early  as  June,  the  Jun.  12. 

'  Sparks'sWashino:ton,iii.  28,  122,  2  T^j^cher's  Jour.  34;  Belknap's 
12s ;  Frothingham's  Siege,  255.  "  The  Lett,  in  Life  of  Belkna]),  92  ;  ]>ott.  to 
workl,"  wrote  Franklin  to  Dr.  Priest-  the  Earl  of  Dartmouth,  in  Almon's  Re- 
ley,  Jan.  27,  1777,  in  Works,  viii.  198,  mcmbrancer,  iii.  92;  Frothingham's 
"  wondered  that  we  so  seldom  fired  a  Siege,  254. 
cannon.  Why,  we  could  not  afford  it."  ^  Thacher's  Jour.  32. 


58 


A   NAYAL  ARMAMENT  FITTED   OUT. 


CHAP.  Rhode  Island  Assembly  authorized  two  vessels  to  be  fitted  out 
,^,-J.^  at  the  expense  of  the  colony,  for  the  "protection  of  its  trade," 
1775.    which  were  cruising  before  July  ;  ^  and,  on  the  first  day  of  the 
July  1.  last-named  month,  a  similar  order  was  passed  by  the  Connec- 
Sept.  2.  ticut  Assembly.^     It  wf^s  in  September,  however,  that  the  first 
commission   was   issued   by  Washington,  under   his  general 
authority  as  commander-in-chief,  to  Nicholas  Broughton,  a  cit- 
izen of  Marblehead,  who  was  addressed  as  "  captain  in   the 
army  of  the  United  Colonies  of  North  America,"  and  directed 
to  "  take  the  command  of  a  detachment  of  said  army,  and 
proceed  on  board  the  schooner  Hannah,  at  Beverly."  ^     In 
October  other  commissions  were  issued  ;  and,  as  the  impor- 
tance of  the  subject  had  been  urged  upon  the  attention  of  the 
Assembly  of  Massachusetts  by  Newburyport  and  Salem,  —  two 
of  the  principdH  maritime   towns,  —  which   memorialized   in 
Nov.13.  favor  of  public  armed  vessels,  a  law  was  passed,  draughted  by 
Elbridge  Gerry,  which  authorized  the  employment  of  priva- 
teers, and  established  a  court  for  the  trial  and  condemnation 
of  prizes."*    These  vessels,  the  first  sent  out  under  the  auspices 
of  the  colonies,  and  the  embryo  of  the  flourishing  navy  of  the 
United  States,  sailed  under  the  pine  tree  Jlag,  which  was  white, 

*  Staples's  Annals  of  Pro^idenoe,  to  Quebec.  The  action  of  the  General 
265 ;  Sparks's  Washington,  iii.  77,  Congress  upon  the  subject  of  a  navy 
516;  Frothingham's  Siege,  260.  The  does  not  properly  fall  within  the  prov- 
Provincial  Congress  of  Massachusetts,  ince  of  tliis  work ;  but  the  subject  is 
on  the  20th  of  June,  ordered  six  one  of  interest,  from  its  bearings  upon 
armed  vessels  to  be  fitted  out ;  but  the  maritime  greatness  of  our  country, 
nothing  seems  to  have  been  imme-  '' Boston  Gazette  for  Nov.  13,  1775; 
diately  done  in  the  matter.  Austin's  Life  of  Gerry,  i.  94,  505 ; 

*  Sparks's  Washington,  iii.  516;  Almon's  Remembrancer,  ii.  149-153 ; 
Frothingham's  Siege,  260.  Impartial  Hist,  of  the  "^Yar,  281 ;  Mrs. 

^  Corresp.  of  J.  Adams,  in  Works,  Warren's  Hist,   of  the  Kev. ;    Mar- 

X.  29-32 ;  Austin's  Life  of  Gerrv,  i.  shall's  Life  of  Wasliington,   ii.    257, 

101,513-520;  Sparks's  Wasliington,  258;  Sparks's  Washington,  iii.  124, 

iii.   517,   518;  Frothingham's  Siege,  125,154,518;  Frothingham's  Siege, 

260.     Captain  John  Selman,  of  Mar-  261.    Elbridge  Gerry,  of  Marblehead, 

blehead,   was    commissioned    at   the  was  at  the  bottom  of  this  movement, 

same  time ;  and  the  vessels  command-  and  it  was  through  his  influence  that 

ed  by  him   and  Broughton  were  or-  the  law  was  passed.     Life  of  Gerry, 

dered  to  the  River  St.  Lawrence,  to  chap.  ix. 
intercept  an  ammunition  vessel  bound 


CONFERENCE   IN   BOSTON.  59 

with  the  figure  of  a  pine  tree  in  the  middle,  and  the  motto  chap. 
"  Appeal  to  Heaven  "  inscribed  on  its  folds.^  ^^• 

The  reorganization  of  the  array  was  essentially  promoted  1775. 
by  the  action  of  the  committee  appointed  by  the  General  Con- 
gress, which,  with  delegates  from  the  New  England  colonies, 
held  sessions  for  several  days,  thoroughly  discussed  the  meas-  Oct.  I8 
ures  to  be  adopted,  and  unanimously  agreed  that  an  army  of 
not  less  than  twenty  thousand  three  hundred  and  seventy-two 
men  was  necessary  to  be  raised,  and  that,  if  required,  Massa- 
chusetts could  raise  twenty  thousand  men,  Connecticut  eight 
thousand.  New  Hampshire  three  thousand,  and  Rhode  Island 
fifteen  hundred,  by  the  tenth  of  March,  1776.  Tiic  result  of 
this  conference  was  extremely  satisfactory  to  Washington ; 
and  a  plan  was  drawn  up  for  the  enlistment  of  twenty-six 
regiments,  of  eight  companies  each,  besides  riflemen  and  artil- 
lery, which  was  substantially  adopted  by  Congress.^  The  Nov.  4, 
question  of  the  independence  of  the  colonies  was  likewise  dis- 
cussed. Already  had  it  been  broached  in  various  quarters  by 
sagacious  patriots,  and  favorably  received  ;  and  in  the  army  it 
was  so  fully  approved  that  it  became  "  offensive  to  pray  for 
the  king."  ^  General  Greene,  of  Rhode  Island,  himself  enthu-  Oct.  23. 
siastic  in  the  cause  of  liberty,  advocated  the  step  with  great 
ability,  and  urged  that  the  alternative  before  them  was  sepa- 
ration or  subjugation.  "  We  had  as  well  be  in  earnest  first  as 
last,"  said  he  ;  "  for  we  have  no  alternative  but  to  fight  it  out 

^  Frothingham's   Siege,  261,  262.  257.     Dr.  Fi-anklin,  Mr.  Lynch,  and 

For  some  valuable  remarks  on  the  Colonel  Harrison  were  the  committee 

early  naval  atiairs  of  the  United  States,  appointed  by  Congress ;  and,  by  their 

see  Staples's  Annals  of  Providence,  instructions,  they  were  to  confer  with 

265-270.  General  Washington   and   the  New 

^  Trumbull's  MS.  Letter  Book  B,  England  goverinnents  relative  to  the 

27,210,212-223;  Esse.\  Gazette  for  war.     When  their  report  was  made, 

Oct.  19,  1775;  Franklin's  Works,  Alii,  it  was  resolved  to  raise  an  army  of 

160,  198;  Jour.  Cont.  Cong.  i.  216-  20,372  men,  officers  mcluded,  to  be 

219;    Force's    Am.    Archives,    iii.  ;  (h\idcd  into  28  regiments,  of  728  men 

Sjjarks'.s  Corresp.  of  the  liev.  i.  55  ;  each,  to  be  enlisted  to  the   31st  of 

Sparks's   Washington,  iii.  123,  note,  December. 

133  ;   Ramsav's    Am.  Rev.   i.    258  ;  ^  Belknap,  in  Frothingham's  Siege, 

bradford,  ii.  50,  51 ;  Hildreth's  U.  S.  263. 
iii.   107  ;  Frotliingham's  Siege,  256, 


60  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE  CONTINENTAL  CONGRESS. 

CHAP,  or  be  slaves."  ^    The  interest  abroad  in  tlie  struggle  of  the 
^_^_J,^  colonies  was  visibly  increasing  ;  and  France  was  deliberating 
177-5.    what  course  to  take.     All  Europe,  indeed,  looked  on  with 
astonishment,  and  loudly  applauded  the  valor  of  the  Ameri- 
cans ;  while,  even  in  England,  the  friends  of  freedom  did  not 
hesitate  to  pray  for  their  success.^ 

Yet  the  members  of  the  Continental  Congress  continued  to 
profess  their  loyalty  to  the  crown  ;  and  a  petition  to  the  king's 
Julys,  "most  excellent  majesty"  was  draughted,  in  which  they  de- 
clared themselves  "  dutiful  subjects,"  and  prayed  that  his  royal 
magnanimity  and  benevolence  might  direct  some  mode  by 
which  the  united  applications  of  his  faithful  colonists  might  be 
improved  into  a  happy  and  perfect  reconciliation.  "  Attached 
to  your  majesty's  person,  family,  and  government,"  say  they, 
"  with  all  the  devotion  that  principle  and  affection  can  inspire, 
connected  with  Great  Britain  by  the  strongest  ties  that  can 
unite  societies,  and  deploring  every  event  that  tends  in  any 
degree  to  weaken  them,  we  solemnly  assure  your  majesty  that 
we  not  only  most  ardently  desire  the  former  harmony  between 
her  and  these  colonies  may  be  restored,  but  that  a  concord 
may  be  established  between  them  .upon  so  firm  a  basis  as  to 
perpetuate  its  blessings,  uninterrupted  by  any  future  dissen- 
sions, to  succeeding  generations  in  both  countries,  and  to 
transmit  your  majesty's  name  to  posterity  adorned  with  that 
signal  and  lasting  glory  that  has  attended  the  memory  of 
those  illustrious  personages  whose  virtues  and  abilities  have 
extricated  states  from  dangerous  convulsions,  and,  by  securing 

^  Letter  in  Frothingham's  Siege,  voice  is  rather  favorable  to  the  Amer- 

263.    See  also  the  declaration  of  Pat-  icans.     In   tliis,   [England,]   particu- 

rick  Henry  to  the  Virginia  Conven-  larly,  the  lower  class  of  people  are 

tion,  Marcii  23,  177<5,  in  Wirt's  Life,  adverse  to  the  war.     .     .     .     Xeither 

122.  Protestants  nor  Catholics  in  any  num- 

^  J.  Adams's  Autobiog.  in  Works,  her  have  been  prevailed  upon,  either 

ii.  503,  504 ;  Gordon's  Am.  Rev.  ii.  43 ;  in  England  or  L-eland,  to  enlist  for 

Frothingham's  Siege,  264.     "  Li  all  tlie   American    serrae,   though    the 

the  European  countries,"  says  Gordon,  bounties  have  been  raised,  and   the 

"  where  public  affairs  are  a  subject  of  usual  standard  lowered  to  facilitate  the 

■writing  or  conversation,  the  general  levies." 


ADDRESS   TO    THE   KING.  61 

nappiness  to  others,  have  erected  the  most  noble  and  durable  chap. 
mouumeuts  to  their  own  fame."  ^  ^^• 

This  solemn  appeal,  which  they  resolved  should  be  their  1775. 
last,  and  which  is  said  to  liave  been  drawn  up  l)y  Mr.  Dickin- 
son, of  Pennsylvania,  and  adopted  mainly  through  his  influ- 
ence,^ was  intrusted  to  Eichard  Penn,  one  of  the  proprietaries 
of  Pennsylvania ;  and  it  was  fondly  hoped  that  it  would 
"prove  the  olive  branch  of  reconciliation."  3  At  the  same 
time,  a  declaration  was  drawn  up,  and  read  to  the  assembled 
troops  and  public  bodies,  setting  forth  in  strong  language  the 
causes  of  their  takj^ig  up  arms  ;  ^  addresses  to  the  inhabitants 
of  Great  Britain  and  to  the  people  of  Ireland  were  prepared  ;^ 
and  shortly  after,  by  the  accession  of  Georgia  to  the  Union,  Sep.  13. 
which  had  been  much  desired,  but  long  delayed,  the  "  thirteen 
original  colonies  "  were  joined  into  one  body  for  the  "  preser- 
vation of  the  liberties  of  America  ;  "  and  from  "  Nova  Scotia 
to  Florida  "  there  was  a  "  general  determination  to  resist  to 
the  last  the  claims  of  Great  Britain."  ^ 

'  Jour.  Cont.  Cong.   i.    139-142  ;  of  the  causes,  motives,  and  objects  of 

Gordon's  Am.  Kev.  i.  370  ;  ]3radtord,  taking  arms,  with  a  view  to  obtain  de- 

ii.  53  ;  Impartial  Hist,   of  the  War,  cisive  declarations  against  independ- 

App.  21-23;  Franklin's  Works,  vili.  ence,"  Sec.     Diary,  in  Works,  ii.  415. 

156 ;  Observations  on  the  Am.  llev.  General  Charles  Lee  was  also  opposed 

36-40 ;  Lord  Mahon's  Hist.  Eng.  vi.  to  it,  as  a]j]}ears  from  his  Letter  of 

62.     "The   colonies,"   says    Gordon,  Se])t.  2,  1775,  in  Lee's  Lee,  i.  157. 
"  as  yet  desire  no  more  than  a  redress         ^  J.  Dickinson   to  Arthur  Lee,  in 

of  grievances,  and  security  against  a  Life  of  Lee,  ii.  212;  J.  Adams's  Dia- 

repetition  of  them.      The}'  most  ar-  ry,  in  Works,  ii.  409 ;  Ramsay's  Am. 

dently  long  for  a  firm  and  iiidissolu-  Jlev.  i.  212,  213;  Lord  Mahon's  Hist, 

ble  union  with  the  parent  state  upon  Eng.  vi.  63. 

these  grounds.     Thus  is  it  with  the         ^  Lord  Mahon's  Hist.  Eng.  vi.  62. 
army.      It   is    the    wish    of  General         *  Jour.    Cont.   Cong.  i.    134-139 ; 

Washington  particularly,  and  such  is  1  M.  H.   Coll.    ii.    50-55  ;  Gordon's 

its  reasonableness  that  he  hopes  and  Am.   Rev.   i.   309.      The  conclusion 

expects,  that  the  contest  will  be  short-  of   this  declaration  was  exceedingly 

ly  terminated,  so  as  to  admit  of  his  eloquent. 

eating  his  next  Christmas  dinner  at         °  Jour.  Cont.  Cong.  i.  142-148,  168 

his  own  dehghtful  residence  at  Mount  -172  ;  Gordon's  Am.  Rev.  i.  370, 374; 

Vernon."     John  Adams  was  strongly  Impartial  Hist,  of  the  War,  219;  Obs. 

op])osed   to   this  address,  which   he  on  the  Am.  Rev.  40-49. 
calls  "  a  measure  of  imbecihty."    "It         ^  Jour.  Cont.  Cong.   i.   181,    182; 

occasioned,"  says   he,  "  motions  and  Imj)artial  Hist,  of  the  War,  220 ;  Gor- 

debates  without  end  for  appointing  don's  Am.  Rev.  i.  387 ;  Bissett's  Hist. 

committees  to  draw  up  a  declaration  Eng.  i.  427,  428. 


62  STATE   OF    PUBLIC    FEELING   IN   ENGLAND. 

In  England,  however,  notwithstanding  there  were  nianj^ 
warm  friends  to  the  colonies,  the  current  of  public  feeling, 

1775.  owing  to  studied  misrepresentations  of  their  sentiments  and 
purposes,  was  turning  against  them  ;  and  it  was  openly  an- 
nounced that  "  the  violent  measures  towards  America  are  fairly- 
adopted,  and  countenanced  by  a  majority  of  individuals  of  all 
ranks,  professions,  or  occupations  in  the  country."  ^  The 
magistrates  of  London,  indeed,  constituted  a  signal  exception 

Aug.  to  this  remark  ;  for,  when  the  proclamation  of  the  king  was 
issued  for  "  suppressing  rebellion  and  sedition  in  America,  and 
preventing  traitorous  correspondence  with  that  country,"  and 
when  this  proclamation  was  read  at  the  Royal  Exchange, 
Wilkes,  the  lord  mayor,  showed  his  dissent  in  the  most  de- 
cided manner,  and  at  the  close  of  the  ceremony  his  partisans 
hissed.^  Yet  the  loyal  addresses  which  poured  in  from  all 
parts  of  the  kingdom,  —  from  the  trading  towns  as  well  as 
from  the  rural  districts, —  declaring  in  strong  terms  their 
attachment  to  the  throne  and  constitution,  approving  the  acts 
of  government,  condemning  the  "  insurgents,"  and  recommend- 
ing perseverance  until  they  should  be  "  reduced  to  a  thorough 
obedience,"  prove  how  wide-spread  was  the  feeling  in  favor  of 
coercion,  and  how  little  sympathy  was  felt  for  the  "rebels."  ^ 


^  Burke's   Corresp.  ii.   68 ;   Ham-  entire   independence    of  the  British 

say's  Am.  Rev.  i.  280  ;  Bissett's  Hist,  legislature,  and  ardently -vnsh  an  effort 

Eng.  i.  441 ;  Lord  Mahon's  Hist.  Eng.  may  be  taken  to  accommockte."   See 

vi.  69  ;  Bradford,  ii.  70.  Comp.  Jour,  also  Franklin's  Works,  viii.  177. 

Cont.  Cong.  i.  103.     "  As  far  as  my  ^  Am.  Eeg.  for   1775,   149  ;  Gor- 

experience    reaches,"    says    Curwen,  don's  Am.  llev.  ii.  45,  46  ;  Lord  Ma- 

Joui-.  38,  under  date  Aug.  31,  1775,  hon's  Hist.  Eng.  ^i.  69.   From  several 

"  I  have  observed  that  the  u])])er  ranks,  other  places  jjetitions  against  coercive 

most  of  the  capital  stockholders,  and,  measures  were  presented ;   and  great 

lam  told,  the  principal  nobility,  are  bodies  of  American,  African,  and  West 

for  forcing  the  supremacy  of  Parlia-  LicUan  merchants,  M'ith  a  majority  of 

ment  over  the    colonies ;    and   from  the  inhabitants  of  London  and  Bris- 

the  middle  ranks  down  are  opposed  tol,  still  struggled  to  have  matters  re- 

to  it."     Comp.   also  ibid.  35,  under  stored  to  their  ancient  state ;  but  all 

date  Aug.  8,  1775.     "There  appears  was  to  no  purpose.  Almon's  Remem- 

to  be  a  tenderness  here  in  the  minds  brancer,  ii.  334  et  seq. 

of  many  for  America,  even  of  those  ^  Gordon's  Am.  Rev.  ii.  45 ;  Bis- 

"who  disapprove  of  the  principles  of  an  sett's  Hist.  Eng.  i.  442 ;  Lord  ]\Iahon's 


REJECTION    OF    THE  PETITION    OF   THE    COLONIES.  63 

Under  these  circumstances,  as  might  have  been  expected,  chap. 
when  the  petition  of  the  colonies  was  brouglit  over  to  be  pre-     ^^' 
sented  to  the  king,  and  when  Richard  Penn  and  Arthur  Lee    177.5. 
placed  it  in  the  hands  of  Loi-d  Dartmouth,  it  was  received  in   ^^  ' 
silence;  and,  three  days  later,  they  were  informed  that  "no  Sept.  4. 
answer  would  be  given."  ^     The  Duke  of  Grafton,  who  had 
long  viewed  with  solicitude  the  violent  measures  adopted  by 
the  ministry,  !iad  previously  written  to  Lord  North,  urging  a    Aug. 
reconciliation  with  America,  and  expressing  his  belief  that 
"  the  inclinations  of  the  majority  of  persons  of  respectability 
and  property  in  England  differed  in  little  else  than  words 
from  the  declaration  of  the  Congress  ;  that  if  deputies  from 
the  United  Colonies  could  not  be  acknowledged  by  the  king, 
other  expedients  might  be  devised  by  which  the  wishes  and 
expectations  of  his  majesty's  American  subjects  might  be  stated 
and  properly  considered  ;  and  that  a  want  of  intercourse  had 
hitherto  been,  and  nmst  still  remain,  an  insuperable  bar  to 
accommodation."-    No  attention,  however,  was  immediately 
paid  to  this  letter ;  and  when  it  was  answered,  a  draught  of  Oct.  20. 
the  king's  intended  speech  to  Parliament  was  enclosed,  and 
his  grace  was  politely  informed  that  measures  of  coercion  had 
been  "unalterably  decided  upon."  ^     Li  this  state  of  affairs, 
the  duke  came  to  town,  and  requested  an  interview  with  the 
king  ;  but,  though  his  majesty  respectfully  listened  to  his  state- 
ments, and  "  condescendingly  endeavored  to  demonstrate,  by 
calm  and  dispassionate  reasoning,  the  justice,  the  policy,  and 
the  necessity  of  this  war,  and  the  absolute  certainty  of  ulti- 
mate success,"  no  intention  of  yielding  to  the  colonies  was 

Hist.   Eng.   \i.    69.     Manchester,  in  who  supjjorted  and  those  who  opposed 

tliis  case,  distinguished  itself  by  taking  it,  revived   that   party  distinction  of 

the  lead.  whig  and  tor\-,  which  had  liecn   dor- 

'  Stedman's   Am.    War,   i.    154;  mant  since  tlie  reign  of  Queen  Anne." 

Ramsay's  Am.  Rev.  i.  214;  Bissctt's  -  Belsham's  Geo.  III.  ii.  132;  Bis- 

Hist.   Eng.    i.   451;    Lord   Mahon's  sett's  Hist.  Eng.  i.  450;  Lord  Ma- 

Hist.  Eng.  vi.  69.     "  The  fate  of  this  hon's  Hist.  Eng.  vi.  71. 

petition,"  says  Stedman,  "  and  tlie  ac-  ^  Belsham's  Geo.  IH.  ii.  133  ;  Lord 

rimony  of  argument   used  by  those  Mahon's  Hist.  Eng.  vi.  7 1. 


64  CONVOCATION    OF   PARLIAMENT. 

CHAP,  announced  ;  and  the  duke,  unwilling  to  sanction  such  raeas- 
^^^.J,^  ures,  resigned  his  post  as  lord  privy  seal.  Dartmouth  was 
1775.  appointed  his  successor  ;  and  the  American  secretaryship  was 
bestowed  upon  Lord  George  Germaine,  formerly  Lord  Sack- 
ville,  who  had  hitherto  acted  uniformly  with  the  court,  and 
whose  military  knowledge  and  undoubted  talents  ill  atoned 
for  the  violence  of  his  temper  and  the  rashness  of  his  conduct.^ 
Oct.  26.  The  convocation  of  Parliament  took  place  in  October  ;  ^ 
and  the  session  was  opened  by  an  unusually  long  and  elabo- 
rate oration  from  the  throne,  containing  charges  against 
Massachusetts  of  the  wildest  description,  accusing  the  people 
of  a  "  desperate  conspiracy,"  and  of  "  harboring  a  premeditated 
and  general  revolt."  "  They  have  raised  troops,"  said  the  king, 
"  and  are  collecting  a  naval  force  ;  they  have  seized  the  public 
revenue,  and  assumed  to  themselves  legislative,  executive,  and 
judicial  powers,  which  they  already  exercise  in  the  most  arbi- 
trary manner  over  the  persons  and  properties  of  their  fellow- 
subjects  ;  and  although  many  of  these  unhappy  people  may 
still  retain  their  loyalty,  and  may  be  too  wise  not  to  see  the 
fatal  consequences  of  this  usurpation,  and  wish  to  resist  it,  yet 
the  torrent  of  violence  has  been  strong  enough  to  compel  their 
acquiescence,  till  a  sufficient  force  shall  appear  to  support 
them."  "  It  is  now,"  he  added,  "  become  the  part  of  wisdom 
to  put  a  speedy  end  to  these  disorders  by  the  most  decisive 
exertions.  For  this  purpose,  I  have  increased  my  naval  estab- 
lishment, and  greatly  augmented  my  land  forces  ;  but  in  such 
a  manner  as  may  be  the  least  burdensome  to  my  kingdoms."  ^ 
The  motion  for  an  address  conformable  to  this  speech  pro- 
voked, in  both  Houses,  an  animated  debate.     In  the  House  of 


'  Belsham's  Geo.  III.  ii.  136  ;  Bis-  ^  Debates  in  House  of  Commons 

sett's  Hist.  Eng.  i.  450  ;  Lord  Mahon's  for  1775,  iii.  1-4 ;  Boston  Gazette  for 

Hist.  EnfT.  ^i.  71.  Jan.  8,  1776;  Stedman's  Am.  "War,  i. 

^  The  date  is  October  25  in  some  155  ;  Gordon's  Am.  Rev.  ii.  46  ;  Ram- 

authoritics,  and  October  26  in  others  ;  say's  Am.  Rev.  i.  281  ;  Bissett's  Hist, 

but  the  latter  is  doubtless  the  true  Eng.  i.  444, 445 ;  Lord  ^Mahon's  Hist, 

date.  Eiig'  '^'i-  "70. 


DISCUSSIONS  IN   PARLIAMENT.  65 

Lords,  Rockingham,  in  particular,*  condemned  in  the  most  chap. 
pointed  manner  the  measures  recommended  by  his  majesty,  as  ^,i^ 
fraught  with  ruinous  consequences  to  the  nation  ;  and  the  1775. 
Duke  of  Grafton,  freed  from  official  ties  by  the  resignation 
of  his  post,  took  part  against  the  ministers  with  a  zeal  corre- 
sponding to  the  strength  of  his  convictions  ;  but,  after  a  long 
and  vehement  discussion,  the  original  motion  was  carried  by 
a  vote  of  seventy-six  to  thirty-three. ^  The  debate  in  the 
Commons  was  chiefly  distinguished  by  the  offence  which 
seemed  to  be  taken  by  many  of  the  country  gentlemen  —  the 
Sir  Roger  de  Coverleys  of  the  House  —  at  that  clause  in  the 
speech  in  which  the  king  avowed  his  intention  to  introduce  a 
body  of  his  electoral  forces  into  the  garrisons  of  Port  Mahon 
and  Gibraltar  ;  yet  the  opposition  to  that  part  in  which  the 
affairs  of  America  were  touched  upon  called  forth  eloquent 
speeches  from  Lord  John  Cavendish,  Mr.  Wilkes,  Governor 
Johnstone,  General  Conway,  Luttrell,  Barre,  Burke,  Fox,  and 
Dunning.2  On  the  other  side.  Lord  North  was  supported  by 
Mr.  Ackland,  the  mover  of  the  address.  Governor  Lyttleton, 
who  seconded  it,  and  Germaine,  Barriugton,  Wedderburne, 
Ferguson,  and  Thurloe ;  and  so  strong  was  the  majority  in 
his  favor,  that,  after  a  whole  night's  discussion,  when  the 
question  was  taken,  at  a  quarter  past  four  in  the  morning, 
on  an  amendment  which  had  been  proposed,  expressing  con- 


'  BostonGazettefor  Jan.  15, 1776;  volved  them  in  a  civil  war  against 
Belsham's  Geo.  III.  ii.  135,  136 ;  Gor-  their  clearest  interests,  and  uj^on  the 
don's  Am.  Rev.  ii.  48,  49;  Ramsay's  most  unjustifiable  gromids  —  wanton- 
Am.  Rev.  i.  282;  Lord  aMahon's  Hist,  ly  spilling  the  blood  of  thousands  of 
Eng.  vi.  72.  The  opponents  of  the  their  fellow-subjects." 
speech  not  only  declared  the  American  "-^  Debates  in  House  of  Commons 
war  to  be  "unjust  and  impohtic  in  its  for  1775,  iii.  4-44  ;  Boston  Gazette 
principles  and  fatal  in  its  consequences,"  for  Jan.  29,  1776  ;  Gordon's  Am.  Rev. 
but  atfirmed  that  they  could  not  con-  ii.  47.  General  Conway  condemned 
sent  to  an  address  "  which  might  de-  in  the  most  decisive  terms  the  Amer- 
ceive  liis  majesty  and  the  public  into  ican  war,  declaring  it  to  be  cruel,  im- 
a  belief  of  the  confidence  of  their  necessary,  and  unnatural,  and  calling 
House  in  the  present  ministers,  who  it  in  plain  terms  "  a  butchery  of  his 
had  disgraced  Parhament,  deceived  fellow-subjects." 
the  nation,  lost  the  colonies,  and  in- 

VOL.  III.  5  . 


66  EXAMINATION   OF  PENN. 

CHAP,  cern  that  the  means  used  to  allay  and  suppress  the  disorders 

^_^_J^  in  the  colonies  had  tended  to  increase,  instead  of  diminishing, 
n'!5.    the  disturbances,  it  was  rejected  by  a  vote  of  two  hundred 

Oct.  28.  and  seventy-eight  to  one  hundred  and  eight,  and  the  address 

was  carried  and  sent  to  the  king.^ 
Nov.       This   defeat,  however,  did  not  discourage   the  friends  of 
America ;  and  in  the  following  month  the  opposition  was  es- 
pecially active.     No  formal  notice  had  as  yet  been  taken  of 

Nov.  7.  the  petition  from  America  ;  but,  at  the  instance  of  the  Duke 
of  Richmond,  Mr.  Penn,  who  had  been  sent  with  the  same, 

Nov.io.  was  admitted  to  be  examined  at  the  bar  of  the  House  of 
Lords,  and  a  motion  was  made  that  the  petition  he  had  brought 
afforded  "  ground  for  a  conciliation  of  the  unhappy  differences 
subsisting  between  Great  Britain  and  America ; "  but  the 
motion  was  negatived  by  a  vote  of  eighty-six  to  thirty-three.^ 
Debates  were  next  raised  against  employing  foreign  troops 
without  the  consent  of  Parliament ;  but  on  this,  as  on  the 
other  point,  they  were  defeated.  Nor  did  the  subsequent 
motions  of  Burke  and  Fox,  Sawbridge  and  Oliver,  Hartley 
and  the  Duke  of  Grafton,  tending  to  peace  with  America, 
meet  with  a  better  fate.  The  "  morbid  majority "  in  favor 
of  coercion  proved,  after  all,  too  strong  to  be  defeated ;  and 
the  government  was  left  at  full  liberty  to  pursue  its  negotia- 

*  Debates,   8zc.,   iii.  4-46 ;    Sted-  was  sent  out  by  the  Boston  gentry, 

man's   Am.  War,   i.    158 ;    Bissett's  and,  farcical  enough,  we  gave  great 

Hist.  Eng.  i.  445  ;  Boston  Gazette  for  joy  to  them,  without  knowing  or  in- 

Jan.  22,  29,  1776.     The  reception  of  tending  it ;  for  on  that  day,  the  day 

the  s])eech  in  America  was  such  as  which  gave  being  to  the  new  army, 

might    have    been    expected  ;     and  but  before  the  proclamation  came  to 

Washington  wrote,  Jan.  4,  1776,  "We  hand,  we  had  hoisted  the  Union  flag, 

ai'e  at  length  favored  with  a  sight  of  in  compliment  to  the  United  Colo- 

his  majesty's  most  gracious  speech,  nies."   Sparks's  Washington,  iii.  224, 

breathing   sentiments  of    tenderness  225. 

and  compassion  for  his  deluded  Amer-  *  Belsham's  Geo.  III.  ii.  138-140  ; 

ican  subjects.     The  echo  is  not  yet  Stedman's  Am.  War,  i.  160 ;  Boston 

come  to  hand;  but  we  know  what  it  Gazette  for  Feb.  12  and  March  18, 

must  be  ;  and,  as  Lord  North  said, —  1776  ;   1  M.  H.  Coll.  ii.  58;  Gordon's 

and  we  ought  to  have  believed  and  Am.  Rev.  ii.  50,  51 ;  Niles's  Principles 

acted   accordingly,  —  we   now  know  and  Acts  of  the  Rev.  249-251 ;  Bis- 

the  ultimatum  of  15 ritish  justice.  The  sett's  Hist.  Eng.  i.  451,452;   Lord 

speech  I  send  you.  A  volume  of  them  Mahon's  Hist.  Eng.  vi.  72. 


LORD   north's  prohibitory  BILL.  67 

tions  with  petty  German  princes  for  the  hire  of  mercenaries  chap. 
to  strengthen  the  army  under  General  Howe.^  Before  ^^.^^^^ 
Christmas,  likewise,  the  prohibitory  bill  of  Lord  North,  intro-    1775. 

Dec.  IL 

duced  towards  the  last  of  November,  was  passed,  which  re-  nov.20. 
pealed  the  Boston  Port  Bill  and  the  two  restraining  acts  of 
the  previous  session,  but  absolutely  interdicted  all  trade  and 
commerce  with  the  thirteen  insurgent  colonies  so  long  as  their 
rebellion  should  continue.^  During  the  discussion,  the  gallery 
of  the  House  was  closed  to  strangers,  "  for  the  pretended  rea- 
son that  the  floor  was  too  small,  and  tlie  gallery  necessary  for 
the  use  of  members ; "  the  stringent  clauses  of  the  bill  were 
defended  in  speeches  of  the  most  extravagant  character  ;  and, 
in  particular.  Lord  Mansfield,  to  signalize  his  own  arbitrari- 
ness, quoted  the  laconic  speech  of  Gustavus  Adolphus,  who,  on 
a  certain  occasion,  pointed  to  the  enemy,  and  exclaimed  to  his 
soldiers,  "  See  you  those  lads  ?  Kill  them,  or  they  will  kill 
you."  3  Well  might  Burke  remark,  in  view  of  such  legislation, 
"  It  affords  no  matter  for  very  pleasing  reflection  to  observe 
that  our  subjects  diminish  as  our  laws  increase."^  Had  Chat- 
ham been  able  to  appear  in  Parliament,  to  launch  at  the  admin- 
istration those  thunderbolts  of  indio-nation  before  which  his 


'O' 


^  Letter  of  Jedediah  Huntington,  ther  under  Chap.  HI.  of  this  vohniie, 

Jan.  14,  1776,  in  Trumbull  MSS.  v.  The  assent  of  the  king  to  this  bill  was 

5  ;  Debates  in  House  of  Commons  for  given  on  the  21st  of  l)ecem1)er. 

1775,  iii.  236  et  seq. ;  Stcdman's  Am.  ^  Curwen's    Jour.    40,   41;    Pari. 

War,  i.  162-164;  Boston  Gazette  for  Hist.   Eng.  xviii.   1102;    Debates  in 

Feb.  26  and  March  18,  1776 ;  Gor-  House   of  Commons  for   1775,  iii. ; 

don's  Am.  Ilev.  ii.  49,  53 ;  Ramsay's  Belsham's  Geo.  HI.  ii.  145  ;  Bissett's 

Am.  Rev.  i.  282.    28,000  seamen  and  Hi.st.    Eng.    i.    453,  454  ;  Ramsay's 

55,000  land  Ibrces  were  voted  to  be  Am.  Rev.  i.  284  ;  Lord  Mahon's  Hist, 

employed,  including  the  troops  already  Eng. -v-i.  72.     "The  questions  of  ori- 

in  America.     Holmes's  Am.  Ann.  ii.  ginal  right  and  wrong,"  said  he,  "  are 

237,  note.     The   conciliatory  bill   of  no  longer  to  be  considered.     We  are 

Burke  was  introduced  on  the  16th  of  engtiged  in  a  war,  and  must  use  our 

November,  and  Fox's  motion  on  the  utmost  efforts  to  obtain  the  ends  pro- 

22d.  posed  by  it.    We  must  either  fight  or 

*  Debates,&c.,iii. ;  Belsham's  Geo.  be  pursued;   and  the  justice  of  the 

m.  ii.    144  ;  Impartial  Hist,  of  the  cause  must  give  M'ay  to  our  j^resent 

War,  291  ;  Gordon's  Am.  Rev.  ii.  53,  situation." 

54 ;  Ramsay's  Am.  Rev.  i.  282  ;  Loi-d  *  Lett,  to  the  Sheriffs  of  Princeton, 

Mahon's  Hist.  Eng.  \i.  72.     See  fur-  1777  ;  Lord  Mahon's  Hist.  Eng.  vi.  73. 


68  MOVEMENTS   IN    AMERICA. 

CHAP,  opponents  had  so  often  quailed,  the  passage  of  this  bill  might, 

^^,,^^,1,^  perhaps,  have  been  prevented ;  but,  prostrated  by  an  illness 
1775.  similar  to  that  which  had  once  before  affected  him,  he  re- 
mained shut  up  in  his  house,  and  was  secluded  from  the  world 
for  a  period  of  two  years,  when,  for  the  last  time,  he  emerged 
into  public  life,  and  closed  his  long  and  brilliant  career  while 
warmly  defending  the  cause  of  liberty.^ 

While  tliese  movements  were  in  progress  in  England,  in 
America  the  army  under  "Washington  was  prosecuting  with 
still  greater  rigor  the  siege  of  Boston.  The  proclamations  of 
Gage,  issued  before  he  left  the  country,  had  been  severely 

Nov.12.  censured ;  and,  as  an  offset  to  the  same,  orders  were  sent  to 
General  Sullivan  to  repair  to  Portsmouth,  N.  H.,  to  complete 
the  works  already  begun  tliere,  and  seize  all  the  officers  of 
the  crown  in  those  parts  who  had  given  proofs  of  unfriendli- 
ness to  the  patriot  cause.  Similar  orders  were  likewise  trans- 
mitted to  Governor  Cooke,  of  Rhode  Island  ;  and  to  Governor 

Nov.15.  Trumbull,  of  Connecticut,  Washington  wrote,  "Would  it  not 
be  prudent  to  seize  on  those  tories  who  have  been,  are,  and 
that  we  know  will  be  active  against  us  ?  Why, should  persons 
who  are  preying  on  the  vitals  of  their  country  be  suffered  to 
stalk  at  large,  while  we  know  they  will  do  every  mischief  in 
their  power  ?  "  ^ 

The  reorganization  of  the  army  still  proved  a  matter  of 
difficulty,  and  occupied  a  large  share  of  the  attention  of  the 
commander-in-chief.  Jealousies  existed  at  the  south,  as  well 
as  at  the  north  ;  and,  in  consequence  of  this  distraction  in  the 
public  councils,  and  the  heartburnings  among  the  officers,  who 
fancied  they  were  neglected,  it  became  necessary  to  proceed 
with  delicacy  and  caution.^     The  New  England  colonies,  up 

'  Lord  Mahon's  Hist.  Eng.  \i.  73,  ^  "  Connecticut,"   -vvTote  Wasliing- 

74.  ton  to  Reed,  Nov.  8,  1775,  "wants 

^  Trumbull  MS.  Letter   Book  B,  no  Massachusetts  man  in  their  corps. 

228 ;  Sparks's  Washington,  iii.  145,  Massachusetts  thinks  there  is  no  ne- 

159,  note ;  Sparks's  Corresp.  of  the  cessity    to    be    introduced    amongst 

E,ev.  i.  70 ;  Frotliingham's  Siege,  253.  them ;  and  New  Hampshire  says  it  is 


EMBARRASSMENTS   OF  WASHINGTON.  69 

to  this  date,  had  borne  a  large  share  of  the  burden  of  tlie  chap. 
war  ;  and,  with  the  exception  of  the  rifle  companies  from  the     ^^' 
Middle  States,  which  had  recently  arrived,  they  had  fought    177.5. 
single-handed  and  alone.     Yet  the  cause  in  which  they  were 
engaged  was  the  cause  of  the  country  ;  for,  had  England  suc- 
ceeded in  conquering  Massachusetts,  the  effects  of  this  triumph 
would  have  been  every  where  felt.     It  was,  therefore,  with 
reason  that  the  people  of  the  north  appealed  to  the  south  for 
aid,  and  thatr  the  General  Congress  sanctioned  this  appeal. 
Yet  the  valor  of  the  New  England  troops  had  excited  the 
envy  of  the  south  ;  and  Gerry  wrote,  "  The  eyes  of  friends 
and  foes  are  fixed  on  this  colony  ;  and  if  jealousy  or  envy  can 
sully  its   reputation,  they  will  not  miss  the  opportunity."  ^ 
Washington  felt  the  embarrassment  of  his  position,  and  aimed 
to  supplant  this  local  jealousy  by  a  union  of  spirit.     His  per- 
sonal letters  and  those  of  his  officers  are  full  of  this  theme  ; 
and  the  difficulties   encountered  were  "  really  inconceivable." 
Recruiting  orders  were  issued  ;  but,  after  a  month's  exertions,  Nov.  12 
only  five  thousand  men  had   enlisted. 2    He  was  nearly  dis- 
couraged.    "  Such  a  dearth  of  public  spirit,"  he  wrote,  "  and 

very  hard  that  her  vahiable  and  expe-  Frothingham's  Siege,  265.     "  Let  it 

rienced   oflficers  (who  are  willing  to  be   remembered,"  says  GeiTy,  "  that 

serve)  should   be   discarded  because  the  first  attack  was  made  on  this  col- 

her  own  regiments,  under  the  new  es-  ony ;  that  we  had  to  keep  a  regular 

tablishment,  cannot  provide  for  them."  force  without  the  advantage  of  a  reg- 

Reed's  Reed,  i.  126.  Comp.  also  ibid,  ular  government ;  that  we  had  to  sup- 

i.  131,  132.     Governor  Trumbull,  of  port  in  the  field  from  12,000  to  14,000 

Coimecticut,  also  wTOte  to  President  men,  when  the  whole   forces   voted 

Hancock,  Oct.  9,  1775,  "  It  is  unhap-  by  the  other  Ne-\v  England  govern- 

py  that  jealousies  should  be  excited  nients  amounted  to  8500  only." 

or  disputes  of  any  sort  be  litigated  ^  From  a  letter  of  President  Han- 

between  any  of  the  colonies,  to  disu-  cock  to  Governor  Trumliull,  Dec.  8, 

nite  them  at  a  time  w^hen  our  liber-  1775,  in  Trumbull's  MS.  Letter  Book 

ties,  om-  i)roperty,  and  our  all  is  at  B,  35,  it  appears  that,  from  Novem- 

stake.     If  om-  enemies  prevail,  wliich  ber  19  to  November  28,  but  2540 

can  happen  only  by  our  cUsunion,  om-  men  had  enlisted,  and  966  ])reviously 

jealousies  will  then  appear  groundless,  —  in  ail,  about  3500  men.    Sec,  also, 

and   all   om-  disputed  claims  of  no  same  to  same,  Dec.  2,  in  ibid.  34,  on 

value  to  either  side."     Trumbull  MS.  enhsting  soldiers  for  one  year  from 

Letter  Book  B,  30.  Jan.  1,  1776.     For  a  Hst  of  officers, 

'  Gerrv's  Letter  of  Oct.  9,  1775,  Nov.  4,  see  N.  E.  Ilist.  Gen.  Reg.  for 

in  Austin's  Life   of  Gerry,  i.    115;  1850,67,68. 


70  PROSECUTION   OP  THE  SIEGE. 

CHAP,  want  of  virtue  ;  such  stockjobbing,  and  fertility  in  all  the 
,^J^^.^  low  arts,  to  obtain  advantage  on  one  hand  or  another,  in  this 
1775.  great  change  of  military  arrangement,  I  never  saw  before, 
and  pray  God  I  never  may  be  witness  to  again."  "  Could  I 
have  foreseen,"  he  adds,  "  what  I  have  experienced,  and  am 
likely  to  experience,  no  consideration  upon  earth  should  have 
induced  me  to  accept  this  command.  A  regiment,  or  any  sub- 
ordinate department,  would  have  been  accompanied  with  ten 
times  the  satisfaction,  and  perhaps  ten  times  the  honor."  ^ 

Undaunted,  however,  by  even  such  discouragements,  Wash- 
ington determined  to  continue  the  siege,  and  to  bring  it  to  a 
close,  if  possible,  before  the  spring  opened.  For  this  purpose, 
Nov.  9.  in  November,  after  a  skirmish  had  occurred  at  Lechmere's 
Nov.22.  Point,2  ground  was  broken  at  Cobble  or  Miller's  Hill  by  a 
detachment  of  about  one  thousand  men  under  General  Put- 
nam, and  the  intrenchments  were  completed  by  another  de- 
tachment under  General  Heath,  without  receiving  a  shot  from 
the  enemy.3  Yet  the  situation  of  the  Americans  was  "  truly 
alarming,"  notwithstanding  the  works  which  had  been  thrown 
up  for  their  defence,  and  others  which  were  projected,  and 
"occasionally  manned  in  case  of  a  sortie."^    The  success  of 


•  Sparks's    Washington,    iii.    178,  tack,  in  this  instance,  was  made  by 

179;  Keed's  Reed,  i.  130,  131 ;  Lord  the  British. 

Mahon's   Hist.  Eng.  \'i.   81;  Froth-  ^  Almon's  Remembrancer,  ii.  229 ; 

ingham's  Siege,  266,  267.    The  legis-  Heath's   Mems.  30 ;   Essex  Gazette 

lature  of  Massachusetts  did  all  they  for  1775;  Sparks's  Washington,  iii. 

could  to  encourage  the  citizens  to  join  172,  175  ;  Reed's  Reed,  i.  129,  131 ; 

the  army,  and  in  an  address,  urging  Gordon's  Am.  Rev.  i.  415;  Frothing- 

them  to  engage  in  the  military  ser-  ham's  Siege,  268,  269. 

vice,  said,  "  Hapi)y  vnli  be  the  man  ■•  Sparks's   Washington,   iii.   176; 

who  shall  be  able  to  boast  that  he  Reed's  Reed,  i.  129  ;  Frothingham's 

was  one  of  those  who  assisted  in  this  Siege,  269.     "  I  have  caused,"  wrote 

arduous  but  noble  work.     In  serenity  Washington,  "  two  half-moon  batte- 

he  shall  pass  his  future  days ;  and,  ries  to  be  thrown  up,  for  occasional 

when  satisfied  with  life,  he  will  have  use,  between  Lechmere's  Point  and 

the  proud  satisfaction  of  bequeatliing  the  mouth  of  Cambridge  Ri^•er,  and 

the    inestimable    patrimony    to    his  another    at    the    causey    going    to 

grateful  cliildren."     Bradford,  ii.  52.  Lechmere's  Point,  to  command  that 

^    Gordon's    Am.    Rev.    i.    415  ;  pass  and  ralve  the  little  rivulet  which 

Sparks's  Washington,  iii.  157;  Froth-  runs  by  it  to  Patterson's  Fort.     Be- 

iugham's  Siege,  267,  268.    The  at-  sides  these,  I  have  been  and  marked 


OPERATIONS   IN  DECEMBER.  71 

their  privateers  gave  some  encouragement,  especially  the  cap-  chap. 
ture  of  the  ordnance  brig  Nancy,  laden  with  military  stores,     ^^' 
which  "  spread  such  universal  joy  through  the  camp,  as  if  each    177.3. 
grasped  victory  in  his  hand."     "  The  huzzas  on  the  occasion," 
it  is  added,  "  were  heard,  I  dare  say,  through  all  the  territo- 
ries of  our  most  gracious  sovereign  in  this  province."  ^ 

December  came,  at  length  ;  but  no  disposition  was  evinced 
on  the  part  of  the  Britisli  to  forsake  their  quarters,  or  to 
attack  the  American  camp.  The  weather  was  piercingly  cold, 
and  the  snow  had  commenced  falling,  so  that  the  movements 
of  the  Americans  were  prosecuted  with  difiiculty.  Washing- 
ton was  unable  to  account  for  the  silence  of  the  enemy.  Daily 
did  he  expect  an  attack,  but  no  troops  appeared.  They  re- 
mained quietly  in  their  shelter,  and  contented  themselves  with 
looking  on  quite  indifferently,  while  a  causeway  was  con- 
structed over  the  marsh  leading  to  Lechmere's  Point,  and  a  Dec.  12. 
covered  way  was  carried  from  thence  nearly  to  the  top  of  Dec.  I6. 
the  adjacent  hill.  When,  however,  a  detachment  of  three  Dec.  17. 
hundred  men  was  sent,  under  General  Putnam,  to  break  ground 
at  the  base  of  the  hill,  near  the  water,  they  were  aroused  for 
a  moment,  and  began  to  cannonade  the  intruders  with  round 
and  grape  shot  from  the  decks  of  a  ship  of  war  which  lay 
near  by,  and  from  the  battery  at  Barton's  Point,  mounted  with 
twenty-four  pounders  and  mortars.  But  this  did  not  prevent 
the  continuance  of  the  work  ;  and,  on  the  following  day,  Gen-  Dec.  18. 
eral  Heath  was  ordered  to  the  spot,  and  in  the  afternoon  Wash- 
out three  placesbetween  Sewell's  Point  War,  290  ;  Frothingham's  Siege,  269, 
and  om-  lines  on  Roxbury  Neck  for  270.  Putnam  was  so  oveijoyed,  on 
-works  to  be  thrown  up,  and  occasion-  this  occasion,  that  he  hastily  jumped 
ally  manned,  in  case  of  a  sortie,  when  upon  the  huge  mortar  which  had  been 
the  bay  gets  froze."  cajjtured  and   mounted  on   its  bed, 

'  History  of  the  War  in  America,  and,  with  a  bottle  of  rum  in  his  hand, 
167;  Heath's  Mems.  31;  Thacher's  amidst  the  shouts  of  the  assembled 
Jour.  36  ;  Gordon's  Am.  Kev.  i.  416  ;  multitude,  stood  "  parson  to  christen, 
Ramsay's  Am.  Rev.  i.  224  ;  Sparks's  while  godfather  Mifflin  gave  it  the 
Washington,  iii.  182,  183;  Reed's  name  of  Congress."  This  mortar, 
Reed,  i.  132,  133;  Marshall's  Wash-  however,  was  soon  after  split  and  ren- 
ingtoHj  i.  258 ;  Impartial  Hist,  of  the    dered  useless. 


72       CONDITION  OF  THE  AEMY  AT  THE  CLOSE  OF  THE  TEAR. 


CHAP,  ington  and  other  general  officers  visited  him,  and  encouraged 
^^^^^  him  to  persevere  in  his  labors.^  The  result  was  highly  en- 
1775.  couraging  ;  for  in  a  very  short  time  two  redoubts  were  thrown 
up,  and  a  covered  line  of  communication  was  built  along  the 
causeway  quite  up  to  the  redoubts.  The  completion  of  these 
works  gave  to  the  Americans  a  commanding  position ;  and 
Colonel  Moylan  wrote,  "  Give  us  powder  and  authority,  and 
Boston  can  be  set  in  flames."  ^ 

At  the  close  of  the  year  1775,  the  American  army  is  said 
to  have  numbered  less  than  ten  thousand  men  —  so  greatly 
had  it  been  reduced  by  the  departure  of  those  whose  term  of ' 
enlistment  had  expired,  and  by  the  lukewarmness  with  which 
the  business  of  recruiting  was  prosecuted.^  The  letters  of 
Washington  are  full  of  complaints  on  this  subject ;  and,  satis- 
fied that  it  was  no  time  for  trifling,  and  that  the  exigency  of 
public  affairs  called  aloud  for  vigorous  exertions,  he  continued 
to  urge  upon  the  Assemblies  of  the  New  England  colonies  and 
the  General  Congress  the  necessity  of  adopting  measures  to 
facilitate  the  completion  of  the  army."*     The  troops  from  Con- 

*   Thacher's    Jour.    37  ;     Heath's  239.    "  Oiu-  returns  of  enlistments  to 

Mems.    32;    Reed's   Reed,   i.    136;  this  day,"  wTote  Washington,  Dec.  25, 

NewelFs  Join-,   in  4  M.  H.  Coll.   i.  1775,  "  amount  to  8500  men."     On 

270;  Frothingham's  Siege,  270,  271.  the  31st,  he  wrote,  "  Oiu-  enlistments 

^  Heath's  Memoirs,  34  ;  Sparks's  now  amount  to  9650  men ;  "  and  on 
Washington,  iii.  205,  213;  Reed's  the  14th  Jan.  1776,  "Our  total  num- 
Reed,  i.  137  ;  Frothingham's  Siege,  ber  upon  jjajjer  amounts  to  about 
271,272.  "If  the  rebels,"  wrote  one  of  10,500."  A  miter,  however,  in  Al- 
the  British  officers, "  can  complete  the  mon's  Remembrancer,  Jan.  6,  1776, 
new  battery  which  they  are  raising,  vol.  ii.  238,  says,  "  There  are  now  26 
this  toAHi  will  be  on  fire  about  our  regiments  complete  at  Cambridge,  of 
eai"s  a  few  hours  after  —  all  om*  build-  632  eft'ective  men,  which  amounts  to 
ings  being  of  wood,  or  a  mixtm-e  of  16,422.  The  Connecticut  troops  re- 
brick  and  woodwork.  Had  the  reb-  turned  home  after  the  ex])u-ation  of 
els  erected  their  battery  on  the  other  theii'  time.  That  colony  is  now  raising 
side  of  the  town,  at  Dorchester,  the  19  regiments,  of  900  effective  men 
admiral  and  all  his  booms  would  have  each.  New  York  has  raised  4,  of  750 
made  the  first  blaze,  and  the  buniing  men  each ;  Jersey  2,  of  632  ;  and 
of  the  town  would  have  followed.  If  Peimsylvania  5,  of  632  effective  men. 
we  cannot  destroy  the  rebel  battery  The  number  raised  in  the  southern 
by  our  guns,  we  must  march  out  and  colonies  I  cannot  inlbrm  you." 
take  it,  sword  in  hand."  ''  For  the  instructions  of  Congress 

^  Ramsaj's    Am.    Rev.    i.    259  ;  on  this  subject,  see  Sparks's  Corresp. 

Sparks's  Washington,  iii.   214,  220,  of  the  Rev.  i.  91. 


RECRUITS  FOR  THE   ARMY.  73 

necticut  were  particularly  mutinous ;  nor  was  it  believed  tliat  chap. 
the  other  colonies  would  give  stronger  proofs  of  attach-  ^„f^ 
ment  to  the  common  cause,  upon  the  arrival  of  the  period  1775. 
when  they  might  claim  their  dismission.^  In  this,  however, 
he  was  happily  disappointed;  for  the  citizens  of  Massachu- 
setts promptly  responded  to  the  call  for  their  enlistment,  and 
New  Hampshire  behaved  nobly,  discovering  a  zeal  which  did 
her  the  highest  honor.^  The  people  of  Connecticut,  too, 
"  filled  with  grief,  surprise,  and  indignation,"  were  aroused  to 
action  ;  and  the  inhabitants  of  the  several  towns,  to  redeem 
their  credit,  evinced  their  readiness  to  march  to  the  camp, 
"  upon  their  being  acquainted  with  the  behavior  and  deser- 
tion of  their  troops."  ^  Upon  the  whole,  therefore,  the  aspect 
of  affairs  began  to*  be  more  encouraging ;  and  the  despatch 
made,  both  by  the  people  in  marching  and  by  the  legislative 
powers  in  complying  with  his  requests,  gave  "  infinite  satisfac- 
tion "  to  the  commander-in-chief.^  The  want  of  powder  was 
still  seriously  felt,  nor  was  the  supply  of  cannon  remarkably 
large  ;  ^  but  the  filling  up  of  the  army,  the  erection  of  bar- 


^  Thacher's  Jour.  37.    "  The  same  men  in  the  ser^dce  this  winter,  either 

desire  of  retiring  into  a  chimney  cor-  as  part  of  the  continental  army,  or  as 

Dcr,"  wrote  Washington  to  Reed,  Jan.  pronncial  troops  to  protect  and  guard 

4,  1776,  "  seized  the  troops  of  New  the  sea  coast.     See  the  rolls  at  the 

Hampsliire,  Rhode  Island,  and  Mas-  State  House,  and  comp.  Bradford,  ii. 

sachusetts,  (so  soon  as  their  time  ex-  79. 

pired,)  as  has  worked  upon  those  of  ^  Trumbull  MS.  Letter   Book  B, 

Connecticut,  notwithstanding  many  of  229,  23 1  ;  Sparks's  Washington,   iii. 

them  made  a  tender  of  their  ser\ices  198  ;    Reed's    Reed,    i.    146,    147  ; 

to  continue  till  the  lines  could  be  suf-  Sparks's  Corresp.  of  the  Rev.  i.  103, 

ficiently  strengthened."  Reed's  Reed,  104.     General  Lee,  who  was  in  Con- 

i.  141.  necticut  soon  after,  with  recruiting  or- 

*  Sparks's   Washington,   iii.   19o;  ders,  speaks  of  the  "noble  sphit  in 

Reed's  Reed,  i.  134 ;  Frothingham's  the  jn-ovince ; "  and  Trumbull  wrote 

Siege,  273,  274.     "The   militia  are  to  Washington,  Jan.  22  and  Feb.  2, 

coming  in  fast,"  MTote  Washington,  1776,  that  tlie  troops  were  raising, 

on  the   11  th  of  December.     "I  am  and  that  the  regiments  were  filling  up 

much  pleased  with  the  alacrity  which  as   fast  as  ]iossible.     Trumlndl  MS. 

the  good  people  of  this  pro^^nce,  as  Letter  Book  B,  251,  253,  255. 

well  as  those  of  New  Hamjjshire,  have  ■*  Sparks's  Washington,  iii.  206. 

shown  upon  this  occasion."     See,  fur-  *  Sparks's    AVashington,    iii.    213, 

ther,  his  letter  of  Jan.  4,   1776,  in  215.     "  A  committee  from  the  Gen- 

Sparks's  Washington,  iii.  225.     Mas-  eral  Court  of  this  pro\ince  called  on 

sachusetts,  it  is  said,  had  nearly  10,000  me  the  other  day,  informmg  me  that 


74  Washington's  reflections. 

CHAP,  racks,  and  the  supply  of  firewood,  which  came  in  freely,  made 
^^„J.^  the  condition  of  the  soldiers  more  comfortable  and  easy,  and 

1775.  caused  them  to  show  a  better  disposition,  and  to  labor  more 
cheerfully.^ 

1776.  In  reviewing  the  experience  of  the  past  few  months,  well 
might  Washington  write,  "  It  is  easier  to  conceive  than  to 
describe  the  situation  of  my  mind,  and  my  feelings,  under  our- 
present  circumstances.  Search  the  vast  volumes  of  history 
through,  and  I  much  question  whether  a  case  similar  to  ours 
is  to  be  found  —  to  wit,  to  maintain  a  post  against  the  flower 
of  the  British  troops  for  six  months  together,  without  powder, 
and,  at  the  end  of  them,  to  have  one  army  disbanded,  and 
another  to  raise,  within  the  same  distance  of  a  reenforced 
enemy."  2  Nor  was  it  without  cause  that  'he  expressed  these 
views  ;  for,  under  all  the  circumstances,  it  must  be  acknowl- 
edged that  the  difficulties  he  had  encountered  were  such  as 
could  have  never  been  met  by  an  officer  of  inferior  abilities ; 
nor  could  they  have  been  overcome  by  him,  had  he  not  been 
seconded  by  eminent  patriots  in  different  parts  of  the  country, 
who  endeavored  to  allay  the  spirit  of  faction,  soften  local 
prejudices,  and  remove  the  causes  which  had  hitherto  pre- 
vented a  harmony  of  action.  That  he  did  succeed,  is  to  his 
credit,  and  to  the  credit  of  those  who  cooperated  with  him. 
It  was  indeed  a  time  that  "  tried  men's  souls,"  a  season  of 
unusual  darkness  and  gloom ;  and,  had  not  the  clouds  been 
speedily  dispersed,  the  consequences  must  have  been  fatal  in 
the  extreme.^ 


they  were  in  great  want  of  ordnance  ^  Sparks's  Washington,  iii.  225  ; 
for  "the  defence  of  the  colony."  "Our  Reed's  Reed,  i.  141;  Gordon's  Am. 
want  of  powder  is  mcoiiceivable."  Rev.  ii.  14;  Ramsay's  Am.  Rev,  L 
"  Every  thing  thaws  here,"  wTote  259 ;  Thacher's  Jour.  37. 
Moylan  to  Reed,  Jan.  2,  1776,  "  ex-  '  Lord  Mahon's  Hist.  Eng.  vi.  65. 
cept  Old  Put.  He  is  still  as  hard  as  "  It  is  highly  to  the  honor  of  Wash- 
ever,  crying  out  for  powder,  powder !  ington,  laboring  under  so  many  dis- 
Ye  gods,  give  us  powder."  Reed's  advantages,  to  have  yet  achieved  so 
Reed,  i.  139.  much." 
'  Frothingham's  Siege,  274-276. 


POSITION    OF   THE    BRITISH.  75 

Tlie  position  of  the  British  army  was  equally  discouraging,  chap. 
Sickness  extensively  prevailed  in  Boston  —  tlie  small  pox,  ^^• 
especially,  having  made  sad  havoc  with  the  troops  ;  ^  the  com-  1776. 
missariat  was  very  ill  contrived  ;  provisions  were  scarce  ;  fuel 
was  wanting,  and  could  only  be  obtained  with  the  greatest 
difficulty  ;  and  the  severity  of  the  season,  —  the  piercing  winds 
and  driving  snows,  —  to  which  they  were  unaccustomed,  caused 
much  distress.^  Nor  were  the  tories,  who  had  enlisted  under 
Brigadier  Ruggles,  in  a  much  better  condition,  notwithstand- 
ing their  loyalty  was  amply  rewarded  by  the  gracious  per- 
mission to  "  wear  a  white  sash  around  the  left  arm  ;  "  and  the 
"  Loyal  Irish  Volunteers,"  who  were  distinguished  by  a  "  white 
cockade,"  found  even  that  ornament  insufficient  to  satisfy  the 
cravings  of  hunger.^  Many,  in  consequence  of  their  suffer- 
ings, were  driven  to  desperation  ;  and  it  was  only  by  the 
exercise  of  the  strictest  discipline  on  the  part  of  General 
Howe,  that  the  more  lawless  were  kept  from  plundering  pri- 
vate property  and  breaking  out  into  all  manner  of  riotous 
excesses.  In  some  cases,  offenders  were  hanged ;  in  others, 
they  were  sentenced  to  receive  from  four  hundred  to  one  thou- 
sand lashes,  according  to  the  heinousness  of  their  offence  ;  and 
an  instance  is  recorded  of  the  wife  of  a  private,  who  was  sen- 
tenced "  to  receive  one  hundred  lashes  on  her  bare  back  with 
a  cat-o'-nine-tails,  at  the  cart's  tail,  in  different  portions  of  the 

'  Almon's  Remembrancer,  ii.  230  ;  ^  Thacher's  Jour.  36 ;  Frothing- 
Frothingham's  Siege,  280.  "  The  clis-  ham's  Siege,  280.  Comp.  Lord  Ma- 
tress  of  the  troops  and  people  at  Bos-  hon's  Hist.  Eng.  vi.  81. 
ton  exceeds  the  possibihty  of  descrip-  ^  Frothingham's  Siege,  279.  The 
tion.  There  are  advices  in  town  of  orders  for  the  enlistment  of  the  loy- 
December  14 ;  not  a  coal  ship  was  alists  were  issued  in  November ;  and 
then  arrived;  the  inhabitants  and  the  general  order  of  the  17th  of  that 
ti'oops  literally  starving  with  cold,  month  alludes  to  three  companies. 
They  had  taken  the  jjews  out  of  all  The  Iiish  merchants  enlisted  in  De- 
tlie  places  of  worship  for  fuel ;  had  cember.  Another  class  is  lLk.e^^•ise 
pulled  down  empty  houses,  &c. ;  and  alluded  to,  —  the  Royal  Fencible 
were  then  digging  up  the  timber  at  Americans,  —  said  to  have  been 
the  wharves  for  firing.  Very  jioor  made  up  of  deserters  from  the  Amer- 
clothing  ;  and  so  scarce  of  pro^^sions,  ican  camp, 
they  had  been  eating  horse  flesh  for 
some  time." 


76  A  COUNCIL  OF  WAR  CALLED. 

CHAP,  most  conspicuous  parts  of  the  town,  and  to  be  imprisoned  for 
^^.^.^^  three  mouths.^ 

1775.  A  few  days  after  the  opening  of  the  new  year,  the  resolution 
of  the  General  Congress  passed  in  December  was  received  by 
Washington,  authorizing  him  to  attempt  the  expulsion  of  the 
British  from  Boston  "  in  any  manner  he  might  think  expedient, 
notwithstanding  the  town,  and  property  in  it,  might  thereby  be 
destroyed."^  John  Hancock,  the  president  of  the  Congress, 
and  one  of  the  wealthiest  citizens  of  Massachusetts,  subscribed 
to  this  resolution  with  a  disinterested  zeal ;  and  in  his  mes- 
sage to  the  commander-in-chief  communicating  the  action  of 
his  colleagues,  he. wrote,  "  May  God  crown  your  attempt  with 
success.  I  most  heartily  wish  it,  though  individually  I  may 
be  the  greatest  sufferer."  3 

In  accordance  with  this  resolution,  a  council  of  war  was 

1776.  convened,  to  which  the  question  of  an  attack  was  submitted, 
ler'and'  ^"^^  urged  on  the  ground  that  it  was  "  indispensably  necessary 

to  make  a  bold  attempt  to  conquer  the  ministerial  troops  be- 
fore they  could  be  reeuforced  in  the  spring."  ^  The  situation 
of  the  army,  however,  was  extremely  distressing.  "  My  reflec- 
Jan.  14.  tion  upon  it,"  wrote  Washington,  "  produces  many  an  uneasy 
hour,  when  all  around  me  are  wrapped  in  sleep.  Few  people 
know  the  predicament  we  are  in  on  a  thousand  accounts ; 
fewer  still  will  believe,  if  any  disaster  happens  to  these  lines, 
from  what  cause  it  flows.  If  I  shall  be  able  to  rise  superior 
to  these  and  many  other  difficulties  which  might  be  enumer- 
ated, I  shall  most  religiously  believe  that  the  finger  of  Prov- 


'  Frothingham's  Siege,  281.  !Mareh,  also  by  ministers  of  the  gospel 

^  Jour.  Cout.  Cong.  i.  281 ;  Sparks's  to  their  respective  societies.     Niles's 

Washington,  iii.  22 1 ;  Frotlaingham's  Principles  and  Acts  of  the  Rev.  142, 

Siege,  285.     On  the  19th  of  January,  143. 

1776,  the  General  Court  of  Massachu-  ^  Sparks's  Corresp.  of  the  Rev.  L 

setts   issued  a  proclamation  on   the  100 ;  Frothingham's  Siege,  286. 

support  of  the  government,  wliich  was  '•Sparks's    Washington,   iii.    221, 

ordered  to  be  read  at  the  opening  of  note,  253,  note;  Reed's  Reed,  i.  149 j 

every  Superior  Court  of  Judicature,  Frothingham's  Siege,  280. 
&c.,  and  at  the  aimual  town  meetings  in 


A   SECOND   COUNCIL   CONVENED.  77 

idence  is  in  it,  to  blind  the  eyes  of  our  enemies ;  for  surely,  chap. 
if  we  get  well  tlirougli  this  month,  it  must  bo  for  want  of  ,^,J^,^ 
their  knowing  the  disadvantages  we  labor  under,"  ^    In  conse-    1776. 
quence  of  these  difficulties,  the  action  of  the  council  was  less 
decisive  than  it  would  have  been  under  other  circumstances. 
It  was  agreed,  however,  that  a  vigorous  attempt  on  Boston  Jan.  18. 
ought  to  be  made,  but  that  "  the  present  force  was  inadequate  " 
for  the  purpose  ;  and  his  excellency  was  advised  to  "  request 
of  the  neighboring  colonies  thirteen  regiments  of  militia,  — 
seven  from  IMassachusetts,  four   from   Connecticut,  and  two 
from  New  Hampshire,  —  to  serve  till  the  first  of  April."     In 
tlje  mean  time,  should  an  opportunity  offer  to  effect  any  thing, 
Washington  was  determined  to  avail  himself  of  it ;  and  if,  by 
any  extraordinary  exertion  on  his  own  part,  or  combination 
of  circumstances  favorable  to  an  attack,  the  prospect  of  its 
successful  termination  seemed  to  warrant  the  attempt,  he  was 
ready  to  engage  in  it  at  all  hazards.^ 

In  the  following  month,  a  new  council  was  convened,  but  with  Feb.  16. 
a  like  want  of  success.  The  irksomeness  of  his  situation,  and 
the  consciousness  that  "  the  eyes  of  the  whole  continent  were 
fixed  witli  anxious  expectation  of  hearing  of  some  great  event," 
had  induced  Washington  to  reurge  upon  their  attention  the  ex- 
pediency of  an  assault ;  but  the  inadequate  state  of  the  army, 
and  the  want  of  suitable  munitions,  were,  in  their  estimation, 
invincible  objections  to  a  compliance  with  his  request.  It  was 
resolved,  however,  that  a  cannonade  and  bombardment  might 
be  advisable,  as  soon  as  a  supply  of  powder  was  received,  and 
that  preparations  should  be  made  to  "  take  possession  of  Dor- 
chester Hill,  with  a  view  of  drawing  out  the  enemy,  and  of 
Noddle's  Island  also,  if  the  situation  of  the  water  and  other 


*  Sparks's  Washington,  iii.  240  ;  16,  1776,  in  Trumbull's  MS.  Letter 
Reed's  Reed,  i.  144 ;  Frothiiigham's  Book  B,  246 ;  MS.  Minutes  of  Pro- 
Siege,  286.  ceedings  of  the  Oouncil,  in  ibid.  248, 

2  MS.  Lett,  of  Washington  to  Gov-  249,  522-524 ;  Sparks's  Washington, 

emor  Trumbull,  of  Connecticut,  Jan.  iii. 


78        IMPROVEMENT  IN  THE  CONDITION  OF  THE  AMERICANS. 


CHAP,  circumstances  would  admit  of  it."  ^  This  decision  seems  not 
__^.^^  to  have  given  entire  satisfaction  to  Washington  ;  but  the 
1776.  arrangement  was  acquiesced  in,  and  the  conduct  of  the  busi- 
ness was  left  to  General  Ward,  who,  with  Generals  Thomas 
and  Spencer,  had  been  for  some  time  collecting  fascines  and 
gabions,  "  in  expectation  that  the  same  would  be  wanted."  ^ 
In  the  mean  time,  the  army  had  been  materially  strengthened 
by  the  arrival  of  ten  regiments  of  fresh  recruits  ;  and  Colonel 
Knox,  "  with  an  enterprise  and  perseverance  that  elicited  the 
warmest  commendations,  had  brought  from  Crown  Point  and 
Ticonderoga,  over  frozen  lakes  and  almost  impassable  snows, 
more  than  fifty  cannon,  mortars,  and  howitzers  ;  "  a  supply  of 
shells  had  been  procured  from  various  sources  ;  and  even  pow- 
der became  comparatively  plenty  in  the  camp.^  A  day  was 
therefore  fixed  upon  to  take  possession  of  Dorchester  Heights ; 
Feb.  26.  and  Washington  wrote  to  the  Council  of  the  Massachusetts  Bay, 
submitting  it  to  their  wisdom  "  whether  it  may  not  be  best  to 
direct  the  militia  of  certain  towns  most  contiguous  to  Dor- 
chester and  Roxbury  to  repair  to  the  lines  at  those  places, 

'  Heath's  Mems.  38  ;  Gordon's  my  inactivity.  A  golden  ojiportunity 
Am.  Rev.  ii.  24 ;  Sparks's  Washing-  has  been  lost,  perhaps  not  to  be  re- 
ton,  iii.  292  ;  Reed's  Reed,  i.  166  ;  paired  again  this  year.  The  late  freez- 
Frothingham's  Siege,  291,  292.  The  ing  weather  had  formed  some  pretty 
foUo^ving  extract  from  an  im])ublished  strong  ice  from  Dorchester  to  Boston 
letter  of  Washington  to  Governor  Neck,  and  from  Roxbury  to  the  Com- 
TrumbuD,  Feb.  19,  1776,  refers  to  mon,  which  would  have  afforded  a  less 
this  subject :  "  My  situation  with  ref-  dangerous  api)roach  to  the  town  than 
erence  to  this  article  [powder]  is  real-  through  the  lines  or  by  the  water." 
ly  distressing  ;  and,  while  common  Trumbull,  MS.  Letter  Book  B,  266  et 
prudence  obliges  me  to  keep  my  want  seq.  For  a  return  of  the  powder  re- 
ef it  concealed,  to  avoid  a  chscovery  ceived  at  Cambridge  from  Providence, 
thereof  to  the  enemy,  I  feel  the  bad  February  21,  —  amounting  to  3577 
effects  of  that  concealment  from  our  lbs.  net,  —  see  ibid.  268.  See,  also, 
friends ;  for,  not  believing  our  cUstress  ibid.  264,  Lett,  of  Gov.  Trumbull,  Feb. 
equal  to  what  it  really  is,  they  A\ith-  16,  relative  to  forwarding  powder, 
hold  such  su])plies  as  are  in  their  pow-  ^  Gordon's  Am.  Rev.  ii.  24. 
er  to  give.  I  am  so  restrained  in  all  ■^  J.  Adams's  Diary,  in  ^Vorks,  ii. 
my  military  movements  for  want  of  432  ;  Sparks's  Corresp.  of  the  Rev.  i. 
the  necessary  supplies,  that  it  is  im-  87,  94 ;  Heath's  Mems.  28,  37  ;  Gor- 
possible  to  undertalie  any  thing  effec-  don's  Am.  Rev.  ii.  26  ;  Sparks's  AA^ish- 
tual ;  and,  while  I  am  fretting  at  my  ington,  iii.  297;  Reed's  Reed,  i.  129, 
own  disagreeable  situation,  the  world,  131 ;  Bradford,  ii.  81 ;  Frothingham's 
I  suppose,  is  not  behind  in  censm-ing  Siege,  295. 


THE   APPROACHING   CONFLICT.  79 

with   their   arms,  ammunition,   and   accoutrements,   instantly  chap. 
upon  a  given  signal."  ^     To  facilitate  this  plan,  the  works  at     ^^' 
Lechmere's  Point  were  completed,  and  some  heavy  pieces  of    177G. 
ordnance  were  placed  there,  with  two  platforms  for  mortars  ; 
strong   guards  were  likewise  mounted  at  the  Point  and  at 
Cobble  Hill ;  and  every  thing  was  ready  for  offensive  oper- 
ations.2 

With  these  preparations,  early  in  March  the  American  camp 
began  to  present  "indications  of  an  approaching  conflict." 
The  ground  at  Dorchester  was  frozen  so  hard  that  intrench- 
ments  could  not  be  readily  thrown  up  ;  and  the  army  was 
"  obliged  to  depend  entirely  on  chandeliers,  fascines,  and 
screwed  hay  "  for  their  redoubts.^  To  divert  the  attention  of 
the  enemy,  while  engaged  at  their  work,  a  severe  cannonade  Mar.  2. 
was  commenced  from  Cobble  Hill,  Lechmere's  Point,  and 
Lamb's  Dam,  in  Roxbury  ;  and  under  cover  of  this  fire,  which 
was  continued  for  three  nights.  General  Thomas,  with  about 
two  thousand  men,  six  twelve  pounders,  and  six  or  eight  field 
pieces,  marclied  to  take  possession  of  Dorchester  Heights.  Mar.  4. 
A  covering  party  of  eight  hundred  men  led  the  way ;  then 
came  the  carts  with  the  intrenching  tools  ;  after  these  came 
the  main  working  body  of  about  twelve  hundred  men ;  and  a 
train  of  more  than  three  hundred  carts,  provided  by  General 
Mifflin,  and  loaded  with  fascines  and  hay,  "  closed  the  proces- 
sion."^ The  whole  body  moved  with  the  greatest  silence,  and 
reached  their  destination  in  about  an  hour.  The  covering 
party  then  divided  —  one  half  proceeding  "  to  the  point  near- 
est to  Boston,  and  the  other  to  that  next  to  the  Castle."  The 
direction  of  the  wind  was  favorable  to  the  workmen,  carrying 


1  Sparks's  Washington,  iii.  295, 296.  "  S.  Nash's  MS.  Journal ;  Gordon's 

2  Heath's  Memoirs,  39 ;  Sjrarks's  Am.  Rev.  ii.  26 ;  Newell's  Jour,  in 
Washington,  iii.  296  ;  Reed's  Reed,  4  M.  II.  Colh  i.  272 ;  Sparks's  Wash- 
i.  166  ;  Frothingham's  Siege,  296.  ington.  iii.  302,  303  ;  Reed's  Reed,  i. 

*  Sparks's  Washington,   iii.    299  ;  168.    John  Goddard,  of  Brookline,  is 

Reed's  Reed,  i.  167  ;  Frothingham's  said  to  have  liad  charge  of  these  carts. 

Siege,  297.  Communication  of  H.  W.  Fuller,  Esq. 


80  INTRENCHMENTS   AT    DORCHESTER. 

CHAP,  what  noise  could  not  be  avoided  by  driving  the  stakes  and 
.^_^J^  picking  the  ground  towards  the  harbor,  between  the  town  and 
1776.  the  Castle  ;  and  by  ten  o'clock,  so  diligently  did  they  labor, 
two  forts  were  erected,  one  upon  each  hill,  sufficient  to  defend 
them  from  small  arms  and  grape  shot.  The  night  was  re- 
markably mild  and  pleasant ;  and  the  moon,  which  shone 
brightly  upon  the  hills,  gave  sufficient  light  to  conduct  their 
operations,  while  the  haze  helow  prevented  their  being  discov- 
ered. About  three  o'clock  in  the  morning,  a  relief  party  of 
two  companies  of  artillery  was  sent  on  ;  at  four  o'clock,  Cap- 
tain Drury's  company  of  artillery  marched  ;  teams  passed  con- 
stantly to  and  fro  with  materials  for  the  defences  ;  and  the 
attention  of  the  British  was  diverted  by  the  firing  from  Rox- 
bury,  from  Cobble  Hill,  and  from  Lechmere's  Point,  which 
they  briskly  returned  with  bomb  and  ball.  The  construction 
of  the  works  was  somewhat  novel  ;  and  rows  of  barrels,  filled 
with  earth,  were  placed  around,  which  "presented  only  the 
appearance  of  strengthening  "  them,  but  which  were  in  reality 
designed  to  roll  upon  the  enemy,  in  case  of  an  attack.^ 

It  was  some  time  after  daybreak,  on  the  morning  of  the 
Mar.  5.  fifth,  before  the  "  ministerial  troops  "  could  clearly  discern  the 
newly-erected  forts,  which  loomed  up  to  great  advantage,  and 
which  were  thought  to  be  much  larger  than  was  really  the 
case.  The  pencil  of  a  Hogarth  would  have  been  needed  to 
portray  the  astonishment  of  General  Howe  ;  and  in  great  con- 
fusion he  exclaimed,  "  I  know  not  what  I  shall  do.  These 
rebels  have  done  more  in  one  night  than  my  whole  army 
would  have  done  in  months."    Admiral  Shuldham  was  also 


^  hash's  'SIS.  .Journal,  in  the  posses-  Frothingham's  Siege,  298.     The  pro- 

sion  of  the  author ;  Gen.  Howe  to  Earl  ject  of  filling  bai-rels  with  earth  was 

ofDartmouth,  Mar.  21, 1776;  Heath's  "suggested,"  says  Heath,  "by  Mr. 

Memoirs,  40  ;   Gordon's  Am.  Rev.  ii.  William  Da^'is,  merchant,  of  Boston, 

26,  27  ;  Ramsay's  Am.  Rev.  i.  262  ;  to  our  general,  who  immediately  com- 

Sparks's  Washington,  iii.  341 ;  Reed's  municated   it  to  the  commander-in- 

Reed, i.  168;  Letters  of  Mrs.  Adams;  chief,  who  highlv  approved  of  it,  as 

N.  A.  Rev.  for  Oct.  1840,  371,  372  ;  did  all  the  other' officers." 


MOVEMENTS   OP   THE   BRITISH.  81 

of  opinion  that,  if  tlic  Americans  were  not  dislodged,  not  one  chap. 
of  his  majesty's  ships  could  be  kept  in  the  harbor.     A  coun-  ^^^^ 
oil  of  war  was  accordingly  convened,  and  it  was  decided  to    1776. 
attempt  to  force  the  works.^ 

Washington  had  already  settled  his  plans  of  defence  and 
offence  ;  and  his  officers  and  men  "  appeared  impatient  for  the 
appeal,  and  to  possess  the  most  animated  sentiments  and  de- 
termined resolution."  Signals  had  been  prepared  at  Roxbury 
meeting  house  to  mark  the  moment  of  the  enemy's  departure 
from  Boston  ;  and  four  thousand  chosen  men,  under  Sullivan 
and  Greene,  were  held  in  readiness  at  Cambridge,  and  parad- 
ed, to  embark  in  boats,  land  at  different  points,  and  enter  the 
town  as  soon  as  the  British  should  leave.  The  hurry  and 
bustle  in  tlie  camp  of  General  Howe  could  be  distinctly  seen 
from  without ;  his  orders  were  issued  for  the  preparation  of 
scaling  ladders,  about  ten  feet  in  length  ;  and  a  large  body 
of  troops  was  directed  to  embark  on  board  the  transports, 
with  a  view  of  landing  in  the  hollow  between  the  farthest  of 
the  two  fortified  hills  and  the  Castle.  The  men,  it  is  said, 
looked  pale  and  dejected ;  and  more  than  one  was  heard  to 
remark,  "  It  will  be  another  Bunker's  Hill  affair,  or  worse." 
The  Americans  watched  their  movements  with  no  little  eager- 
ness ;  and  when  the  columns  appeared  on  the  wharves,  and 
passed  to  the  transports,  they  "  clapped  their  hands  for  joy, 
and  wished  them  to  come  on."  It  was  remembered  throughout 
the  camp  that  it  Avas  the  anniversary  of  the  massacre  of  1770  ; 
and  Washington  had  only  to  remind  his  men  of  the  circum- 
stance to  "  add  fuel  to  the  martial  fire  already  kindled,  and 


*  Nash's  MS.  Journal ;  Thacher's  the  hills,"  says  Nash,  "  they  fired  twen- 

Jour.  43 ;  Lett,  of  Jedediah  Hunting-  ty  or  thirty  shot  at  them,  but  did 

ton,  Mar.  6,  1776,  in  Trumbull  MSS.  no  damage.     We  had  one  lieutenant 

V.   45  ;  Almon's    Remembrancer,  iii.  killed  at  Koxbury  last  night,  and  two 

106 ;    Gordon's    Am.    Itev.   ii.    27  ;  men   killed    at   Cambridge,   one    of 

Sparks's  Washington,  iii.  303;  Reed's  whom  was  killed  M'ith  a  bomb  —  the 

Reed,  i.  169,  171;  Bradford,  ii.  92;  first  we  have  ever  had  killed  with  a 

Frothingham's  Siege,  298,  299.  "  Af-  bomb  since  the  campaign  begun." 
ter  the  enemy  discovered  our  men  on 
VOL.   III.                6 


82  STATE   OF   FEELING  IN   BOSTON. 

CHAP,  burning  with  uncommon  intenseness."    The  surrounding  hills 

,_Jl^^  were  alive  with  spectators  ;  and  a  more  bloody  scene  was 
1776.  anticipated  than  at  Charlestown.  But  the  movements  of  the 
Britisli  were  delayed  by  a  furious  wind,  which  arose  in  the 
afternoon,  and  which  blew  with  such  violence  as  to  prevent 
the  ships  from  reaching  their  destination.  The  attempt, 
therefore,  was  abandoned  for  that  day  ;  and  on  the  following 

Mar.  6.  day  the  wind  continued  boisterous,  and  a  storm  of  rain  set  in, 
which  precluded  the  possibility  of  renewing  it  with  any  pros- 
pect of  success.^ 

Mar.  7.  The  seventh  was  a  day  of  hurry  and  confusion  in  Boston  ; 
and  "  both  troops  and  tories  were  as  busy  as  possible  in  pre- 
paring to  quit  the  town,  and  to  carry  off  all  they  could  of 
their  military  stores  and  valuable  effects."  That  night.  Cap- 
tain Irvine,  who  had  been  held  as  a  prisoner,  escaped,  with  six 
others,  and,  visiting  head  quarters,  informed  Washington  of 
the  movements  of  the  enemy,  and  of  their  intention  to  with- 
draw as  speedily  as  possible.     Nor  was  this  mere  rumor  ;  for. 

Mar.  8.  the  ncxt  day,  a  flag  was  sent  out  from  the  selectmen,  with  a 
message  assuring  his  excellency  that  General  Howe  had  no 
intention  of  destroying  the  town  "  unless  his  troops  were  mo- 
lested, during  their  embarkation  or  departure,  by  the  armed 
force  without."  2  But  Washington  was  not  to  be  deterred 
from  taking  all  necessary  steps  to  insure  the  success  of  his 
plans  ;  and  a  strong  detachment  was  sent  to  throw  up  a  bat- 
tery on  Nook's  Hill,  at  Dorchester  Point,  with  the  design  of 
acting  as  circumstances  might  require.     This,  however,  was 


'  Almon's  Remembrancer,  iii,  105,  i.  273  ;  Impartial  Hist,  of  the  War, 
106 ;  Thacher's  Jour.  41  ;  Gordon's  294  ;  Heath's  Mems.  41 ;  Almon's 
Am.  Rev.  ii.  28 ;  Sparks's  Washing-  Remembrancer,  iii.  105  ;  Gordon's 
ton.iii.  304,  305;  Reed's  Reed,  i.  169;  Am.  Rev.  ii.  29;  Sparks's  Wash- 
Boston  Gazette  for  March  4,  11,  18,  ington,  iii.  307,  311,  532,  533; 
and  25,  1776;  Bradford,  ii.  93,  94;  Reed's  Reed,  i.  183;  Frothingham's 
Frothingham's  Siege,  300.  "  Tuesday,  Siege.  Israel  Mauduit,  in  some  MS, 
March  5  :  an  exceeding  bad  storm  notes  on  the  examination  of  Lord 
this  morning.  Wednesday,  March  6  :  Howe,  sjjeaks  of  this  as  a  "  clandes- 
no  firing  to-day."     Nash's  Jour.  tine  cajjitulation,  which  he  meanly  per- 

'  Nash's    Jour.  ;    Thacher's    Jour,  mittcd  and  connived  at,  between  the 

42;  Newell's  Jour,  m  4  M.  H.  Coll.  selectmen  of  Boston  and  Wasliington." 


EVACUATION   OF  THE  TOWN.  83 

not  effected  without  discovery  ;  and  a  fire  was  opened  by  the  chap. 
British  upon  the  Point,  which  was  returned  by  the  Americans  ^.i^ 
from  Roxbury,  Cobble  Hill,  and  Lechmere's  Point.^  1776. 

The  suspense  of  the  Americans  continued  for  a  week,  dur- 
ing which  time  the  British  were  busily  employed  in  complet- 
ing their  arrangements.  A  portion  of  the  soldiery,  as  was  to 
have  been  expected,  could  not  be  restrained  from  acts  of  vio- 
lence ;  and  "  there  was  a  licentious  plundering  of  shops,  stores, 
and  dwelling  houses,  by  soldiers  and  sailors,  carrying  destruc- 
tion wherever  they  went ;  and  what  they  could  not  carry 
away  they  destroyed."  ^  It  should  be  observed,  however,  to 
the  credit  of  General  Howe,  that  he  exerted  himself  diligently 
to  prevent  such  excesses  ;  and  the  guilty  were  threatened 
with  death,  if  detected  in  robbing  or  firing  a  house.^  All 
that  he  now  waited  for  was  a  favorable  wind,  to  enable  him 
to  embark  ;  but  the  crisis  was  precipitated  when,  on  the  morn- 
ing of  the  seventeenth,  he  discovered  a  breastwork  on  Nook's  Mar.  17. 
Hill,  entirely  commanding  the  town,  and  rendering  longer 
delay  both  imprudent  and  dangerous.  The  preparations  for 
the  embarkation  were  therefore  hastened ;  and,  at  a  quite  early 
hour  on  Sunday,  the  British,  satisfied  that  "  neither  hell,  Hull, 
nor  Halifax  could  afford  worse  shelter,"  evacuated  the  town, 
with  some  fifteen  hundred  of  the  tories,  leaving  behind  a 
number  of  cannon,  spiked,  and  two  large  marine  mortars, 
which  they  had  attempted  in  vain  to  burst.  Their  departure 
was  soon  known  in  the  American  camp,  though  the  garrison 
at  Bunker  Hill  sought  to  conceal  their  retreat  by  fixing  "  some 
images  representing  men  in  the  places  of  their  sentinels,  with 
muskets  on  their  shoulders."     But  the  deception  was  quickly 


■  Nash's  Jour. ;  Heath's  Memou's,  Communication    of    Pynson    Blake, 

41 ;    Sparks's  Washington,  iii.   307.  Esq. 

"We  had  four  men  killed  at  one  shot  ^  NeweU's  Jour,  in  4  M.  H.  Coll. 
on  the  Point,"  says  Nash,  "  and  were  i.  274  ;  Gordon's  Am.  llev.  ii.  29. 
obliged  to  give  over  intrenching  that  ^  Gen.  Howe  to  the  Earl  of  Dart- 
night."     James  Blake  resided  at  the  mouth,  Jan.  22,  1776  ;  Gordon's  Am. 
Point,  but  had  deserted  his  house,  llev.  ii.  30 ;  Frothingham's  Siege,  307. 


84 


DEPAETUKE    OF   THE    BRITISH   FLEET. 


CHAP,  discovered ;  and  while  General  Putnam  landed  at   Sewall's 
^J^J.^  Point,  and  entered  the  town  in  one  direction,  a  detachment 
1776.    of  Ward's  troops  from  Roxbury  marched  in,  under  Colonel 
Learned,  and  took  possession  from  that  quarter,  to  the  inex- 
pressible joy  of  the  patriot  inhabitants.^ 

The  transports  of  the  British,  which,  with  the  other  vessels, 
consisted  in  all  of  one  hundred  and  forty  sail,  were  detained 
in  the  harbor  and  roads  for  several  days ;  and  during  this 
period  the  troops  burned  the  blockhouse  and  barracks  on 
Castle  Island,  and  blew  up  and  demolished  the  fortifica- 
tions.2  Their  precise  destination  was  not  known  ;  but,  as  it 
was  conjectured  by  Washington  that  their  next  attempt  would 
be  against  New  York  or  some  more  southern  colony,  he  was 
determined  to  be  in  readiness  to  meet  them  wherever  they 
might  land.     For  this  purpose,  as  General  Lee  had  some  time 


'  Boston  Gazette  for  March  25, 
1776;  Nash's  Journal;  Heath's  Me- 
moirs, 43 ;  Sparks's  AVashington,  iii. 
321;  Reed's  Heed,  i.  176.  "The 
huny  m  which  they  have  embarked," 
wrote  Washington  to  Reed,  "is  in- 
conceivable. They  have  not,  from  a 
rough  estimate,  left  less  than  £30,000 
worth  of  his  majesty's  property  behind 
them,  in  provisions  and  stores,  ves- 
sels, rugs,  blankets,  &c. ;  near  thirty 
pieces  of  fine  heavy  cannon  are  left 
spiked,  which  we  are  now  drilling,  a 
mortar  or  two,  the  H.  shells,  &c.,  in 
abundance ;  all  their  artillery  carts, 
powder  wagons,  &c.,  &c.,  wliich  they 
have  been  twelve  months  about,  are 
left,  with  such  abuse  as  their  hurry 
would  permit  them  to  bestow ;  whilst 
others,  after  a  little  cutting  and  hack- 
ing, were  thrown  into  the  harbor,  and 
are  now  visiting  every  shore.  In  short, 
you  can  scarce  form  an  idea  of  the 
matter.  Valuable  vessels  are  left, 
with  only  a  mast  or  bowsprit  cut 
down,  some  of  them  loaded ;  their 
works  are  all  standing,  upon  exami- 
nation of  wliich,  especially  at  Bun- 
ker's Hill,  we  find  amazingly  strong  ; 
20,000  men  could  not  have  carried  it 
against  1000,  had  that  work  been  well 


defended.  The  town  of  Boston  was 
almost  impregnable,  every  avenue 
fortified."  For  a  list  of  the  stores  left 
in  Boston,  see  the  Boston  Gazette  for 
April  15,  1776,  Stedman's  Am.  War, 
i.  167,  and  Almon's  Remembrancer, 
iii.  109.  The  British,  it  is  said,  mixed 
arsenic  vaih  the  medicines  left  at  the 
almshouse ;  and  the  fact  was  fully 
proved  by  an  analysis  conducted  by 
Dr.  Wai-ren.  Gazette  for  April  22, 
1776. 

*  Newell's  Jour,  in  4  M.  H.  Coll.  i. 
275  ;  Nash's  Journal ;  Almon's  Re- 
membrancer, iii.  105,  109  ;  Gordon's 
Am.  Rev.  ii.  31 ;  Heath's  Mems.  43 ; 
Sparks's  Washington,  iii.  324,  327, 
330;  Reed's  Reed,  i.  177.  "Tues- 
day, March  21,"  says  Nash,  "all  the 
ships,  except  one  that  lay  by  the  Cas- 
tle, got  under  way,  and  went  down  to 
Nantasket  Roads,  and  there  came  to 
an  anchor  ;  and  our  people  went  and 
took  possession  of  the  Castle,  where 
several  cannon  were  left,  and  all  ex- 
cept thi'ee  were  spiked  up.  Colonel 
Tu])per,  with  a  great  number  of  men 
in  whaleboats,  has  been  down  the 
channel  two  or  three  days,  to  watch 
the  motion  of  the  enemy." 


CONDITION   OF   THE  TOWN.  85 

before  been  ordered  thither,  the  march  of  the  continental  chap. 
army  towards  the  south  was  hastened  ;  and,  before  the  montli  ^^„^J,^ 
closed,  several  regiments  were  on  their  way  to  New  York,    1776. 

* 

while  Washington  himself  remained  for  a  season,  to  prevent 
the  recapture  of  the  town  and  to  mature  his  plans. ^  Thus 
were  the  British  expelled  from  the  soil  of  Massachusetts.  The 
"  refractory  colony  "  remained  unsubdued  ;  and  the  zeal  which 
had  been  displayed  inspired  throughout  the  country  the  live- 
liest hopes  of  ultimate  success. 

The  triumph  of  Washington  was  highly  encouraging ;  and 
congratulatory  addresses  poured  in  upon  him  from  the  Gen- 
eral Congress,  the  inhabitants  of  Boston,  and  the  legislature 
of  Massachusetts.^  The  condition  of  the  town  exhibited  a 
melancholy  proof  of  the  ravages  of  war.  The  small  pox  was 
raging.  The  streets  were  filled  with  filth.  Many  buildings 
were  destroyed  ;  churches  were  defaced  ;  fruit  and  ornamental 
trees  had  been  cut  down  and  burned ;  and  the  wanton  spirit 
of  devastation  had  left  its  traces  in  every  quarter.^  Happily, 
the  recuperative  energies  of  the  people  were  such,  that  the 
check  which  had  been  put  upon  their  temporal  prosperity 
stimulated  to  renewed  efforts  to  regain  their  former  position  ; 
the  deserted  streets  were  once  more  filled  ;  business  was  re- 
sumed ;  industry  flowed  in  its  accustomed  channels  ;  the  waste 
places  were  built  up  ;  and  the  metropolis  of  the  north  began 


•  Nash's  Journal ;  Gordon's  Am.  the  assiduity,  skill,  and  bravery  of  the 
Rev.  ii.  3 1  ;  Heath's  Memoirs,  44  ;  other  worthy  generals  and  officers  of 
Sparks's  Washington,  iii.  319,  330-  the  army;  and  to  the  hardiness  and 
333.  gallantry    of  the    soldiery,  is   to    be 

*  Almon's Remembrancer, iii.  Ill-  ascribed,  under  God,  the  glory  and 
113;  Gordon's  Am.  Rev.  ii.  33;  success  of  our  arms  in  driving  fi-ora 
Sparks's  Washington,  iii.  335,  533  ;  one  of  the  strongest  holds  in  America 
Niles's  Principles  and  Acts  of  the  so  considerable  a  part  of  the  British 
Rev.  148-150  ;  Bradford,  ii.  97-101 ;  army  as  that  which  last  week  occupied 
Frothingham's     Siege,    316    et    seq.  the  ca])ital  of  this  province." 

"  To  the  wisdom,  firmness,  intrepid-  ^  Recollections  of  a  Bostonian,  in 

ity,  and  military  abiUties  of  oiur  amia-  the  Boston  Centinel,  and  in  Niles's 

ble  and  beloved  general,  his  excellen-  Principles  and  Acts  of  the  Rev.  479, 

cy  Geo.  Washington,  Esq.,"  says  the  480  ;  Bradford,  ii.  94,  95  ;  Frothing- 

Boston  Gazette  for  March  25 ;  "  to  ham's  Siege,  327-329. 


86  CONDITION   OF  THE  TOWN. 

CHAP,  to  resume  its  wonted  aspect  of  activity  and  enterprise.     This, 
.^^J,^  it  is  true,  was  the  work  of  time ;   nor  was  it  easy,  where 
1776.    oppression  had  so  long  ruled,  to  recover  in  an  instant  from 
the  convulsive  shock.    But  to  the  determined  soul  all  obsta- 
cles yield,  and  discouragements  are  but  stepping  stones  to 
higher  achievements. 


CHAPTER    III. 

INDEPENDENCE  DECLARED. 

The  evacuation  of  Boston  by  the  British  troops  transferred  chap, 
the  theatre  of  war  from  Massachusetts  to  New  York  ;  and  ^J!^ 
thenceforth  the  revohition,  no  longer  confined  to  the  limits    1776. 
of    a   sii>gle   colony,   became   a   national   affair.      The   thir- 
teen  united  colonies  had   previously  pledged  themselves   to 
sustain  it  as  the  cause  of  the  country,  under  the  conviction 
that  it  was  a  common  cause.     No  longer,  therefore,  could  tar- 
diness be  tolerated  ;  and  preparations  for  general  hostilities 
were  prosecuted  with  vigor.     The  question  of  independence, 
too,  came  up  for  discussion  ;  and,  as  it  admitted  of  little  doubt 
that  the  intentions  of  Great  Britain  were  to  push  matters  to 
extremities,  and  as  all  hopes  of  reconciliation  had  been  re- 
luctantly abandoned,  there  remained  but  one  course  for  the 
Americans  to  take  —  they  must  proceed  immediately  to  declare 
their  independence.     "  With  respect  to  myself,"  wrote  Wasli- 
ington   to  Reed,  "  I  have  never  entertained  an  idea  of  an  Feb.  lO. 
accommodation  since  I  heard  of  the  measures  which  were 
adopted  in   consequence   of  the  Bunker's   Hill   fight.      Tiie 
king's  speech  has  confirmed  the  sentiments  I  entertained  upon 
the  news  of  that  affair  ;  and  if  every  man  was  of  my  mind,  the 
ministers  of  Great  Britain  should  know  in  a  few  words  upon 
what  issue  the  cause  should  be  put.     I  would  not  be  deceived 
by  artful  declarations  or  specious  pretences  ;  nor  would  I  be 
amused  by  unmeaning  propositions  ;  but  in  open,  undisguised, 
and  manly  terms  proclaim  our  wrongs,  and  our  resolution  to 
be  redressed.     I  would  tell  them  that  we  had  borne  much  ; 
that  we  had  long  and  ardently  sought  for  reconciliation  upon 

(87) 


88  STATE   OF    PUBLIC   FEELING   IN    AMERICA. 

CHAP,  lionorable  terms  ;   that  it  had  been  denied  us  ;  that  all  our 

^^3^^  attempts  after  peace  had  proved  abortive,  and  had  been 
1776.  grossly  misrepresented  ;  that  we  had  done  every  thing  which 
could  be  expected  from  the  best  of  subjects ;  that  the  spirit  of 
freedom  beats  too  high  in  us  to  submit  to  slavery  ;  and  that, 
if  nothing  else  would  satisfy  a  tyrant  and  his  diabolical  min- 
istry, we  were  determined  to  shake  off  all  connections  with  a 
state  so  unjust  and  unnatural.  This  I  would  tell  them  —  not 
under  cover,  but  in  words  as  clear  as  the  sun  in  its  meridian 
brightness."  ^ 

The  sentiments  thus  expressed  were  extensively  current ; 
and  by  many  zealous  patriots  a  declaration  of  independence 
was  urgently  counselled.     "  Permit  me,"  wrote  Greene,  at  the 

Jan.  4.  opening  of  the  new  year,  "  to  recommend,  from  the  sincerity  of 
my  heart,  ready  at  all  times  to  bleed  in  my  country's  cause,  a 
declaration  of  independence,  and  call  upon  the  world,  and  the 
great  God  who  governs  it,  to  witness  the  necessity,  propriety, 
and  rectitude  thereof."  ^  "  Shall  we  never,"  wrote  Moylan 
to  Joseph  Reed,  "  leave  off  debating,  and  boldly  declare  inde- 
pendence ?  That,  and  that  only,  will  make  us  act  with  spirit 
and  vigor.  The  bulk  of  the  people  will  not  be  against  it ; 
but  the  few  and  timid  always  will."  ^     General  Charles  Lee 

Feb.  28.  also  wrote  to  the  same  person,  "  Reconciliation  and  reunion 
with  Great  Britain  is  now  as  much  of  a  chimera  as  incorpo- 
ration with  the  people  of  Tibet."  ^     Reed  himself  likewise 

Mar.  3.  wrote  to  Pettit,  "  I  look  upon  separation  from  the  mother 

'  Sparks's  Washington,   iii.   286 ;  nite   action.     Bissett,   Hist.   Eng.    i. 

Reed's  Reed,  i.   158.     Gordon,  Am.  469,  Philad.  1822,  likewse  mistakes 

Rev.  ii.  13,  represents  Washington  as  the  ^^ews  of  Washington  in  suj)])Osing 

holding  different  sentiments,  and  says  that  he  was  "  far  from  ajiproving  of 

he  had  "  no  -wish  that  the  Congress  an  entire  dissokition  of  the  eonnec- 

should  declare  the  colonies  independ-  tion  "  with  Great  Britain.     Comp.  on 

ent."    But  this  statement  needs  qual-  this  subject  Sparks's  Life  of  Washing- 

ification,  and  should  be  understood  of  ton,  i.  116,  and  N.  A.  Rev.  for  Oct. 

his  views  at  an  earlier  date,  when,  it  1838,  36.5. 

is  admitted,  he,  Uke  others,  cherished  ^  Frothingham's  Siege,  284. 

the  hope  of  reconciliation.     But  he  ^  Reed's  Reed,  i.  160. 

had  now  abandoned  that  hope,  and  ■•  Reed's  Reed,  i.  161. 
taken  ground  in  lavor  of  more  defi- 


THOMAS   PAINe's    "COMMON   SENSE."  89 

country  as  a  certain  event,  though  we  are  not  yet  so  familiar-  chap. 
ized  to  the  idea  as  thoroughly  to  approve  it."  ^  And,  even  at  ^_^_^ 
an  earlier  date,  Jefferson  wrote  to  John  Randolph,  "  Believe    1775. 

,  Nov.  29. 

me,  dear  sir,  there  is  not  in  the  British  empire  a  man  who 
more  cordially  loves  a  union  with  Great  Britain  than  I  do. 
But,  by  the  God  that  made  me,  I  will  cease  to  exist  before  1 
yield  to  a  connection  on  such  terms  as  the  British  Parliament 
proposes  ;  and  in  this  I  think  I  speak  the  sentiments  of  Amer- 
ica. We  want  neither  inducement  nor  power  to  declare  and 
assert  a  separation.  It  is  will  alone  that  is  wanting  ;  and 
that  is  growing  apace,  under  the  fostering  hand  of  our  king."  2 
While  matters  were  in  this  state,  Thomas  Paine  issued  his 
pamphlet  entitled  "  Common  Sense,"  in  which  the  question  of 
independence  was  boldly  discussed  ;  and  the  effect  it  produced 
was  really  marvellous.  "  Nothing,"  says  Gordon,  "  could  have 
been  better  timed  than  this  performance.  In  unison  with 
the  sentiments  and  feelings  of  the  people,  it  has  produced 
most  astonishing  effects,  and  been  received  with  vast  applause  ; 
read  by  every  American  ;  and  recommended  as  a  work  replete 
with  truth,  and  against  wliich  none  but  the  partial  and  preju- 
diced can  form  any  objections.  It  has  satisfied  multitudes 
that  it  is  their  true  interest  immediately  to  cut  the  Gordian 
knot  by  which  the  American  colonies  have  been  bound  to 
Great  Britain,  and  to  open  their  commerce,  as  an  independent 
people,  to  all  the  nations  of  the  world.  It  has  been  greatly 
instrumental  in  producing  a  similarity  of  sentiment  through 
the  continent  upon  the  subject  under  the  consideration  of 
Congress."  ^     Washington  also  wrote,  "  A  few  more  of  such    I77fi. 

"  Jan.  31. 

flaming  arguments  as  were  exhibited  at  Falmouth  and  Norfolk, 
added  to  the  sound  doctrine  and  unanswerable  reasoning  con- 
tained in  the  pamphlet  '  Common  Sense,'  will  not  leave  num- 
bers at  a  loss  to  decide  upon  the  propriety  of  a  separation.""* 

1  Heed's  Reed,  i.  164,  note.  "  Reed's  Reed,  i.  148.     See  also 

'  Jefferson's  Works,  i.  203.  Ramsay's    Am.    Rev.    i.    338,    and 

3  Am.  Rev.  ii.  78.  Sparks's  Corresp.  of  the  Rev.  i.  136. 


90  VIEWS   OF  CONGRESS. 

No  definite  action,  however,  had  as  yet  been  taken  by  Con- 
gress on  this  subject ;  nor  were  all  the  members  prepared  for 
1776.  so  important  a  step.^  Indeed,  the  dissimilar  origin  and  inter- 
ests of  the  colonists,  with  the  peculiarities  of  their  government, 
their  institutions,  and  their  temperament,  the  variety  of  their 
religious  opinions,  and  the  rarity  of  their  intercourse  with  each 
other,  were  formidable  obstacles  to  perfect  concert  of  action  ; 
and  there  were  many,  besides,  whose  personal  interests  and 
political  prejudices  were  so  deeply  involved  that  the  idea  of  an 
entire  renunciation  of  allegiance  to  England  was  viewed  by 
them  with  aversion  ;  and  these  cautious  statesmen,  like  coastwise 
navigators  fearful  of  adventuring  to  a  distance  from  land,  urged 
that  it  would  be  unwise  and  impolitic  to  proceed  to  extremi- 
ties without  first  providing  additional  safeguards  for  the  pro- 
tection of  their  liberties  ;  and  even  then,  they  argued,  it  would 
be  better  to  refrain  from  severing  the  ties  which  had  bound 
them  to  the  mother  country  until  fully  assured  that  they  could 
do  so  with  safety,  and  with  a  reasonable  prospect  of  ultimate 
success.^ 

The  history  of  the  separation  of  the  colonies  from  Great 
Britain  is  replete  with  peculiar  interest  and  instruction ;  and, 

John  Adams  entertained  a  less  exalt-  entitled  "  The  True  Interest  of  Amer- 

ed   opinion   of  this   pamphlet;    and  ica     impartially    stated,    in    Certain 

while   he  admits  that   '•  it   probably  Strictures    on   a    Pam])hlet   entitled 

converted  some  to  the  doctrine  of  in-  Common  Sense,"  was  also  printed  in 

dependence,"  he  adds,  "  these  would  Philatlelj)hia  in  the  same  year, 

all  have  followed  Congress  with  zeal ;  '  Early  in  January,  1776,  a  motion 

and,  on  the  other  hand,  it  excited  was  made  in  Congress  to  the  effect 

many  writers  against  it,  joarticularly  that,  "  wliereas  we  have  been  chai'ged 

'  Plain  Truth,'  who  contributed  very  witli  aiming  at  independency,  a  com- 

largely  to  fortify  and  inflame  the  par-  mittee  shall  be  ajjpointed  to  exj)lain 

ty  against  independence,  and  finally  to  the  j)co])le  at  large  the  principles 

lost  us  the  Aliens,  Penns,  and  many  and  grounds  of  our  opposition,"  &:c. ; 

other  persons  of  weight  in  the  com-  but  as  some  alarm  was  occasioned  by 

munity."  Autobiog.  in  Works,  ii.  509.  this  motion,  the  matter  was  postponed 

See  also  "  The  Lil'e  and  Character  of  for  futm-e  consideration.     Join:.  Cont. 

Thomas  Paine,"  in  N.  A.   Rev.  for  Cong. ;    Corresp.    of    J.   Adams,   in 

July,  1843.  "Plain  Truth"  was  print-  Works,  L\.  372  ;  Gordon's  Am.  Rev. 

ed  at  Philadelphia,  in  1776,  in  a  pam-  ii.  13. 

phlet  of  84  pages,  including  the  re-  ^  Corresp.  of  J.  Adams,  in  Works, 

marks  of  "  Rationalis  "  and  "  Cato  to  x.  283  ;  Austin's  Life  of  E.  Gerry,  i. 

the  People."  A  pamphlet  of  72  pages,  169 ;  Bradford,  ii.  30,  31. 


POSITION    OF   MASSACHUSETTS.  91 

as  it  was  the  culminating  point  in  our  national  career,  it  merits  chap. 
in  this  place  an  extended  discussion.  The  part  taken  by  Mas-  ^i^Z^ 
sachusetts  in  effecting  this  separation  has  never  been  thor-  1776. 
oughly  understood  ;  nor  has  full  justice  been  done  to  the  noble 
men  who  represented  this  province  in  the  national  councils  — 
who  were  stigmatized  at  the  time  as  "  desperate  adventurers," 
"  bankrupts,  attorneys,  and  men  of  desperate  fortunes."  ^  The 
idea  of  independence  liad  for  years  been  familiar  to  their 
minds  ;  and,  both  iu  public  and  in  private,  they  liad  often  and 
warmly  spoken  in  its  favor.^  Nor  is  it  surprising  that  they 
were  convinced  of  the  necessity  of  this  measure.  The  ven- 
geance of  the  ministry  liad  been  aimed  chiefly  at  Massachu- 
setts ;  it  was  here  that  the  struggle  for  freedom  commenced  ; 
and  thus  far,  the  movements  of  the  war,  with  but  very  few 
exceptions,  had  been  confined  to  these  limits.  The  people  of 
the  north,  likewise,  who  were  of  the  Puritan  stock,  and  who 
inherited  the  sturdy  spirit  of  their  ancestors,  were  more  jealous 
of  their  liberties  than  their  brethren  in  other  parts.  They 
had  been  trained  to  investigate  constitutional  principles  ;  they 


*  Letter  of  Rev.  J.  Duche,  in  Gray-  more  so  from  a  persuasion  tliat  re- 
don's  Mems.  4S2,  Force's  Am.  Ar-  sistance  unto  blood  having  been  made 
chives,  i.  1216,  and  Sjjarks's  Corresp.  against  the  governmental  measures, 
of  the  Rev.  i.  452.  See  also  xA.uto-  the  British  spirit  will  never  be  quieted 
biog.  of  J.  Adams,  in  AVorks,  ii.  512.  -with  any  thing  short  of  those  conces- 
"  ^Ir.  Gushing  was  a  harmless  kind  sions  and  satisfactions  which  Ameri- 
of  a  man,  but  poor,  and  wholly  de-  cans  never  make."  The  views  of 
pendent  on  his  jiopularity  for  his  sub-  Samuel  Adams,  one  of  the  earliest 
sistence.  Mr.  Samuel  Adams  was  a  and  most  zealous  advocates  of  inde- 
very  artful,  designing  man,  but  des-  pendence,  are  well  known.  The  views 
perately  poor,  and  wholly  dependent  of  J.  Adams  may  be  gathered  from 
on  his  popularity  with  the  lowest  vul-  his  Diary,  in  Works,  ii.  411-413,  and 
gar  for  his  living.  John  Adams  and  from  his  intercepted  letters,  in  the 
Mr.  Paine  were  two  young  lawyers,  Boston  Gazette  for  Jan.  1,  1776,  ap- 
of  no  great  talents,  reputation,  or  proved  by  Reed  in  liis  letter  of  Aug. 
weight,  who  had  no  other  means  of  21,  1775,  to  Thomas  Bradford,  in 
raising  themselves  into  consequence  Reed's  Reed,  i.  118.  For  the  views 
than  liy  courting  popularity."  of  Jose])h  Hawley  and  Elbridge  Ger- 

*  Comp.  Gordon's  Am.  Rev.  ii.  13.  ry,  see  Austin's  Life  of  Gerry,  i.  161, 
"  Many  of  the  principal  gentlemen  in  164,  174,  175.  Articles  in  favor  of 
the  Massachusetts  have  long  been  independence  were  published  in  the 
urging  their  delegates  at  Congress  to  Boston  Gazette  for  April  15  and  29, 
bring    forward    indej^endency  —  the  1776. 


92  STATE   OF  FEELING  AT  THE   SOUTH. 


CHAP,  "were  sensitive  to  every  encroachment  upon  their  rights  ;  and 
,^_^  the  painful  experience  through  which  they  had  passed,  the 
1776.  intellectual  battles  they  had  fought  with  the  advisers  of  the 
king,  the  physical  resistance  into  which  they  had  been  forced, 
the  sufferings  they  had  endured,  the  stimulus  which  had  been 
given  to  their  resentments  and  animosities,  the  feelings  of 
wounded  pride  which  had  been  engendered,  and  the  conscious- 
ness that  tliey  were  acting  not  only  for  themselves,  but  for 
those  who  should  come  after  them,  in  opposing  the  policy  of 
their  misguided  sovereign,  —  all  these  had  prepared  them  to 
look  at  things  differently  from  many  of  their  contemporaries, 
and  to  feel  that  nothing  short  of  actual  independence  could 
deliver  them  from  the  evils  to  which  they  had  been  subjected, 
which  affected  as  well  the  prosperity  of  the  whole  country  as 
of  the  particular  part  which  had  hitherto  suffered  most.^ 

At  the  south  a  different  spirit  prevailed ;  and  not  only  in 
Pennsylvania,^  the  liome  of  the  Quakers,  but  "  in  all  the  Mid- 
dle and  Southern  States,"  the  "  idea  of  independence  "  was,  for 
a  long  time,  as  "  unpalatable  as  the  stamp  act  itself.''  ^   In  Vir- 

'  It  should  be  borne  in  mind,  in  sylvania,  see  Reed's  Reed,  i.  151  et 
reading  these  statements,  that  the  idea  seq.,  and  Sparks's.  Corresp.  of  the 
of  independence  was  forced  uj)on  the  Rev.  i.  163.  "  Notmthstanding," 
statesmen  of  Massachusetts.  Hence  says  Reed,  "  the  act  of  Parhament  for 
President  Hancock,  in  a  letter  to  Gov-  seizing  our  ]n-operty,  and  a  thousand 
ernor  Trumtndl,  of  Connecticut,  April  other  proofs  of  a  bitter  and  irrecon- 
30,  1776,  in  Trumbull  MS.  Letter  cilable  spuit,  there  is  a  strange  re- 
Book  B,  47,  very  truly  says,  "  The  luctance  hi  the  minds  of  many  to  cut 
unprejiared  state  of  the  colonies  on  the  knot  which  ties  us  to  Great  Brit- 
the  commencement  of  the  war,  and  ain,  particularly  m  this  colony  and  to 
the  almost  total  want  of  every  thing  the  southward."  Thomas  M'Kean, 
necessary  to  carry  it  on,  are  the  true  however,  Letter  to  J.  Adams,  Se])t. 
sources  from  whence  all  our  difficul-  28,  1813,  in  Adams's  Works,  x.  73- 
ties  have  proceeded.  This  fact,  how-  75,  while  he  admits  that  "  a  large  ma- 
ever,  furnishes  a  most  striking  proof  jority  of  the  representatives  and  ci^'il 
of  the  weakness  or  wickedness  of  officers  "  were  in  the  opj)osition, 
those  who  charge  them  Mith  an  ori-  doubts  whether  the  people,  as  a  whole, 
ginal  intention  of  withdrawing  from  symjmthized  with  them  in  their  views, 
the  government  of  Great  Britain,  and  The  Quakers,  he  says,  were  the  most 
erecting  an  inde])endent  empire.  Had  violent.  "  They  gave  great  trouble 
such  a  scheme  been  formed,  the  most  to  the  whigs,  but  were  kept  under  by 
■warlike  preparations  would  then  have  fear,  as  well  as  by  superior  numbers." 
been  necessary  to  effect  it."  ^  j_  Adams's  Autobiog.  in  Works, 

^  On  the  state  of  atlaii's  in  Penn-  ii.  512,  note.    "  I  am  exceedingly  sur- 


STATE    OP   PEELING   AT   THE    SOUTH, 


93 


ginia,  especially,  notwithstanding  there  were  lionoraljle  cxeep-  chap. 
tions  to  the  remark,  and  a  magnanimous  spirit  prevailed  among  ^^^ 
the  Intelligent,  the  inhabitants,  as  a  body,  were  exceedingly    1776. 
"  proud  of  their  ancient  dominion,"  and  "  thought  they  had  a 
right  to  take  the  lead  ;  "  and  the  Southern  and  Middle  States 
were  "  too  much  disposed  to  yield  it  to  them."  ^    Besides,  the 


prised,"  ■wrote  Washington  to  Reed, 
April  15,  1776,  in  Sparks's  Washing- 
ton, iii.  357,  and  Heed's  Reed,  i.  189, 
"  to  hear  of  the  dirisions  and  parties 
which  prevail  with  you,  and  in  the 
southern  colonies.  These  are  the 
shelves  we  have  to  avoid,  or  our  bark 
will  split  and  tumble  to  pieces.  Here 
lies  oin-  great  danger,  and  I  almost 
tremble  when  I  think  of  this  roclv. 
Nothing  but  disunion  can  hurt  our 
cause.  This  will  ruin  it,  if  great  pru- 
dence, temper,  and  moderation  are 
not  mixed  in  our  counsels."  For  the 
])osition  of  New  York,  see  Adims's 
Works,  ii.  3-47,  and  ix.  407,  411; 
Sparks's  Life  of  Gouverneur  Morris, 
i.  37,  90,  109-112.  "New  York," 
wrote  J.  Adams,  June  22,  1776,  "is 
likely  to  have  the  honor  of  being  the 
very  last  of  all  in  imbibing  the  gen- 
uine principles  and  the  true  system  of 
American  polic}'.  Perhaps  she  will 
never  entertain  them  at  all."  The 
Asseml:)ly  of  New  Jersey,  in  Novem- 
ber, 1775,  instructed  their  delegates 
to  oppose  any  pro])osition  aiming  at 
independence ;  nor  was  it  until  after 
the  subject  had  been  for  some  time 
under  discussion  in  Congress  that  she 
changed  her  views.  Mulford's  New 
Jersey,  409,  410.  For  the  position 
ofDelaM'are,  see  Letter  of  T.  M'Kean 
to  J.  Adams,  Nov.  15,  1813,  in  Ad- 
ams's Works,  X.  80-82.  "  A  major- 
ity of  this  state  were  unquestionably 
against  the  inde])endonco  of  America; 
but  the  most  sensible  of  the  Episco- 
palians, the  Baptists  and  Quakers,  and 
the  Presbyterians,  with  verj-  few  ex- 
ceptions, prevailed  against  them,  as 
they  believed  they  would  be  overpow- 
ered, with  the  help  of  the  other  col- 
onies, if  they  resisted."  The  Mary- 
land convention,  in  December,  1775, 


instructed  their  delegates  to  oppose 
the  question  of  independence ;  but 
a\L-.  Chase,  who  favored  the  measui'e, 
on  his  return  home,  procured  coimty 
instructions  to  the  members,  by  which 
they  were  induced  to  cliaugo  their 
vote ;  and  on  the  28th  of  June  he 
wrote  from  Annapolis,  "  I  am  this  mo- 
ment from  the  House,  to  procure  an 
express  to  follow  the  post  with  an 
unanimous  vote  of  our  convention  for 
inde])endence."  Gordon's  Am.  Rev. 
ii.  87  ;  Andrews's  Am.  Rev.  ii.  209 ; 
Hildreth's  U.  S.  iii.  136.  "  The  North 
Carolinians,"  sa)-s  Gordon,  Am.  Rev. 
ii.  78,  "  were  at  one  time  violent 
against  a  separation  fi"om  Great  Brit- 
ain ;  a  delegate  in  their  convention 
mentioning  indejjendence,  the  cry  was, 
'  Treason !  treason  ! '  and  he  was  called 
to  order."  This  colony,  however,  soon 
changed  its  course,  and  was  one  of  the 
first  to  vote  for  independence.  See 
farther  on.  South  Carolina  was  like- 
wise oj)posed  to  the  declaration  of  in- 
de])endence  ;  nor  was  it  until  the  last 
moment  that  the  delegates  from  that 
colony  consented  to  cast  their  votes 
in  its  favor.  Jefferson's  Works,  i.  18. 
'  Note  to  Autobiog.  of  J.  Adams, 
in  Works,  ii.  5 12,  513.  That  Virginia 
was  at  first  opposed  to  indejiendence 
is  e\'ident  from  the  letter  of  Reed  to 
Washington,  March  15,  1776,  in 
Reed's  Reed,  i.  173.  "  It  is  said  the 
Virginians  are  so  alarmed  with  the 
idea  of  independence,  that  they  have 
sent  ]Mr.  Braxton  on  jjurjiose  to  turn 
the  vote  of  that  colony,  if  any  ques- 
tion on  that  subject  should  come  be- 
fore Congress."  Washington  also 
Avrote  to  Reed,  April  1,  1776,  in 
Reed's  Reed,  i.  180,  "  My  country- 
men, I  know,  from  their  form  of  gov- 
ernment, and  steady  attaclunent  here- 


94  STATE    OF    FEELING   AT   THE   SOUTH. 

CHAP,  pressure  of  the  war  had  been  less  seriously  felt  at  the  south 
^^^'  than  at  the  north ;  the  habits  of  the  people  were  strikingly 
1776,  different ;  their  manners  and  customs  were  likewise  peculiar  ; 
their  commercial  relations  were  much  less  extensive ;  they 
were  "  jealous  of  the  republican  spirit "  of  New  England ; 
their  political  principles  were  aristocratic ;  the  tendency  of 
their  past  history  had  been  to  foster  their  attachment  to  mo- 
narchical institutions  ;  the  stain  of  slavery  was  branded  deeply 
into  their  internal  policy  ;  and  the  current  of  their  thoughts, 
and  the  maxims  which  prevailed  among  them,  had  generated 
less  of  that  sensitiveness  to  external  oppression  which  was  felt 
by  the  descendants  of  the  Puritan  exiles,  who  were  reluctant 
to  compromise  truth  for  peace. ^ 

On  this  ground,  and  on  this  only,  can  the  phenomena  of 
the  revolution  be  satisfactorily  explained  ;  and  to  conceal 
the  fact  tliat  local  prejudices  existed  at  the  time,  which 
powerfully  affected  the  movements  of  parties,  and  whose  influ- 
ence has  widened  and  reached  onward  to  our  own  days, 
would  be  to  preclude  the  possibility  of  penetrating  their 
movements,  and  to  veil  their  conduct  in  perpetual  obscurity .^ 


tofore  to  royalty,  will  come  reluctant-  can  it  be  said  that  they  had  made  up 
ly  into  the  idea  of  independency,  but  then-  minds  in  its  favor." 
time  and  persecution  bring  many  '  Gordon's  Am.  Rev.  ii.  91.  In 
■wonderful  things  to  pass ;  and  by  jjri-  the  respects  alluded  to  in  tlie  text, 
"vate  letters  which  I  have  received  from  there  was  a  close  jjolitical  sympathy 
Virginia,  I  find  '  Common  Sense '  is  between  New  York  and  tlie  south,  \is- 
making  a  wonderful  change  in  the  ible  from  the  outset  of  the  difficulties 
minds  of  many  men."  Jefferson,  also,  with  the  mother  countrv.  Comp., 
Notes  on  Virginia,  177,  cd.  1801,  says  Hikh-eth's  U.  S.  2d  Series',  i.  38. 
that,  in  A])ril,  1776,  the  legislators  of  ^  "  Tliis  conversation,"  says  John 
Virginia  did  not  think  of  indejiendence.  Adams,  alluding  to  one  held  with  the 
"  Independence,  and  the  establishment  delegates  from  Congress,  "  and  tlie 
of  a  new  forai  of  government,  were  principles,  facts,  and  motives  suggest- 
not  even  yet  the  objects  of  the  people  ed  in  it,  have  given  a  color,  com]:)Iex- 
at  large.  One  extract  from  the  pam-  ion,  and  character  to  the  whole  j)olicy 
phlet  called  Common  Sense  had  ap-  of  the  United  States  Irom  that  day  to 
peared  in  the  Virginia  papers  in  Feb-  tliis.  Without  it,  Mr.  Washington 
ruary,  and  copies  of  the  ])amphlet  it-  Mould  never  have  commanded  oiu*  ar- 
self  had  got  into  a  few  hands.  But  mies ;  nor  Mr.  Jefferson  have  been  the 
the  idea  had  not  been  ojiened  to  the  author  of  the  Declaration  of  Inde- 
mass  of  the  people  in  April,  much  less  pendence  ;    nor  jVIi".  Kichard   Hemy 


STATE    OF   FEELING    AT    THE    SOUTH.  95 

Let  it  not  be  inferred,  however,  tliat  the  spirit  of  liberty  chap. 
"was  extinct  at  the  south,  and  that  none  of  her  statesmen  had  _i^^ 
sympathy  with  tlie  north.  On  tlie  contrary,  it  is  cheerfully  1776. 
acknowledged  that  there  was  an  enlightened  class  who  had 
broken  loose  from  conventional  restraints,  and  risen  above  the 
peculiarities  of  their  position.  Lee,  and  Henry,  and  Wythe, 
of  Virginia,  Gadsden,  of  South  Carolina,  and  Chase,  of  Mary- 
land, with  the  Rutledges,  and  Lynch,  and  Jefferson,  and  others, 
should  be  ranked  in  this  class  ;  ^  and  even  of  those  who  were 
for  moderate  counsels,  and  who  deprecated  the  supposed  pre- 
cipitancy of  their  associates,  many  were  open  to  argument  and 
conviction,  and  yielded  their  preferences  for  the  general  good. 
Still,  facts  must  be  stated  exactly  as  they  stand  ;  and  if  there 
is  occasion  to  regret  that  differences  should  have  existed,  and 
that  difficulties  should  have  arisen,  there  is  occasion  to  rejoice 
that  a  conciliatory  spirit  adjusted  these  dilferences  and  sur- 
mounted these  difficulties,  so  that,  in  the  end,  what  was  done 
•was  done  harmoniously  ;  and  concert  of  action  was  essentially 
promoted  by  the  willingness  to  concede,  so  far  as  was  practi- 
cable, all  that  was  local  in  favor  of  the  general  interests  of 
the  country.  It  will  be  understood,  also,  that  it  is  not  de- 
signed to  reflect  upon  the  patriotism  of  those  whose  caution 
led  them  to  dread  all  measures  tending  to  a  separation  from 
Great  Britain,  and  who  "  sufi^ered  doubts  and  fears  to  triumph 
over  hope ; "  for,  when  the  die  was  cast,  and  a  return  was 
impossible,  even  the  prudent  acquiesced  cheerfully  in  the 
necessary  measures  for  the  public  defence,  and  sacrificed  read- 
ily their  lives  and  fortunes  for  the  liberties  of  America.  A 
distinction  should  be  made  —  and  it  is  a  broad  one  —  between 
tories,  who  were  hostile  to  liberty,  and  patriots,  who  differed 
only  as  to  the  best  mode  of  securing  it.^ 

Lee  the  mover  of  it ;  nor  Mr.  Chase  Autobiog.  in  Works,  ii.  51. 

the  mover  of  foreif^n  connections.     K        '  Autohio<f.  of  J.  Adams,  inWorks, 

I  have  ever  had  cause  to  repent  any  ii.  408,  409,  0O6  :  Lee's  Lee,  i.  168 ; 

part  of  tills  jjolicy,  that  repentance  has  Wirt's  Patrick  Henry. 

been,  and  ever  will  be,  unavailing."         ^  Austua's  Life  of  Gerry,  i.  194, 195. 


96  PROPOSITION    OF   JOHN    ADAMS. 

CHAP.  The  transfer  of  the  theatre  of  war  from  the  north  to  the 
__^^^  south  occurred  at  the  most  favorable  juncture  to  forward  the 
1776.  views  of  the  north  with  reference  to  independence.  While 
Massachusetts  alone  was  "the  suffering  state,"  and  British 
fleets  and  armies  threatened  only  the  safety  of  the  peninsula 
of  Boston,  the  other  states  could  not  be  expected  to  enter  so 
deeply  into  the  question  as  to  the  fate  which  awaited  them  ; 
but  when  New  York  was  threatened,  and  Charleston,  in  South 
Carolina,  and  no  one  knew  how  soon  the  whole  coast  might 
be  invested,  the  question.  What  will  come  next  ?  assumed  a 
quite  different  aspect,  and  pressed  itself  closely  upon  the  at- 
tention of  all.^  Hence,  early  in  May,  after  John  Adams  had 
fruitlessly  labored  for  months  to  accomplish  the  same  object,^ 
May  10.  a  committee  was  appointed  to  prepare  a  resolution  recom- 
mending to  the  people  of  the  states  to  institute  governments  ; 
and  this  committee,  of  which  Mr.  Adams  was  one,  draughted 
and  reported  a  resolve,  which,  though  opposed  as  "  a  ma- 
May  15.  chine  to  fabricate  independence,"  eventually  passed,  and  "  was 
considered  on  all  hands,  by  men  of  understanding,  as  equiva- 
lent to  a  declaration  of  independence,  though  a  formal  dec- 
laration of  it  was  still  opposed  by  Mr.  Dickinson  and  his 
party." ^ 


'  "  It  has  hapi)ened  as  I  expected,"  166;  Gordon's  Am.  Rev.  ii.  75,  76; 

■wrote  Reed  to   Washington,  March  Almon's    Remembrancer,    iii.     136 ; 

23,    1776,  hi   Reed's  Reed,  i.    175,  Stedman's  Am.   War,  i.    188;  Mai- 

"  that  many  who  wei-e  impatient  to  shall's  Washington,  ii.  403 ;  Cmtis's 

have  Howe  drawn  from  Boston,  ai-e  Hist,  of  the  Const,  i.  39.     It  should 

now  alarmed  with  the  apprehension  be  observed,  however,  that  several  of 

of  the  seat  of  war  being  removed  to  the  colonies,  imitating   the  example 

the  middle  colonies."  set  by  Massachusetts  in  1775,  had  ap- 

*  Autobiog.    in    Works,    ii.    506.  jjlied  to  Congress  for  adAice  respecting 

"  These,  and  such  as  these,  were  my  the  form  of  government  it  was  expe- 

constant  and  daily  topics,  sometimes  of  dient  for  them  to  adopt ;   and  it  was 

reasoning,and,  no  doubt,  often  of  decla-  recommended  to  them  to  call  a  "  fiill 

mation,  from  the  meeting  of  Congress,  and  free  representation  of  the  people," 

in  the  autumn  of  1775,  through  the  and  if,  upon   consultation,  it  should 

whole  winter   and   spring  of  1776."  seem  necessary,  to  establish  a  suita- 

See  also  Corresp.  in  Works,  ix.  391,  ble  form  of  government  "  dm-ing  the 

401,  Works,  iii.  44^6.  maintenance  of  the  present  dispute." 

^  Autobiog.  of  J.  Adams,  in  Works,  New  Hampshire,  (November  3,  1775,) 

ii.   510;  Jour.   Cont.   Cong.   ii.   158,  South  Carolina,  (November  4,)  and 


COURSE   OF   MASSACHUSETTS. 


97 


This,  however,  was  but  one  point  gained,  though  a  point  of  chap. 
some  importance.     For  the  principal  obstacle  in  the  way  of  _3.^^ 
success,  hitherto,  had  originated  from  the  insecure  tenures  of    1776. 
liberty,  and  the  hesitancy  on  the  part  of  some  of  the  provinces 
to  assume  into  their  own  hands  the  conduct  of  their  afiairs. 
Massachusetts  had  for  nearly  a  year  acted  independently  of 
the  officers  of  the  crown  ;  but  in  Pennsylvania  and  elsewhere, 
the  authority  of  the  royal  governors  was  still  admitted,  and 
in  but  few  of  the  states  had  it  been  wholly  repudiated.^     The 
course  taken  by  Massachusetts  admitted  of  no  mistake  ;  for 
the  General  Court,  at  their  session  in  April,  passed  a  resolve  April  1. 
to  alter  the  style  of  writs  and  other  legal  processes  —  substi- 
tuting "  the  people  and  government  of  Massachusetts "  for 
George  III.  ;    and,  in  dating  official  papers,  the  particular 
year  of  the  king  was  omitted,  and  only  the  year  of  our  Lord 
was  mentioned.^     Early  in  May,  likewise,  an  order  was  passed  May  10 


Vii'ginia,  (December  4,)  received  such 
advice,  and  prepared  to  act  upon  it  — 
the  first  colony  in  January,  the  second 
in  March,  and  the  third  in  May,  177(3. 
Jour.  Cont.  Cong.  i.  210,  219,  260; 
J.  Adams's  Corresp.  in  Works,  ix. 
372 ;  Gordon's  Am.  Ptev.  ii.  13  ; 
Austin's  Life  of  Gerry,  i.  99,  178; 
Hildreth's  U.  S.  iii.  126,  127,  129 ; 
Cm'tis's  Hist,  of  the  Const,  i.  36.  The 
manceuvre  by  which  the  ])eople  of 
New  York  were  led  to  act  favorably 
upon  this  question  is  detailed  by  Gor- 
don, Am.  -Rev.  ii.  74,  75.  See  also 
Corresp.  of  J.  Adams,  in  Works,  ix. 
407. 

1  On  the  9th  of  November,  177.3, 
the  Assembly  of  Pennsylvania  in- 
structed their  delegates  to  "  dissent 
fi'om  and  utterly  reject  any  projjosi- 
tions,  should  such  be  made,  th;it  may 
cause  or  lead  to  a  scjjaration  from  our 
mother  coimtry,  or  a  change  in  the 
form  of  this  government ; "  and,  in 
May,  1776,  the  Assembly  withdrew 
from  its  union  with  Congress  in  con- 
sequence of  instructions  to  their  dele- 
gates upon  the  resolve  of  May  15,  for 
suppressing  all  authority  derived  from 

VOL.  III.  7 


the  croA\m  of  Great  Britain  in  the 
United  Colonies.  Upon  this,  a  con- 
vention of  the  peo]ilcwas  called,  May 
20,  at  which  Bayard  and  Pioberdeau 
were  particularly  active  in  intimating 
their  belief  that  the  Assembly  had 
been  drag'ged  into  a  compliance  with 
most  of  the  resolutions  of  Congress, 
from  fear  of  a  })rovincial  coiavention ; 
hence  the  deputies  reversed  their  for- 
mer decision,  and  expressed,  June  24, 
their  willingness  to  come  into  a  vote 
of  Congress  declaring  the  United  Col- 
onies free  and  independent  states. 
Gordon's  Am.  Rev.  ii.  86 ;  Keed's 
Reed,  i.  155,  especially  the  extract 
from  the  ]\Iorris  !MSS.  in  ibid,  note ; 
Hildreth's  U.  S.  iii.  125;  Boston  Gaz. 
for  April  15  and  July  1,  1776;  Aus- 
tin's Lile  of  Gerry,  i.  193 ;  Niles's 
Principles  and  Acts  of  the  llev.  252. 

-  Jour.  House  of  liep.  for  1776  ; 
Bradford,  ii,  106.  Hildreth,  Hist.  U. 
S.  iii.  127,  says  New  Hampshire  set 
the  first  example  of  assumption  of 
government  in  January,  1776;  but 
he  overlooks  the  fact  that  Massachu- 
setts had  aheady  taken  the  same  step. 


98         VOTE  OF  THE  TOWNS  IN  FAVOR  OF  INDEPENDENCE. 

CHAP,  and  published,  by  which  the  people  of  the  several  towns  in  the 

__^„.^^  province  were  advised  to  give  instructions  to  their  respective 

1776.    representatives,  to  be  chosen  for  the  following  political  year, 

on  the  subject  of  independence. ^     It  is  not  contended  that  this 

was  the  first  instance  in  which  such  a  proposition  was  publicly 

Apr. 26.  made;  for  North  Carolina  had,  two  weeks  before,  authorized 
her  delegates  to  join  with   the  other  colonies  in  declaring 

May  6  independence  ;  and  Rhode  Island  and  Connecticut  had  indi- 

AT 

cated  their  inclination  by  dispensing  with  the  oath  of  alle- 
Jun.  14.  giance  to  the  king,  though  a  mouth  elapsed  before  the  Con- 
necticut Assembly  instructed  their  delegates  to  vote  for  in- 
dependence.2 

The  returns  from  the  towns  of  Massachusetts  were  highly 
encouraging,  and  in  nearly  every  instance  the  instructions  to 
their  representatives  were  favorable  to  an  explicit  declaration 
of  independence.^  But,  while  this  question  was  pending  here, 
June,  three  great  measures  were  brought  before  Congress,  and  three 
committees  were  appointed  —  the  first  for  preparing  a  decla- 
ration of  independence,  the  second  for  reporting  a  plan  of  a 
treaty  to  be  proposed  to  France,  and  the  third  to  digest  a 
system  of  articles  of  confederation  to  be  proposed  to  the 
states.^  The  committee  on  the  declaration  of  independence 
consisted  of  Thomas  Jeff"erson,  of  Virginia,  John  Adams,  of 
Massachusetts,  Benjamin  Franklin,  of  Pennsylvania,  Roger 
Sherman,  of  Connecticut,  and  Robert  R.  Livingston,  of  New 
York.5  The  committee  to  draught  a  treaty  with  France  con- 
sisted of  John  Dickinson,  of  Pennsylvania,  John  Adams,  of 

'  Boston  Gazette  for  May  13, 1776;  different  toMTis,  and  comp.  Jour.  H. 

Jour.  House  of  Rep.  for  1776;  Al-  of  R.  for  1776,  and  Austin's  Life  of 

mon's  Remembrancer,  iii.  136,232;  Gerry,  i.  182,  186. 
Braflford.  ii.  104.  ■•  Autobiog.  of  J.  Adams,in  Works, 

2  Trumbull    MS.    v.    209,    210;  ii.  5 10 ;  Sparks's  Corresp.  of  the  Rev. 

Sparks's  Corresp.  of  the  Rev.  i.  192,  i.  221. 

193  ;  Austin's  Life  of  Gerrv,  i.  178,         '"  Jour.  Cont.  Cong.  ii.  197 ;  Auto- 

181,   193,   194;  Hildreth's  U.  S.  iii.  biog.  of  J.  Adams,  in  Works,  ii.  510, 

131,  132.  511;  Gordon's  Am.  Rev.  ii.  78. 

^  See  the  published  histories  of  the 


i 


EFFECTS   OF   THE   ACTION   OF   PARLIAMENT.  99 

Massachusetts,  Benjamin  Harrison,  of  Yirgiuia,  and  Robert  chap. 
Morris,  of  Pennsylvania  ;  ^  and  the  committee  on  the  articles  ..^_,^_;^ 
of  confederation  consisted  of  Josiah  Bartlett,  of  New  Hamp-    1776. 
shire,  Samuel  Adams,  of  Massachusetts,  Stephen  Hopkins,  of 
Rhode   Island,  Roger  Sherman,  of  Connecticut,  Robert  R. 
Livingston,  of  New  York,  John  Dickinson,  of  Pennsylvania, 
Thomas  M'Kean,  of  Delaware,  Thomas  Stone,  of  Maryland, 
Thomas  Nelson,  of  Virginia,  Joseph  Hewes,  of  North  Caro- 
lina, Edward  Rutledge,  of  South  Carolina,  and  Button  Gwin- 
nett, of  Georgia.^ 

"Without  doubt,  the  unanimity  which  now  began  to  prevail 
was  partly  promoted  by  the  action  of  Parliament  in  passing  j}'^^% 
the  bill  interdicting  all  trade  and  intercourse  with  the  thir- 
teen United  Colonies,  and  declaring  the  property  of  Ameri- 
cans, whether  in  ships  or  goods,  on  the  high  seas  or  in  harbor, 
"  to  be  forfeited  to  the  captors,  being  the  officers  and  crews 
of  his  majesty's  ships  of  war,"  and  that  "  the  masters,  crews, 
and  other  persons  found  on  board  captured  American  vessels, 
should  be  entered  on  board  his  majesty's  vessels  of  war,  and 
there  considered  to  be  in  his  majesty's  service,  to  all  intents 
and  purposes  as  if  they  had  entered  of  their  own  accord."  ^ 

•  Jour.  Cont.  Cong.  ii. ;  Gordon's  posed;  and  in  July,  1775,  Dr.  Fraiak- 
Am.  Rev.  ii.  78  ;  Autobiog.  of  J.  Ad-  lin  reported  a  sketch,  which  was  de- 
ams,  in  Works,  ii.  516.  bated  in  Congress,  and  wliicli  formed 

*  Jour.  Cont.  Cong.  ii.  197,  198;  the  leading  features  of  the  articles 
J.  Adams's  Works,  ii.  492,  note.  To  afterwards  adoj^ted.  Impartial  Plist. 
this  committee  Francis  Hopkinson  of  the  War,  App.  18-20;  Diplomacy 
was  added  June  28 ;  and  a  rej^ort,  in  of  the  U.  S.  3  ;  Austin's  Life  of  Ger- 
a  draught  of  twenty  articles,  was  made  ry,  i.  249.  An  article  entitled  "  Pro- 
July  12,  debated,  and  laid  over  from  posals  for  a  Confederation  of  the 
time  to  time  until  November  15, 1777,  United  Colonies  "  was  also  ])ubiished  in 
when,  having  been  reduced  to  thirteen,  the  Boston  Gazette  for  Ajnil  22, 1776. 
they  were  adopted,  and  sent  to  the  ^  Ramsay's  Am.  llev.  i.  282,  283. 
colonies  for  approval  or  rejection  ;  but  The  opposition  to  this  bill  in  the 
the  confederation  was  not  fully  estab-  House  of  Commons  was  quite  s])irit- 
lished  until  March,  1781.  Trumbull  ed ;  and,  in  particular,  tlie  clause  by 
MS.  Letter  Book  13,  146,  149;  Jour,  which  persons  taken  on  board  the 
Cont.  Cong.  iii.  396,  40 1 ;  Niles's  American  vessels  were  indiscriminate- 
Principles  and  Acts  of  the  llev.  104  1}'  com])elled  to  serve  as  common  sail- 
et  seq. ;  Curtis's  Hist,  of  the  Const,  i.  ors  in  British  shi])s  of  war  was  con- 
chap,  v.  On  the  20th  of  May,  1775,  demned  as  a  "  refinement  of  tyranny 
"  articles  of  confederation  "  were  pro-  worse  than  death." 


100 


EFFECTS    OF   THE    ACTION    OF    PARLIAMENT. 


1776. 
March 


CHAP.  This  law  arrived  in  the  colouies  about  the  time  of  the  evacua- 
^_f^^  tion  of  Boston  ;  and  the  effects  resulting  from  it  were  such 
as  had  been  predicted  by  its  opposers.  It  "  not  only  united 
the  colonies  in  resisting  Great  Britain,  but  produced  a  favora- 
ble opinion  of  independence  in  the  minds  of  thousands  who 
previously  reprobated  that  measure."  From  New  Hampshire 
to  Georgia  it  was  "  considered  as  a  legal  discharge  from  their 
allegiance  to  their  native  sovereign."  And  "  what  was  want- 
ing to  produce  a  decided  majority  of  the  party  for  breaking 
off  all  connection  with  Great  Britain  was  speedily  obtained 
from  the  irritation  excited  by  the  hiring  of  foreign  troops  to 
fight  against  the  colonists."  This  measure  was  "  nearly  coin- 
cident with  the  ratification  of  the  prohibitory  law  just  men- 
tioned ;  and  intelligence  of  both  arrived  in  the  colonies  about 
the  same  time."  ^  "  We  now  know,"  wrote  a  citizen  of  emi- 
nence in  Philadelphia  to  his  friend,  "  who  the  commissioners 
are,  and  tlieir  numbers,  viz.  :  Messrs.  the  Hessians,  Brunswick- 
ers,  Waldeckers,  English,  Scotch,  and  Irish.  This  gives  the 
coup  de  grace  to  the  British  and  American  connection.  It  has 
already  wrought  wonders  in  this  city.  Conversions  have 
been  more  rapid  than  under  Mr.  Whitefield.  The  Pennsylva- 
nia Farmer,  Mr.  Dickinson,  told  me  yesterday,  in  the  field,  that 
his  sentiments  were  changed ;  he  had  been  desirous  of  keep- 


'  Impartial  Hist,  of  the  War,  291, 
292,  note ;  IJostou  Gazette  for  June 
17,  1776  ;  Gordon's  Am.  Kev.  ii.  56- 
58 ;  Ramsaj's  Am.  Rev.  i.  28o ;  Bis- 
sett's  Hist.  Eng.  i.  4o8 ;  Lee's  Lee, 
i.  163 ;  Corresp.  of  J.  Adams,  in 
Woifc,  ix.  383  ;  Letter  of  Lord  Stir- 
ling, March  11, 1776,  in  Sparks's  Cor- 
resp. of  the  Rev.  i.  172.  The  treaties 
which  had  been  concluded  with  the 
Landgrave  of  Hesse  Cassel,  the  Duke 
of  Brunswick,  and  the  hereditary 
prince  of  Hesse  Cassel,  for  hiring 
17,000  of  then-  troops  to  the  King  of 
Great  Brittiin,  were  laid  before  the 
Commons  Februaiy  29,  1776,  and 
gave  lise  to  an  interesting  debate  on 


the  propriety  of  employing  foreign 
troops  against  the  Americans.  The 
measure  was  su])ported  on  the  grounds 
of  the  necessity  of  prosecuting  the 
war,  and  the  impracticability  of  rais- 
ing a  sufficient  number  of  domestic 
levies.  It  was  also  urged  that  "  for- 
eign troops,  inspired  with  the  military 
maxims  and  ideas  of  implicit  submis- 
sion, would  be  less  apt  to  be  biased 
by  that  false  leniiij  which  native  sol- 
diers might  indulge  at  the  exj^ense  of 
the  national  interest."  For  the  views 
of  Lord  Mahon  on  the  employment 
of  these  troops,  see  his  Hist.  Eng.  vi. 
86,  87. 


EFFECTS   OF   THE   ACTION    OF   PARLIAMENT.  101 

ing  tlie  door  open  as  long  as  possible,  and  was  now  convinced  chap. 
that  nothing  was  expected  from  our  enemies  but  slavery."  ^      ^i^i^ 
Indeed,  in  the  sessions  of  Parliament  between  the  twenty-    1775. 
sixth  of  October,  1775,  and  tlie  twenty- third  of  Mav,  1770,    "lo^^' 

May  23 

the  "  ultimate  plan  of  reducing  the  colonies  was  comidetcly  1776. ' 
fixed."  The  Americans  were  declared  to  be  out  of  the  royal 
protection  ;  commerce  was  prohibited  with  them  ;  their  per- 
sons and  property  were  subjected  to  seizure ;  and,  to  crown 
the  whole,  a  band  of  foreign  mercenaries  was  emjjloyed,  by 
the  authority  of  the  English  government,  to  eifect  their  sub- 
jugation.2  Is  it  surprising  that  such  measures  should  have 
led  to  the  conviction  that  the  time  for  bolder  action  had 
come,  and  that,  abandoned  by  their  king,  put  out  of  his  pro- 
tection, declared  to  be  in  a  state  of  open  rebellion,  and  treated 
as  enemies,  the  political  compact  which  had  hitherto  united 
them  to  Great  Britain  should  have  been  considered  as  no 
longer  binding,  and  the  people  as  at  liberty  to  take  care  of  the 
republic  that  it  sustained  no  damage  ?  ^ 

But  that  which,  more  than  all  else,  perhaps,  confirmed  them 
in  the  conviction  that  longer  delay  would  be  hazardous,  if  not 
suicidal,  was  the  failure  of  the  attempt  of  the  Duke  of  Graf- 
ton to  prevent  the  continuance  of  hostilities.     Tliis  amiable  Mar.14. 
nobleman,  who  to  the   qualities  of  integrity,  sincerity,  and 

'  Gordon's  Am.  Rev.  ii.  77.     John  than  the  con\ictions  of  his  own  judg- 

Adams,  Diary  in  Works,  ii.  408,  inti-  ment. 

mates  that  "  the  Quakers  had  intimi-         ^  "  It   is   thoupjht,"   says   Gordon, 

dated   Mr.   Dickinson's   mother  and  Am.  Kev.  ii.  43,  "  that  a  treaty  with 

wife,  who  were  continually  distressing  the  coiurt  of  Petersliurg,  for  20,000 

him  with    their  remonstrances,"  and  Jtussians,  Avas  at  one   time,  the  last 

that  his  mother  said  to  him,  "  John-  year,  in  consideral)le  forwardness,  but 

ny,  you  will  be  hanged ;  your  estate  that  the  extreme  distance  of  the  ser- 

■will  be  forfeited  and  confiscated ;  you  vice,  the  difficulty  of  recall,  and  the 

■will  leave  your  excellent  wife  a  widow,  critical  state  of  jiiiblic  affairs  through 

and  yom-  chai-mmg  cliildren  orphans,  Em-oj)e  rendered  it  abortive,  after  the 

beggars,  and  infamous."    Tliis  may  be  most  sanguine  ho])es  of  success."  See 

true,  yet  it  must  be  conceded  that  the  also  Sparks's  Corresp.  of  the  Rev.  i. 

honesty  of  j\Ir.  Dickinson  stands  unim-  126. 

peached  ;  nor  does  it  seem  very  lilvcly         =*  "  Xe  quid  detrimenti  respublica 

that  one  of  liis  abihtj-  should  have  capiat." 
been  influenced  in  his  course  by  other 


102         THE  DUKE  OF  GRAFTON's  CONCILIATORY  PLAN. 

CHAP,  intellectual  ability  joined  a  reverent  regard  for  the  liberties 

.^,..^.i^  of  America,  as  well  as  for  the  honor  and  dignity  of  England, 

1776.    moved  that  an  address  should  be  presented  to  the  throne,  re- 

Mai-.ll.  ,  .  ' 

questing  that,  in  order  to  stop  the  further  effusion  of  blood,  and 
to  manifest  the  sincere  desire  of  king  and  Parliament  to  restore 
peace  and  redress  grievances,  a  proclamation  might  be  issued, 
declaring  that,  if  the  colonies  should  present  a  petition  to  the 
commander-in-chief  of  his  majesty's  forces  in  America,  or  to 
the  commissioners  appointed  for  such  purposes,  setting  forth 
what  they  considered  to  be  their  just  rights  and  real  griev- 
ances, the  king  would  consent  to  a  suspension  of  arms,  and 
refer  their  petition  to  Parliament,  where  they  might  be  confi- 
dent it  would  be  duly  considered  and  answered.  But  this 
proposition,  however  well  meant,  was  too  unpalatable  to  the 
ministry  to  admit  of  its  adoption.  The  reasoning  of  its 
friends  was  as  water  spilled  on  the  ground  ;  and  it  was  reject- 
ed by  a  majority  of  tliree  to  one.^ 

This  defeat  checked  for  a  time  all  further  attempts  for  con- 
ciliatory measures  in  either  House  of  Parliament ;  and  though 
the  lord  mayor,  aldermen,  and  commons  of  the  city  of  London 
still  continued  their  endeavors,  in  a  decent  address  which  they 
Mar.22.  presented  to  his  majesty,  the  answer  was  unfavorable ;  ®  and 
the  departure  of  Commodore  Hotham  in  the  Preston,  with  all 
the  transports,^  having  on  board  the  first  division  of  Hessians, 
sent  over  to  spread  devastation  in  America,  was  too  palpable 
a  proof  of  the  inflexibility  of  tlie  ministry,  and  of  their  deter- 
mination at  all  hazards  to  carry  out  their  schemes,  to  admit 


'  Stedman's   Am.   War,    i.     164 ;  unjustifiable  resistance  to  the  consti- 

Gordon's  Am.  Itev.  ii.  59 ;  Bissett's  tutional  avithority  of  this  Iving-dom ; 

Hist.  Eiig.  i.  459.  and  I  shall  be  ready  and  ha])py  to  al- 

'■'  This  address  was  pubHshed  in  the  leviate  those  miseries  by  acts  of  mer- 

Boston  Gazette  for   June   17,  1776,  cy  and  clemency,  whenever  that  au- 

with  the  reply  of  the  kino-,  in  whicli  thority   is  estahlished,  and  the  now 

he  says,  "  I  de])lore,  with  tlie  deepest  exislins^  rebellion  is  at  an  end." 

concern,  the  miseries  which  a  great  •'  Letter  of  Jmae  25,  1776,  in  Al- 

part  of  my  subjects  in  North  America  mon's  Remembrancer,  iii.  119. 
have  brought  upon  themselves  by  an 


DISCUSSION   OF   THE   QUESTION    OF    INDEPENDENCE.  103 

of  question  on  the  part  of  those,  if  such  there  were,  who  still  chap. 
fondly  trusted  in  the  clemency  of  the  king,  and  Avho  could  not  ^^.^^ 
persuade  themselves  that  all  overtures,  however  reasonable,    i776. 
would  be  peremptorily  rejected.     Both  the  people  of  England 
and  the  people  of  America  had  much  yet  to  learn  relative  to 
the  persistency  with  which   misguided   statesmen  adhere  to 
their  schemes  of  oppression,  and  the  delusion  and  blindness 
which  seem  to  possess  them  when  once  they  have  surrendered 
themselves  to  the  dominion  of  their  passions.      The  moral 
obstacles  thus  interposed  in  the  way  of  an  amicable  adjustment 
of  difficulties  are  often  insuperable ;  and  when  otherwise,  can 
only  be  overcome  by  a  radical  change  in  the  springs  of  action, 
or  by  such  overwhelming  calamities  as  cause  even  the  most 
hardened  to  pause  in  their  career,  and  to  tremble,  wiien  it  is 
too  late,  at  the  fatal  consequences  of  their  own  folly. ^ 

The  question  of  the  independence  of  the  colonies  was  now 
discussed  in  all  quarters  more  earnestly  than  ever  ;  and  prep- 
arations were  making,  by  the  Assemblies  of  the  different  col- 
onies, not  only  to  ascertain  the  views  of  the  people,  but  the 
lengths  to  which  they  were  willing  to  go,  in  case  independence 
should  be  declared.^ 


'  Lord  George  Germaine  to  Gen.  prised,  while  many  others  really  are, 

Howe,  March  2S  and  April  27,  1776.  and  some  affect  to  be,  astonished  at 

*  "The   votes   of   the   Congress,"  the  phenomenon."    Joseph  Galloway, 

wrote  J.  Adams  to  H.  Knox,  Jnne  2,  in  his  examination  before  the  House 

1776,  Corresp.  of  J.  Adams,  in  Works,  of  Commons,  in  1779,  gave  his  views 

ix.  38  J,  "  and  the  proceedings  of  the  of  the  progress  of  independence  in  the 

colonies  separately,  must,  before  this  following  words :  "  I  do  not  believe, 

time,  have  convinced  you  that  this  is  from  the  best  knowledge  I  have  of  the 

the  sense  of  America,  with  infinitely  state  of  America  at  that  time,  that  one 

greater   unanimity  than   could   have  fifth  of  the  peo])le  had  independence 

been  credited  by  many  peoi:)le  a  few  in  ^iew.     I  wish,  when  I  give  an  opin- 

months  ago.     Those  few  persons,  in-  ion,  always  to  give  my  reasons  lor  it. 

deed,  who  have  attended  closely  to  The   progress   of  the"sj)irit  of  inde- 

the  ])roceedings  of  the  several  colo-  pendence  was  very  gradual.     So  early 

nies  for  a  numl)er  of  years  past,  and  as  the  year  1754,  there  were  men  in 

reflected  deepl}-  upon  the  causes  of  America  —  I  may  say,  in  the  towns 

this  mighty  contest,  have  foreseen  that  of  Boston,  New  York,   Philadelphia, 

such  an  unanimity  would  td^e  ])lace  and  Williamsburg  —  who  held  inde- 

as  soon  as  a  separation  should  become  ])endenee  in  prospect,  and  who  were 

necessary.     These  are  not  at  all  siu--  determined  to  seize  any  opportunity 


104 


ACTION    OF    VIRGINIA. 


Virginia  followed  Massachusetts  in  recommending  measures 
"  towards  dissolving  the  connection  between  America  and 
1776.  Great  Britain  totally,  finally,  and  irrevocably ;"  ^  and,  on 
May  15.  the  Same  day  that  the  resolve  was  passed  by  the  General  Con- 
gress recommending  to  the  people  of  the  states  to  institute 
governments,  Mr.  Gary,  from  the  committee  of  the  whole 
House  on  the  state  of  the  colony,  reported  a  preamble  and 
resolutions,  which  were  unanimously  adopted,  instructing  the 
delegates  from  that  colony  in  the  General  Congress  "  to  pro- 
pose to  that  respectable  body  to  declare  the  United  Colonies 
free  and  independent  states,  absolved  from  all  allegiance  to, 
or  dependence  upon,  the  crown  or  Parliament  of  Great  Brit- 
ain ;  and  that  they  give  the  assent  of  this  colony  to  such  dec- 


that  offered  to  promote  it,  by  procur- 
ing additional  persons  to  their  num- 
ber. These  men,  when  the  stamp  act 
was  passed,  made  a  stalking  horse,  or 
screen,  of  the  gentlemen  of  the  law  in 
every  jjart  of  America  to  cover  their 
designs,  and  to  sound  the  trumjiet  of 
opposition  against  government,  but 
avowed  that  their  conduct  was  on 
the  gromid  of  obtauiing  a  redi-ess  of 
American  grievances,  and  not  with  a 
design  to  sepai-ate  the  two  countries. 
Upon  this  ground,  I  am  confident,  the 
gentlemen  of  the  law  acted.  When 
the  tea  act  was  passed,  they  made  the 
same  use  of  the  merchants,  who  were 
smugglers  in  America,  as  they  had 
done  of  the  lawyers  before  —  still  de- 
claring that  they  meant  not  independ- 
ence. So  late  as  the  sitting  of  Con- 
gress in  1774,  the  same  men,  when 
charged  with  it  in  Congress,  and  whilst 
they  held  it  tenaciously  and  religious- 
ly in  their  hearts,  they  almost  to  a  de- 
gree of  profanity  denied  it  with  then- 
tongues.  And  all  this  was  done  on 
their  knowledge  that  the  great  bulk 
of  the  people  of  North  America  were 
averse  to  independence.  If  we  look 
at  the  resolves  of  Congi-ess,  down  al- 
most to  the  very  period  of  then-  dec- 
laration of  indejiendence,  we  shall  find 
the  same  language,  the  same  jn-etence 
of  obtaining  a  redress  of  grievances, 


held  out  to  the  people.  And,  for  the 
same  reason,  at  the  very  tune  they 
declared  independence,  they  gave  out 
that  it  was  not  Arith  a  \ie\v  to  a  total 
separation  of  the  two  countries,  but 
fi'om  necessity ;  because,  unless  they 
declared  independence,  the  powers  of 
Europe  would  not  trade  with  them, 
and  they  were  in  great  distress  for 
want  of  a  great  many  foreign  necessa- 
ries. So  that,  fi-om  all  these  circum- 
stances, I  am  con^•inced  that  not  one 
fifth  part  of  the  peojjle  had  independ- 
ence in  -view."  The  Examination  of 
Galloway  Avas  printed  at  London,  in 
1779,  in  a  pamphlet  of  85  pages. 

'  Instructions  to  R.  C.  Nichols  and 
W.  Norvall,  Esqim-es,  in  Wirt's  Pat- 
rick Henrv,  210,  211.  "Virginia," 
wrote  Elbridge  Gerry  to  James  "War- 
ren, May  1,  1776,  "is  always  to  be 
depended  upon ;  and  so  fine  a  spirit 
prevails  among  them,  that  imless  you 
send  some  of  your  cool  patriots  among 
them,  they  may  be  for  declaring  uide- 
pendency  before  Congress  is  ready." 
Austin's' Life  of  Gerry,  i.  198.  "it 
should  be  remembered,  however,  that 
only  a  short  time  before  a  quite  dif- 
ferent spirit  prevailed  in  that  colony  ; 
and  the  change  was  wrought  chiefly 
by  the  eloquence  of  Henry,  and  Jef- 
ferson, and  Lee,  and  others. 


ACTION   OF   VIRGINIA.  105 

laration,  and  to  whatever  measures  may  be  thought  proper  chap. 
and  necessary  by  the  Congress  for  forming  foreign  alliances,  ^^.^^ 
and  a  confederation  of  the  colonies,  at  such  time,  and  in  the    1776. 
manner,  as  to  them  shall  seem  best."  ^     Upon  the  passage  of 
this  resolve,  Washington  wrote,  "  I  am  very  glad  to  fnid  that  May  31 
the  Virginia  convention  have  passed  so  noble  a  vote,  and  with 
so  much  unanimity.     Things  have  come  to  such  a  pa.^s  now  as 
to  convince  us  that  we  have  nothing  more  to  expect  from  the 
justice  of  Great  Britain  ;  also,  that  she  is  capable  of  the  most 
delusive  arts  ;  for  I  am  satisfied  that  no  commissioners  ever 
were  designed,  except  Hessians  and  other  foreigners,  and  that 
the  idea  was  only  to  deceive  and  throw  us  oif  our  guard. 
The  first  has  been  too  effectually  accomplished ;  as  many  mem- 
bers of   Congress  —  in  short,   the   representatives  of  whole 
provinces  —  are  still  feeding  themselves  upon  the  dainty  food 
of  reconciliation  ;  and,  though  they  will  not  allow  that  the 
expectation  of  it  has  any  influence  upon  their  judgment  with 
respect  to  their  preparations  for  defence,  it  is  but  too  obvious 
that  it  has  an  operation  upon  every  part  of  their  conduct,  and 
is  a  clog  to  their  proceedings."  ^ 

The  ice  thus  broken  by  the  leading  colony  at  the  south,  the 
other  colonies  had  less  hesitancy  in  following  the  example 

'  Corresji.  of  J.  Adams,  in  Works,  lutions,  which  were  "  universally  re- 
ix.  374,  389 ;  Force's  Am,  Archives,  garded  as  the  only  door  M-hich  will 
vi.  ir)2-4  ;  Sparks's  Corresp.  of  the  lead  to  safety  and  jDrosjjerity,"  '•  some 
Rev.  i.  202;  Lee's  Lee,  i.  168  ;  Wirt's  gentlemen,"  we  are  told,  "  made  a 
Patrick  Henry,  211,  213;  Jefferson's  handsome  collection  for  the  purjjose 
Works,  i.  12;  Almon's  Remembran-  of  treating  the  soldiery  "  the  next  day; 
cer,  iii.  222  ;  Niles's  Princi];les  and  and  "  during  the  whole  of  this  core- 
Acts  of  the  Rev.  251,  2o2  ;  Hildretli's  mony,  the  Union  Flag  of  the  Amer- 
U.  S.  iii.  132.  A  proviso  was  attached  ican  States  waved  upon  the  Ca])itol, 
to  these  resolutions,  "  that  the  power  the  soldiers  partook  of  the  refresh- 
of  forming  government  for,  and  the  ments  ]3re])ared  for  them  hv  the  affec- 
regulation  of,  the  internal  concerns  of  tiou  of  their  countrymen,  and  the 
each  colony,  be  left  to  the  respective  evening  concluded  with  illuminations 
colonial  legislatures ; "  and  this  doc-  and  other  demonstrations  of  joy  — 
trine  of  stiite  rights,  thus  suggested,  every  one  seeming  pleased  that  the 
was  never  lost  sight  of  by  any  of  the  domination  of  Great  liritain  was  now 
colonies.  at   an   end."     Niles's  Principles  and 

2  Sparks's    Washington,  •  iii.    403.  Acts  of  the  Rev.  252. 
Upon   the   adoption    of  these    reso- 


106  MOTION   SUBMITTED    BY   RICHARD    HENRY   LEE. 

CHAP,  which  liacl  been  set.  Some  of  them,  indeed,  were  still  averse 
^^^^  to  the  idea  of  independence,  and  so  remained  throughout  the 
1776.  discussion  upon  the  subject ;  but  experience,  which  proves  the 
best  counsellor  in  sucli  cases,  eventually  led  to  a  change  in 
their  views,  and  to  greater  unanimity  in  the  national  councils. 
In  accordance  with  the  instructions  which  had  been  given 
for  that  purpose,  the  preliminary  motion  relative  to  independ- 
June  7.  cnce  was  submitted  in  due  form,  on  the  seventh  of  June,  by 
Richard  Henry  Lee,  as  the  head  of  the  delegation  from  Vir- 
ginia, "  amidst  the  hesitation  of  some  colonies,  the  foreseen 
opposition  of  many  able  men  of  the  Congress,  the  malice  of 
the  tories,  and  the  vengeance  of  the  ministry."  The  words  of 
his  motion  were,  "  that  these  United  Colonies  are,  and  of  right 
ought  to  be,  free  and  independent  states  ;  and  that  all  political 
connection  between  them  and  the  state  of  Great  Britain  is,  and 
ought  to  be,  totally  dissolved  ; "  ^  and  John  Adams,  who  had 
longed  for  this  hour  to  arrive,  seconded  the  motion  with  hearty 
good  will.  Thus  the  question  was  fairly  before  the  House  ;  but 
as  that  body  was  obliged,  at  the  time,  to  attend  to  some  other 
business,  and  as  the  measure  proposed  was  of  "  fearful  hazard 
and  awful  responsibility,"  and  "  it  could  not  be  concealed,  nor 
was  it  attempted  to  be  denied,  that  the  act  which  was  required 
by  their  country  might  be  fatal  to  themselves,"  further  delib- 
eration was  deferred  until  the  next  day  ;  and  the  members 
were  enjoined  "  to  attend  punctually  at  ten  o'clock,  in  order  to 
take  the  same  into  their  consideration."  ^ 

•  Jour.   Cont.  Cong.  ii.  191,  195;  is   entered    on   the   journal"  —  the 

■Ramsay's  Am.  Rev.  i.  340 ;  Lee's  Lee,  name  of  the  mover  not  bemg  given, 

i.  169 ;'  Jefferson's  Works,  i.  12,  118;  Lee's  Lee,  i.  170. 
Marshall's  Washington,  ii.  409 ;  Aus-         ^  Joiir.  Cont.  Cong.   ii.    195 ;  Jef- 

thi's   Life  of  Gerry,  i.   196;  Curtis's  ferson's  Works,  i.   12,  118;  Austin's 

Hist,  of  the  Const,  i.  49.     "  That  it  Life  of  Gerry,  i.    168,  196.     "  They 

was  the  opinion  of  Congress  that  the  could  not  but  feel  that  while,  on  the 

member  who  made  the  first  motion  one  hand,  the  establishing  of  a  new 

on  the  subject  of  independence  would  nation  would  msure  then-  imperisha- 

certainly  be  exposed  to  personal  and  ble  glory,  the  result  of  an  abortive 

imminent    danger,    may   be    inferred  attempt  to   sever  the    connection  of 

from  the  manner  in  wliich  the  motion  the  colonies  with  the  mother  country 


DEBATES    ON    THE   QUESTION    OF   INDEPENDENCE.  107 

At  tlic  appointed  hour  the  Congress  assembled  ;  and,  hav-  chap. 
ing  resolved  themselves  into  a  committee  of  the  wliole,  the  ^^_^_1^ 
motion  of  the  previous  dav  was  debated  with  closed  doors.    1776. 
"Who  wei'C  tlie  speakers  on  this  memorable  occasion,  and  what 
was  said  by  them,  we  have  but  sliglit  means  of  delormining, 
as  no  official  report  of  their  proceedings  has  been  published. ^ 
As  the  result,  however,  after  considerable  discussion,  the  pres- 
ident resumed  the  chair  ;   and   Mr.  Harrison  reported  tliat 
"  the  committee  having  taken  into  consideration  the  matter 
to  them  referred,  but  not  having  come  to  any  resolutions,  they 
directed  him  to  move  for  leave  to  sit  again  on  Monday  ; "  and 
it  was  accordingly  "resolved  that  the  Congress  will,  on  Mon- 
day next,  at  ten  o'clock,  resolve  themselves  into  a  connuittee 
of  the  whole,  to  take  into  further  consideration  the  resolutions 
referred  to  them."  ^ 

Moudav  came,  and  with  it  the  business  which  for  more  than  Jun.  lo. 
a  month  was  to  engross  the  attention  of  the  American  people. 
The  deliberative  assembly  of  the  colonies,  which  was  the  na- 
tional forum,  was  once  more  resolved  into  a  committee  of  the  . 
whole ;  and  the  question  which  involved  the  liberties  of  a 
continent  came  before  them  for  discussion.  The  proceedings 
even  of  this  day  are  but  imperfectly  known,  for  no  full  report 
of  the  debates  was  taken  ;  ^  but  from  scattered  hints,  gleaned 


would   ruin    their   constituents,    and  indejiendence  ;  but  it  apjocared  to  me 

subject  themselves  to  the  disgrace  and  very  different  I'rom  that  which  jou  and 

penalty  of  treason."  I  heard.     ])r.  Witherspoon  has  pub- 

'  J.  Adams  to  T.  M'Kean,  July  30,  hshed  speeches,  which  he  wrote  be- 

1815,  and  M'Kean's  Keply,  Nov.  15,  forehand,  and  delivered  menwriter,  as 

1815,  in  Adams's  Works,  x.  171,  177  ;  he  did  his  sermons.     But  these.  I  be- 

Austin's  Life  of  Gerry,  i.  1S8.  "Who,"  lieve,  were  the  only  speeches  commit- 

asks  ^Ir.  Adams,  "  shall  write  the  his-  ted  to  writing.     The  orations,  while  I 

tory    of    the    American   revolution?  was  in  Congress,  from  1774  to  1778, 

Who  can  write  it  ?   Who  will  ever  be  apjjcared  to  me  universally  extempo- 

able  to  write  it  ?     The  most  essential  raneous  ;  and  I  have  never  heard  of 

documents,  the  debates  and  delibera-  any  committed  to  writing,  before  or 

tions  in  Congress  from  1774  to  1783,  after  dehvery." 
were  all  in  secret,  and  are  now  lost         "  Jour.  Cont.  Cong.  ii.  195 ;  Lee's 

forever.      Mr.   Dickinson   printed   a  Lee,  i.  170. 

speech,  which   he   said  he  made   in         ^  "  The   Congress   of  the   revolu- 

Congress  ag-ainst   the  declaration  of  tion,"  says  ^h:  Webster,  m  his  Eulo- 


108  DEBATES  ON  THE  QUESTION  OF  INDEPENDENCE. 

CHAP,  from  different  sources,  it  appears  that  the  speeches  were  ani- 
,J^  mated,  and  that  the  ground  covered  by  the  resolution  was 
1776.  thoroughly  surveyed.  The  speakers  in  favor  of  the  resolution 
were  John  Adams,  Richard  Henry  Lee,  George  Wythe,  and 
others  ;  and  those  against  it  were  James  Wilson,  Robert  R. 
Livingston,  Edward  Rutledge,  John  Dickinson,  and  others.^ 
No  one  opposed  the  measure  as  impolitic  and  improper  at  all 
times,  but  as  inexpedient  at  that  time  ;  ^  and  the  leading  argu- 
ments against  its  adoption  were,  that  the  people  of  the  mid- 
dle colonies  —  particularly  Maryland,  Delaware,  Pennsylva- 
nia, the  Jerseys,  and  New  York  —  were  "not  yet  ripe  for 
bidding  adieu  to  British  connection,  but  that  they  were  fast 
ripening,  and  in  a  short  time  would  join  in  the  general  voice 
of  America  ;  "  that  some  of  these  colonies  had  "  expressly  for- 
bidden their  delegates  to  consent  to  such  a  declaration,  and 
others  had  given  no  instructions,  and  consequently  no  powers, 
to  give  such  consent ; "  that  "  if  the  delegates  of  any  particu- 
lar colony  had  no  power  to  declare  such  colony  independent, 
the  others  could  not  declare  it  for  them,  the  colonies  being  as 
-  yet  perfectly  independent  of  each  other  ;  "  that  the  Assemblies 
of  the  dissenting  colonies  were,  or  soon  would  be,  sitting,  and 
would  probably  take  up  the  question  of  independence,  and 
declare  to  their  delegates  the  voice  of  their  state ';  that,  "  if 
such  a  declaration  should  now  be  agreed  to,  these  delegates 
must  retire,  and  possibly  their  colonies  might  secede  from  the 


gy  on  Adams  and  Jefferson,   p.  32,  the  House."     Austin's  Life  of  Gerry, 

"sat  with  closed  doors,  and  no  report  i.    188.     Mr.  Jefferson    Ukewise  j^re- 

of  its  debates  was  ever  taken.     The  served  some  minutes,  which  have  since 

discussion,  therefore,  wliich  accompa-  been  jniblished  in  the  first  vohime  of 

nied  tliis   great  measure,  has  never  his    collected  Avorks.     The   notes  of 

been   preserved,   except  in   memory  Mr.  Adams  are  also  contained  in  his 

and  by   tradition."      Mr.    Gerry,   it  works. 

seems,  preserved  some  notes  and  frag-  '  Jefferson's  Works,  i.  12,  14. 
ments  among  liis  papers ;  but,  says  his  *  Lee's  Lee,  i.  171,  on  the  author- 
biograjjlier,    they    were    "  much    too  ity  of  a  conversation  with  Governor 
loose  and   imperfect  to  warrant  the  Johnson,  of  Mar)land,  then  a  mem- 
transcript  of  a  speech,  either  delivered  ber  of  the  Congress, 
by  himself  or  any  other  member  of 


ARGUMENTS    AGAINST   THE    DECLAUATION.  109 

union  ; "  tliat  such  secession  would  weaken  the  cause  of  the  chap. 
country  more  than  couhl  be  compensated  by  any  foreign  alii-  ^^^" 
ance  ;  that,  in  the  event  of  a  division,  "  foreign  powers  would  1776. 
either  refuse  to  join  themselves  to  our  fortunes,  or,  having  us 
so  much  in  their  power  as  that  desperate  declaration  would 
make  us,  they  would  insist  on  terms  proportionably  more  hard 
and  prejudicial ; "  that "  France  and  Spain  had  reason  to  be 
jealous  of  that  rising  power  which  would  one  day  certainly 
strip  them  of  their  American  possessions,"  and  "  it  was  more 
likely  they  should  form  a  connection  with  the  British  court, 
who,  if  they  should  find  themselves  unable  otherwise  to  extri- 
cate themselves  from  their  difficulties,  would  agree  to  a  parti- 
tion of  our  territories,  —  restoring  Canada  to  France,  and  the 
Floridas  to  Spain,  —  to  accomplish  for  themselves  a  recovery 
of  those  colonies ; "  that  it  would  not  be  long  before  certain 
information  would  be  received  of  the  disposition  of  the  French 
court  from  the  agents  sent  to  Paris  for  that  purpose,  and  should 
it  be  favorable,  there  would  then  be  reason  to  expect  an  alli- 
ance on  better  terms,  which  should  be  settled  beforehand ; 
and,  finally,  that  the  want  of  money,  of  the  munitions  of  war, 
and  of  disciplined  and  efficient  troops,  on  the  part  of  the  col- 
onies, with  the  power  and  strength  of  Great  Britain  by  sea 
and  land,  were  reasons  of  themselves  sufficiently  strong  to 
justify  delay,  until  further  arrangements  could  be  made  for 
conducting  the  war  upon  more  equal  terms.^ 

On  the  other  hand,  it  was  argued,  that  the  question  was  not 
whether,  by  a  declaration  of  independence,  we  should  make 
ourselves  what  we  were  not,  but  whether  we  should  declare  a 
fact  already  existing ;  that  we  had  always  been  independent 
of  the  people  and  Parliament  of  England,  and  as  to  the  king, 
allegiance  to  him  had  been  dissolved  by  his  assent  to  the 
recent  act  declaring  the  colonies  out  of  his  protection ;  that 
there  were  only  two  colonies,  Pennsylvania  and  Maryland, 

'  Jefferson's  Works,  i.  12-14;  Corresp,  of  J.  Adams,  in  Works,  ix.  400. 


y 


110  ARGUMENTS  AGAINST  THE  DECLARATION. 

CHAP,  whose  delegates  were  absolutely  tied  up,  and  these  had,  bj^ 
"^-     their  instructions,  only  reserved  a  right  of  confirming  or  re- 
1776.  jecting  the  measure ;  that  the  people  were  waiting  for  Con- 
gress to  lead  the  way  ;  that  they  were  in  favor  of  the  measure, 
though  the  instructions  given  by  some  of  their  representatives 
were  not ;  that  the  voice  of  the  people  could  not  be  absolutely 
inferred  from  the  voice   of  the   representatives,  as   peculiar 
circumstances  had  originated  the  instructions  which  had  been 
given  to  them ;  that  it  would  be  "  vain  to  wait  either  weeks 
or  months  for  perfect  unanimity,  since  it  was  impossible  that 
all  men  should  ever  become  of  one  sentiment  on  any  occa- 
sion ; "  that  "  the  conduct  of  some  colonies,  from  the  begin- 
ning of  this  contest,  had  given  reason  to  suspect  it  was  their 
settled  policy  to  keep  in  the  rear  of  the  confederacy,  that 
their  particular  prospects  might  be  better  even  in  the  worst 
event ;  "  that  therefore  "  it  was  necessary  for  those  colonies 
who  had  thrown  themselves  forward,  and  hazarded  all  from 
the  beginning,  to  come  forward  now  also,  and  put  all  again 
to  their  own  hazard ; "  that  "  the  history  of  the  Dutch  revolu- 
tion, in  which  three  states  only  confederated  at  first,  proved 
that  a  secession  of  some  colonies  would  not  be  so  dangerous 
as  some  apprehended  ; "  that  "  a  declaration  of  independence 
alone  could  render  it  consistent  with  European  delicacy  for 
European   powers  to   treat  with   us,  or  even   to   receive  an 
ambassador  from  us  ;  "  that  though  France  and  Spain  might 
be  jealous  of  our  rising  power,  it  would  be  more  formidable 
with  the  addition  of  Great  Britain,  and  hence  it  would  be  for 
their  interest  to  prevent  such  a  coalition  ;  that  it  would  be 
idle  to  lose  time  in  settling  the  terms  of  alliance  until  the 
alliance  itself  had  been  fully  determined  upon  ;  and  that  it 
was  necessary  to  proceed  at  once  to  open  a  trade  witli  other 
nations,  to  supply  our  own  people  with  clothes  and  raoney.^ 
It  would,  doubtless,  be  interesting  to  every  American  citi- 

'  Jefferson's  Works,  i.  14-17. 


ARGUMENTS    IN    FAVOR    OF    THE    DECLARATION. 


Ill 


zen  to  be  in  possession  of  a  full  report  of  the  debate  on  this  chap. 
occasiou  ;  and  it  is  a  matter  of  regret  that  so  little  is  known  ^^^^..i^ 
of  the  deliberations  of  that  body  which  was  assembled  in  1776. 
Philadelpliia  to  decide  upon  our  destinies.  Tradition  has 
preserved  a  portion  of  the  speech  of  Mr.  Lee,  the  mover  of 
the  resolution ;  ^  and  Mr.  Webster,  in  his  eulogy  on  Adams 
and  Jefferson,  has  embodied  in  eloquent  phrase  what  may  be 
supposed  to  have  been  the  speech  of  John  Adams.^  But 
these,  with  a  few  others,  imperfectly  rendered,  are  the  only 
fragments  which  have  reached  our  day.  It  was  a  time  for 
action,  rather  than  for  preserving  the  memorials  of  action. 
The  sentiments  uttered  were  the  promptings  of  the  hour  ;  and 
resolute  men  were  inspired  by  the  greatness  of  the  theme 
before  tliem.  In  such  cases,  the  patriot  is  less  anxious  to 
ti-ansmit  to  posterity  the  evidence  of  his  own  zeal  than  to 
makediis  mark  upon  passing  events.  He  builds  his  monument 
with  deeds,  not  words.     We  know,  however,  that  the  dele- 


^  Lee's  Lee,  i.  172,173.  Itsconclud- 
ing  sentences  are  said  to  have  been  as 
follows  :  "  Why,  then,  sir,  do  we  long- 
er delay  ?  Wliy  still  deliberate  ?  Let 
this  happy  day  give  birth  to  an  Amei'- 
ican  republic.  Let  her  arise,  not  to 
devastate  and  conquer,  but  to  re- 
establish the  reign  of  peace  and  law. 
The  eyes  of  Europe  are  fixed  upon 
us;  she  demands  of  us  a  living  exam- 
ple of  freedom,  that  may  exhibit  a 
contrast,  in  the  felicity  of  the  citizen, 
to  the  ever-increasing  tyranny  which 
desolates  her  polluted  shores.  She 
invites  us  to  jirepare  an  as}lum  where 
the  unh;i])])y  may  find  solace,  and  the 
persecuted  repose.  She  entreats  us 
to  cultivate  a  propitious  soil,  where 
that  generous  plant  which  first  s])rang 
and  grew  in  England,  but  is  now  witii- 
ered  by  the  poisonous  blasts  of  Scot- 
tish tyranny,  may  re^^ve  and  flourish, 
sheltering  under  its  salubrious  and  in- 
terminable shade  all  the  unfortunate 
of  the  human  race.  If  we  are  not 
this  day  wanting  in  duty  to  our  coun- 


try, the  names  of  the  American  legis- 
lators of  '76  will  be  placed  by  poster- 
ity at  the  side  of  those  of  Theseus, 
of  Lycvu'gus,  of  Ilomulus,  of  Xuma, 
of  the  three  Williams  of  Nassau,  and 
of  all  those  whose  memory  has  l)een, 
and  ibrevcr  will  be,  dear  to  virtuous 
men  and  good  citizens."  J.  Adams, 
Corresp.  in  Works,  x.  177,  speaking 
of  the  speech  of  Lee  given  by  Botta 
in  his  Hist,  of  the  Am.  Rev.,  says  it 
"  may  have  been  delivered,  but  I  have 
no  remembrance  of  it,  though  in  Con- 
gress, nor  would  it  do  any  member 
much  credit." 

^  Eulogy,  38-42.  The  extract  is 
too  long  to  be  quoted  here,  but  it  is 
worthy  of  perusal  —  not  only  for  the 
evidence  it  presents  of  the  genius  of 
the  orator,  but  of  the  sentiments  of 
Mr.  Adams,  which  are  correctly  rep- 
resented, and  in  some  parts  stated  in 
his  own  glowing  M'ords.  See  Letter 
of  J.  Adams  to  J.  Winthrop,  June  23, 
1776,  in  Works,  Lx.  409. 


112  COMMITTEE    APPOINTED   TO    DRAUGHT    A    DECLAEATION". 

CHAP,  gates  from  Massachusetts  were  particularly  active  ;  and  "  it 
__^^,^  is  doing  no  injustice  to  others  to  say,  that  the  general  opinion 
1776.  was,  and  uniformly  has  been,  that,  in  debate,  on  the  side  of 
independence,  John  Adams  had  no  equal.  The  great  author 
of  the  Declaration  has  himself  expressed  that  opinion  uniformly 
and  strongly.  *  John  Adams,'  said  he,  '  was  our  Colossus  on 
the  floor.' "  ^ 

As  it  appeared  in  the  course  of  the  debate  that  several  of 
the  colonies  were  not  yet  ripe  for  independence,  and  as  it  was 
deemed  prudent  to  give  their  assemblies  an  opportunity  to 
take  off  their  restrictions,  that  the  declaration  might  be  unan- 
imously made,  the  result  of  this  day's  deliberation  was  the 
appointment  of  a  committee  to  draught  a  declaration  of  inde- 
pendence, to  report  at  some  future  time  ;  and  the  final  decision 
upon  the  general  question  was  postponed  to  the  first  Monday 
in  July .2  By  the  courtesies  of  parliamentary  usage,  Mr.'  Lee, 
as  the  mover  of  the  resolution,  should  have  been  put  at  the 
head  of  the  committee  now  appointed  ;  and  it  is  an  obvious 
inquiry  why  he  was  not  placed  there.  Evidently  it  was  not 
because  of  his  disqualification  for  the  post,  for  his  talents  were 
certainly  highly  respectable.  Nor  was  it  because  he  had  any 
reluctance  to  assume  the  responsibility  it  imposed.  It  is  sug- 
gested by  his  biographer — and  it  is  probably  the  true  reason 
—  that  it  was  because  he  was  suddenly  called  from  his  seat 
by  an  express  from  Virginia  informing  him  of  the  dangerous 
illness  of  his  wife.^     It  became  necessary,  therefore,  to  select 


*  Webster's  Eulogy,  32.   Elbridge  any  great  alteration  in  the  civil  sys- 

Gerry,    of    Massachusetts,    likewise  tern,  as  the  tenajjer  and  inclination  of 

spoke ;  and,  in  one  s])eech  in  particu-  theii-  constituents  shall  lead.     I  be- 

lar,  he   "  kid   out   his  whole   soul."  lieve  a  majority  of  them  would  cut 

Austin's  Life  of  Gerry,  i.  188-191.  the  knot  to-morrow  ;  but  they  must 

^  Jefferson's  Works,  i.  17  ;  E.  Ger-  have  a  concmTence  of  the  people,  or 

ry  to  J.  Warren,  June   11,  1776,  in  at  least  a  general  approbation  of  any 

Austin's  Liie  of  Gerry,  i.   191,  192.  such  material  change."     Cbmp.  also 


"The  Congress,"  wrote  Reed  to  Pet-  Curtis's  Hist,  of  the  Const,  i.  51 
tit,  March,  1776,  in  Reed's  Reed,  i.         ^  Lee's  Lee,  i.  173.     Comp.  Aus- 

183,  "  are  proceeding  in  their  military  tin's  Life  of  Gerry,  i.    197  j  Cui'tis's 

operations,  reserving   themselves  for  Hist,  of  the  Const!  i.  81. 


jfE.    JEFFERSON   SELECTED   TO   DRAUGHT  THE   DECLARATION.  113 

one  in  his  stead  ;  and,  out  of  compliment  to  Virginia,  wlio  had  chap. 
instructed  her  delegates  to  initiate  this  matter,  Mr.  Jefferson  ^J^^^ 
was  placed  at  the  head  of  the  committee,  though  a  much    1776. 
younger  man,  and  less  familiar  with  the  details  of  business.^ 

The  proceedings  of  this  committee  have  not  been  preserved ; 
nor  have  we  any  thing  more  than  occasional  references  to  the 
same  in  the  writings  of  the  members.  It  appears,  however, 
that  Mr.  Jefferson  was  unanimously  selected  to  prepare  the 
draught  of  the  proposed  declaration,  and  that,  after  some  hes- 
itation, he  complied  with  the  request.  Nor  is  there  reason 
to  regret  that  this  delicate  duty  was  intrusted  to  him ;  for, 
young  as  he  was,  he  understood  well  the  merits  of  the  con- 
troversy in  which  the  colonies  had  been  engaged,  and  wielded 
the  pen  of  an  eloquent  advocate  ;  and,  though  the  admirable 
document  which  it  was  his  good  fortune  to  frame  has  since 
been  censured  for  its  "  glittering  generalities,"  it  is  too  dura- 
ble a  monument  to  his  fame  to  be  destroyed  by  one  sweeping 
assertion.  "  To  say  of  the  author,"  observes  Mr.  Webster, 
"  that  he  performed  his  great  work  well,  would  be  doing  him 
injustice.     To  say  that  he  did  it  excellently  well,  admirably 


'  Mr.  Adams,  Letter  to  T.  Picker-  upon  both.     Mr.  Jefferson  came  into 

ing,  Aug.  6,  1823,  in  Works,  ii.  512,  Congress  in  June,  1775,  and  brought 

513,    intimates    that    Jefferson    was  with  him  a  reputation  for  literature, 

placed  at  the  head  of  this  committee  science,  and  a  happy  talent  of  comjjo- 

in  accordance  "  with  the  Frankfort  ad-  sition.     Writings  of  his  were  handed 

vice,  to  ])lace  Virginia  at  the  head  of  about,  remarkable  for  the  jieculiar  fe- 

every  thing  ;  "  but  the  reason  suggest-  licity  of  expression.     Though  a  silent 

ed  in  the  text  seems  to  me  sufficient,  member    in    Congress,    he    was    so 

"  Mr.  R,.  H.  Lee,"  he  adds,  "  might  be  prompt,  frank,  explicit,  and  decisive 

gone  to  Virginia,  to  his  sick  family,  upon  coniraittees  and  in  conversation, 

for  aught  I  know,  but  that  was  not  the  —  not  even  Samuel  Adams  was  more 

reason  of  ]Mr.  Jeflerson's  appointment,  so,  —  that  he  soon  seized  upon  my 

There  were  three  committees  ajipoint-  heart ;  and  upon  this  occasion  I  gave 

ed   at  the  same  time  —  one  for  the  him  my  vote,  and  did  all  in  my  power 

declaration  of  independence,  another  to   procure  the  votes  of  others.      I 

for  preparing  articles  of  confederation,  think  he  had  one  vote  more  than  any 

and  another  for  preparing  a  treaty  to  other,  and   that  placed   him   at  the 

be  proposed  to  France,    ^h:  Lee  was  head  of  the  committee.     I  had  the 

chosen  for  the  committee  of  confeder-  next  highest  number,  and  that  placed 

ation,  and  it  was  not  thought  conven-  me  second." 
lent  that  the  same  person  should  be 

VOL.   III.  8 


114  DISCUSSION  RESUMED. 

CHAP,  "well,  would  be  inadequate  and  halting  praise.     Let  us  rather 
^^^'    say,  that  he  so  discharged  the  duty  assigned  him  that  all 

1776.    Americans  may  rejoice  that  the  work  of  drawing  the  title 
deed  of  their  liberties  devolved  on  him."  ^ 
The  report  of  the  committee  was  presented  to  the  House 

Jun.2S.  on  the  twenty-eighth  of  June,  and  was  read,  and  ordered  to 

July  1.  lie  on  the  table.  On  the  following  Monday,  the  House  resolved 
itself  into  a  committee  of  the  whole,  and  the  consideration 
of  the  original  motion  of  Mr.  Lee  was  resumed.^  The  debate 
which  ensued  "  took  up  the  most  of  the  day,"  though  nothing 
was  said  but  what  had  been  "  repeated  before  a  hundred  times 
for  six  months  past."  ^  In  tlie  committee  of  the  whole,  the 
question  was  decided  in  the  affirmative  by  the  votes  of  nine 
colonies,  and  reported  to  the  House.^  But  here  hesitation 
was  manifested  ;  and,  at  the  instance  of  Edward  Rutledge,  of 
South  Carolina,  the  determination  of  the  question  was  deferred 
to  the  next  day,  on  the  ground  that,  though  his  colleagues 
"  disapproved   of  the  resolution,  they  would  then  join  in  it 

July  2.  for  the  sake  of  unanimity."  ^  On  Tuesday  a  decision  was 
reached,  and  a  resolution  was  passed,  by  twelve  of  the  col- 
onies, "  that  these  United  States  are,  and  of  right  ought  to 
be,  free  and  independent  states  ;  that  they  are  absolved  from 
all  allegiance  to  the  British  crown ;  and  that  all  political  con- 


*  Webster's  Eulogy  on  Adams  and  members,  however,  declaring  that,  if 

Jefferson,  27  ;  Austin's  Life  of  Gerry,  the  question  should  now  be  demand- 

i.  201.     John  llandolph,  of  Vu'ginia,  ed,  they  should  vote  for  it,  but  they 

is  said  to  have  once  called  the  Dec-  Avished  for  a  day  or  two  to  consider 

laration  of  Independence  a  "  fantaro-  of  it."     Comp.  Works,  iii.  54. 

nade   of   abstractions."      Oration   of  '' These  were  New  Hampshire,  Con- 

Hon.  C.  F.  Adams  before  the  City  necticut,  Massachusetts,  Khode  Island, 

Authorities  of  Boston,  July  4,  1843,  New  Jersey,  Mai'yland,  Vii'ginia,  North 

p.  13.  Cai'olina,  and  Georgia.  South  Carolina 

^  Jefferson's  Works,  i.  18,  118.  and  Pennsylvania  voted  against  it.  Del- 

^  CoiTCsp.  of  J.  Adams,  in  Works,  aware  had  but  two  members,  and  they 

ix.   36,  415  ;    Ramsay's  Am.  Rev.  i.  were   diAided.     The   delegates   from 

340,  341.  "  The  last  debate  but  one,"  New  York  declared  that  they  were  for 

says  Mr.  Adams,  "  was  the  most  co-  it  themselves,  but  had  no  authority  to 

pious  and  the  most  animated ;  but  the  vote  m  its  favor.     Jefferson's  Works, 

question  was  now  evaded  by  a  motion  i.  18. 

to  postpone  it  to  another  day  ;  some  *  Jefferson's  Works,  i.  18. 


LETTER   OF  JOHN   ADAMS.  115 

nection  between  them  and  the  state  of  Gi-eat  Britain  is,  and  chap, 
ought  to  be,  totally  dissolved."  ^  .^i^ii^ 

"  The  delay  of  this  declaration  to  this  time,"  wrote  John  1776. 
Adams,  "  has  many  great  advantages  attending  it.  The  hopes  July  3. 
of  reconciliation  which  were  fondly  entertained  by  multitudes 
of  honest  and  well-meaning,  though  weak  and  mistaken  peo- 
ple, have  been  gradually,  and  at  last  totally,  extinguished. 
Time  has  been  given  for  the  whole  people  maturely  to  consider 
the  great  question  of  independence,  and  to  ripen  their  judgment, 
dissipate  their  fears,  and  allure  their  hopes,  by  discussing  it  in 
newspapers  and  pamphlets,  by  debating  it  in  assemblies,  con- 
ventions, committees  of  safety  and  inspection,  in  town  and 
county  meetings,  as  well  as  in  private  conversations  —  so  that, 
the  whole  people,  in  every  colony  of  the  thirteen,  have  now* 
adopted  it  as  their  own  act.  This  will  cement  the  union,,  and 
avoid  those  heats,  and  perhaps  convulsions,  "which  might  have 
been  occasioned  by  such  a  declaration  six  months  ago. 

"  But  the  day  is  past.  Tlie  second  of  July,  1776,  will  be 
the  most  memorable  era  in  the  history  of  America.  I  am  apt 
to  believe  that  it  will  be  celebrated  by  succeeding  generations 
as  the  great  anniversary  festival.  It  ought  to  be  commemo- 
rated, as  the  day  of  deliverance,  by  solemn  acts  of  devotion 
to  God  Almighty.  It  ought  to  be  solemnized  with  pomp  and 
parade,  with  shows,  games,  sports,  guns,  bells,  bonfires,  and 
illuminations,  from  one  end  of  this  continent  to  the  other,  from 
this  time  forward,  forevermore." 

"  You  will  think  me,"  he  adds,  "  transported  with  enthusi- 
asm ;  but  I  am  not.  I  am  well  aware  of  the  toil,  the  blood, 
and  treasure  that  it  will  cost  to  maintain  this  declaration,  and 
support  and  defend  these  states.  Yet,  through  all  the  gloom, 
I  can  see  the  rays  of  ravisliing  light  and  glory.  I  can  see 
that  the  end  is  more  than  worth  all  the  means,  and  that  pos- 

'  Joiir.  Cont.  Cong.  ii.  227 ;  Boston     son's  Works,  i.  18 ;  Obs.  on  the  Am. 
Gazette  for  July  15,  1776  ;  J.  Adams's     Rev.  53-57. 
Corresp.  in  Works,  ix.  418;  Jeifer- 


116  UNANIMITY    WITH    DIFFICULTY    SECURED. 

CHAP,  terity  will  triumph  in  that  day's  transactions,  even  although 
__^^^  we  should  rue  it,  which  I  trust  in  God  we  shall  not."^ 
1776.  It  should  be  observed,  in  passing,  that  unanimity  was  not 
secured  without  great  exertions  on  the  part  of  the  friends  of 
independence.  As  we  have  seen,  at  the  hour  of  adjournment, 
on  the  first  of  July,  but  nine  of  the  colonies  were  in  favor  of 
the  resolution,  and  two  were  opposed  —  the  other  two.  New 
York  and  New  Jersey,  withholding  their  vote  for  the  want 
of  instructions.^  Of  the  seven  Pennsylvania  delegates,  three 
voted  for,  and  four  against,  the  resolution.  Two  of  the  ad- 
verse party  were  absent  on  the  following  day,  so  that  tlie  vote 
of  that  province  was  "  accidentally,  and  by  a  majority  of  one, 
given  in  its  favor."  ^  Delaware,  which  had  but  two  delegates, 
was  divided  —  one  being  in  favor,  and  the  other  opposed  ; 
but  by  the  arrival  of  Rodney,  who  was  sent  for  by  express, 
the  vote  of  that  province  was  given  in  the  affirmative.^  The 
delegates  from  New  York  "  thought  themselves  not  justifiable 
in  voting  on  either  side,  and  asked  leave  to  withdraw  from 
the  question  ;  which  was  given  them."  ^  South  Carolina, 
when  the  question  was  taken,  voted  in  the  afifii-mative.  Thus 
the  resolution  of  Mr.  Lee  in  favor  of  independence  was  passed 


'  Con-esp.  in  Works,  ix.  419,  420.  who   had   hitherto    constantly   voted 

Comp.  Nilcs's  Principles  and  Acts  of  against  it,  started  suddenly  upright, 

the  Kev.  327-330.  and,  lifting  up  both  his  hands  to  heaven, 

'^  Lett,  of  J.  Adams  to  W.  Plumer,  as  if  he  had  been  in  a  trance,  cried  out, 

March  28,   1813,  in  Works,  ix.  35.  '  It  is  done,  and  I  vail  abide  by  it.'  " 

"  The  measure,"  says  he,  "  had  been  ^  Reed's  Reed,  i.  187  ;  Corresp.  of 

upon  the  carpet  for  months,  and  ob-  J.  Adams,  in  Works,  x.  87.     Among 

stinately  opposed  fi-om  day  to  day.  the  opposers  were  Robert  ^lorris  and 

Majorities  were  constantly  against  it.  John  Dickinson.    See  Morris's  Letter 

For  many  days,  the  majority  depend-  to   Reed,   July  20,1776,  in   Reed's 

ed  on  Mr.  Hewes,  of  North  Cai-olina.  Reed,  i,    201.     Jefferson,  Works,  i. 

While  a  member  was  one  day  speak-  18,  says  "  members  of  a  different  sen- 

ing,  and  reading  documents  from  all  timent "  attended  that  morning,  and 

the  colonies  to  prove  that  the  ])ublic  changed  the  vote  of  Pennsylvania, 

opinion,  the  general  sense  of  all,  was  ■*  Jefferson's    Works,    i.     18  ;    T. 

in  favor  of  the  measure,  when  he  came  M'Kean  to  J.  Adams,  Jan.  1814,  in 

to  North  Carolina,  and  produced  let-  Adams's  Works,  x.  87,  88.    Mlvean 

ters  and  public  proceedings  which  de-  was  in  favor,  and  Read  was  opposed, 

monstrated  that  the  majority  of  that  *  Jefferson's  Works,  i.  18;  Sparks's 

colony  were  m  favor  of  it,  ^Ir.  Hewes,  Life  of  Gouvernem-  ^lorris,  i. 


THE   DECLARATION    OF   INDEPENDENCE    CONSIDERED.  117 

by  twelve  of  tlie  colonies  —  a  majority  of  tlic  delegates  of  chap. 
each  colony  voting  in  the  affirmative.^     The  thirteenth  colony,  _i^^ 
New  York,  within  a  few  days  approved  of  the  step,  "  and  thus    1776. 
supplied  the  void  occasioned  by  the  withdrawing  of  her  dele- 
gates from  the  vote."  ^    "Remember,"  wrote   John   Adams, 
"  you  cannot  make  thirteen  clocks  strike  precisely  alike,  at  the 
same  second."    But  when  they  did  strike,  there  was  concord 
in  their  notes.^ 

On  the  same  day  that  the  resolution  of  Lee  was  passed,  the  July  2. 
Congress  proceeded  to  consider  the  Declaration  of  Independ- 
ence, which  had  been  reported  and  laid  on  the  table  the  Friday 
preceding,  and  on  Monday  referred  to  a  committee  of  the 
whole.  This,  too,  provoked  discussion,  and  considerable  com- 
ment was  made  upon  portions  of  it.  Two  passages,  in  partic- 
ular, were  vehemently  opposed.  "  The  pusillanimous  idea," 
says  Jefferson,  "  that  we  had  friends  in  England  worth  keeping 
terms  with  still  haunted  the  minds  of  many.  For  this  reason, 
those  passages  which  conveyed  censures  on  the  people  of 
England  were  struck  out,  lest  they  should  give  them  offence. 
The  clause,  too,  reprobating  the  enslaving  the  inhabitants  of 
Africa  was  struck  out,  in  complaisance  to  South  Carolina  and 
Georgia,  who  had  never  attempted  to  restrain  the  importation 

>  Lett,  of  S.  Adams  to  R.  H.  Lee,  tern  of  1774  ;  that  their  subsequent 
July  15,  1776,  in  Lee's  Lee,  i.  183.  resistance  arose  from  refused  redi-ess 
*  Jefferson's  Works,  i.  18,  19.  and  attemjjted  coercion,  and  their  con- 
'  CoiTesp.  in  Works,  ix.  402.  Bis-  sent  to  the  scheme  of  independence 
sett,  Hist.  Eng.  i.  471,  judiciously  ob-  from  the  total  rejection  of  all  their 
SCTves  on  the  passage  of  this  declara-  ajjplications,  combined  with  elation  for 
tion,  "  From  the  series  of  acts  which  the  success  of  tlie  former  campaign. 
the  narrative  has  presented,  it  appears  The  independence  of  America,  there- 
that  the  New  Englanders,  since  the  fore,  whether  wise  or  unwise,  evident- 
commencement  of  the  disputes,  man-  ly  proceeded  fr-om  no  jn-econccrted 
ifested  dispositions  to  repuljlicanism,  design,  but  was  a  natural  consequence 
from  which  we  might  fairly  infer  a  de-  of  the  measures  which  were  jnu-sued 
Bire,  and  even  a  design,  of  eventual  by  the  mother  country,  and  tlie  \n-og- 
separation ;  but  that  the  middle  and  ress  of  human  ])assions  when  they  re- 
southern  colonies  were  the  votaries  of  fuse  the  admonitions  of  reason  and 
loyal  and  constitutional  connection  wisdom  —  from  disputes  to  quaiTcls, 
and  subordination ;  that  their  coojjer-  repeated  with  increasmg  asperity,  un- 
ation  with  the  colonies  of  the  nortli  til  they  terminated  in  a  Unal  rup- 
■was  the  immediate  effect  of  the  sys-  tare." 


118  DISCUSSION  UPON  THE  SAME. 

CHAP,  of  slaves,  and  who,  on  the  contrary,  still  wished  to  continue 

^J^^  it.     Our  northern  brethren,  also,  I  believe,  felt  a  little  tender 
1776.    under  these  censures ;  for  though  their  people  had  very  few 
slaves  themselves,  yet  they  had  been  pretty  considerable  car- 
riers of  them  to  others."  ^ 

The  original  draught,  in  the  autograph  of  Mr.  Jefferson, 
of  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  has  been  preserved  and 
published  ;  and,  by  comparing  that  draught  with  the  declara- 
tion as  passed,  the  changes  made  in  it  will  be  readily  per- 
ceived. The  alterations,  however,  were  principally  verbal  ; 
and  it  speaks  volumes  in  favor  of  the  skill  of  the  framer, 
that,  where  so  many  opinions  prevailed,  so  few  exceptions 
were  taken  to  his  work.^ 

The  discussion  upon  the  Declaration  of  Independence  occu- 
pied the  time  of  the  House  for  the  greater  part  of  three  days  ; 

July  4.  but  at  length,  on  the  evening  of  the  third  day,  it  was  passed, 
"  signed  by  every  member  present,  except  Mr.  Dickinson  ; "  ^ 
and  copies  of  the  same  were  ordered  to  be  sent  "  to  the  sev- 
eral assemblies,  conventions,  and  committees  or  councils  of 
safety,  and  to  the  several  commanding  officers  of  the  conti- 
nental troops  ;  that  it  be  proclaimed  in  each  of  the  United 

July  19.  States,  and  at  the  head  of  the  army."  ^  A  fortnight  later,  the 
Declaration  was  ordered  to  be  engrossed  on  parchment ;  and, 
when  ready,  it  received  the  signatures  of  all  the  delegates,  and 
became  the  act  of  the  thirteen  colonies.^ 


*  Jefferson's  Works,  i.   19 ;  Lee's  of  Independence  is  ^ven  in  Almon's 

Lee,  i.  175  ;  J.  Adams's  Letter  to  T.  Remembrancer,  iv.  2.S-41. 

Pickering,  Aug.  6,  1822,  in  Works,  ii.  ^  Jefferson's  Works,  i.  19,  120. 

514  ;  Cui-tis's  Hist,  of  the  Const,  i.  "  Jour.   Cont.  Cong.  ii.   233  ;    Al- 

87,  88.  mon's  Remembrancer,  iii.  2o8.     On 

^  Jefferson's  Works,  i.  19-26,  with  the  famous  jNIecklenberg  Declaration, 

the  fac-simile  attached;  Lee's  Lee,  i.  of  May  20,   l77o,  see  Force's  Am. 

275-280.      The  alterations  made   in  Archives  ;  Niles's  Principles  and  Acts 

the  draught  of  Jefferson  caused  Frank-  of  the  Rev.  132-136. 

Hn,  who  sat  near  him,  to  relate,  with  '^  Jefferson's  Works,  i.    120-122  ; 

his  usual  humor,  the  story  of  "  John  Secret  Jom-nals  ;  Webster's  Eulog)', 

Thompson,    the    Hatter,"    given    in  31 ;  Austin's  Life  of  Geny,  i.  203,  204. 

Sjjarks's   Life  of  Franklin,  407.     A  Lord  Mahon,  Hist.  Eng.  vi.  98,  very 

series  of  strictm-es  on  the  Ueclai-ation  justly  observes  that,  "  among  all  the 


CHARACTER    OF   THE   INSTRUMENT.  119 

"  This  celebrated  instrumcut,"  "  regarded  as  a  chap. 

legislative  proceeding,  was  the  most  solemn  enactment,  by  the  ^J^.^^ 
representatives  of  all  the  colonies,  of  a  complete  dissolution  1776. 
of  their  allegiance  to  the  British  crown.  It  severed  the  po- 
litical connection  between  the  people  of  this  country  and  the 
people  of  England,  and  at  once  erected  the  different  colonies 
into  free  and  independent  states.  The  body  by  which  tliis 
step  was  taken  constituted  the  actual  government  of  the 
nation  at  the  time  ;  and  its  members  had  been  directly  in- 
vested with  competent  legislative  power  to  take  it,  and  had 
also  been  specially  instructed  to  do  so.  The  consequences 
flowing  from  its  adoption  were,  that  the  local  allegiance  of 
the  inhabitants  of  each  colony  became  transferred  and  due  to 
the  colony  itself,  or,  as  it  was  expressed  by  the  Congress, 
became  due  to  the  laws  of  the  colony  from  which  they  derived 
protection  ;  that  the  people  of  the  country  became  thence- 
forth the  rightful  sovereigns  of  the  country  ;  that  they  be- 
came united,  in  a  national  corporate  capacity,  as  one  people ; 
that  they  could  thereafter  enter  into  treaties  and  contract 
alliances  with  foreign  nations,  could  levy  war  and  conclude 
peace,  and  do  all  other  acts  pertaining  to  the  exercise  of  a 
national  sovereignty  ;  and,  finally,  that,  in  their  national  cor- 
porate capacity,  they  became  known  and  designated  as  the 
United  States  of  America.  This  Declaration  was  the  first 
national  state  paper  in  which  these  words  were  used  as  the 
style  and  title  of  the  nation.  In  the  enacting  part  of  the 
instrument,  the  Congress  styled  themselves  'the  representa- 
tives of  the  United  States  of  America  in  General  Congress 
assembled  ; '  and,  from  that  period,  the  previously  '  United 
Colonies'  have  been  known  as  a  political   community,  both 


coincidences  of  date  which  history  re-  in  their  native  land,  expire  on  the  fif- 

cords,  there  is  none,  perhaps,  so  strik-  tieth  anniversary  of  the  day  on  which 

ing  as  that  John  Adams  and  Jetfer-  tliis   their   own   handiwork,  this  the 

son,  the  two  muin  movers  of  this  dec-  foundation   of   then-   own   greatness, 

laration,  shoukl  both,  after  filling  with  was  first  sent  forth." 
signal  reputation   the  highest   othce         '  liist.  Const,  i.  87,  88. 


120  EEJOICINGS   ON   ITS   PASSAGE. 

CHAP,  within  their  own  borders  and  by  the  other  nations  of  the 

^J!^  world,  by  the  title  which  they  then  assumed." 

1776.        In  accordance  with  the  arrangements  which  had  been  made 

for  that  purpose,  the  Declaration  of  Independence  was  read 

publicly  in  all  the  states,  and  at  the  head  of  the  army,  and 

was  welcomed  with  the  liveliest  demonstrations  of  joy.     In 

July  8.  Philadelphia,  in  particular,  the  bell  in  the  State  House  rang 
for  the  first  time  the  stirring  peal  of  American  liberty,  and 
the  enthusiasm  of  the  people  rose  to  the  highest  pitch.^ 
Throughout  the  country,  indeed,  a  change  was  visible ;  and 
every  thing,  from  this  date,  assumed  a  new  form.  "  The 
Americans  no  longer  appeared  in  the  character  of  subjects  in 
arms  against  their  sovereign,  but  as  an  independent  people, 
repelling  the  attacks  of  an  invading  foe.  The  propositions 
and  supplications  for  reconciliation  were  done  away.  The 
dispute  was  brought  to  a  single  point  —  whether  the  late 
British  colonies  should  be  conquered  provinces,  or  free  and 
independent  states."  ^ 

July  18.  The  reading  of  the  Declaration  in  Boston  took  place  on 
the  eighteenth  of  July,  from  the  balcony  of  the  Town  House, 
which  was  thenceforth  the  State  House,  in  the  presence  of  a 
vast  concourse  of  the  citizens,  of  a  number  of  military  compa- 
nies, of  the  officers  of  the  militia  and  of  the  continental  army 
then  on  the  station,  of  the  selectmen  and  other  municipal 
ofl&cers  of  the  town,  and  of  many  members  of  the  Executive 
Council  and  the  General  Assembly.  The  parade  on  the 
occasion  was  unusually  great ;  the  exultation  of  the  people 
was  unbounded.  The  king's  arms  were  removed  from  the 
place  they  had  long  filled  ;  and  a  public  dinner  was  given, 
at  which  hundreds  were  seated.  On  the  ensuing  Sunday,  the 
Declaration  was  read  in  most  of  the  churches  at  the  close  of 
the  religious  services  of  the  afternoon ;  and  the  piety  of  the 


>  Gordon's  Am.  Rev.  ii.   92  ;  Al-         ^  Ramsay's  Am.  Rev.  i.  346. 
mon's  Remembrancer,  iii.  337. 


PROPRIETY    OF   THIS   STEP.  1*21 

people  consecrated  the  cause  as  the  cause  of  God  and  of  suf-  chap 

.  .  Ill 

fering  humanity.^  ^-v-^ 

It  will  be  readily  conceived  that  no  step  hitherto  taken  was  177(3. 
more  cordially  approved  by  the  patriots  of  New  England 
than  this,  which  severed  forever  their  connection  with  Great 
Britain.  Not  that  even  the  most  zealous  deprecated,  under 
all  circumstances,  the  continuance  of  such  connection ;  but 
they  had  long  been  satisfied  of  the  hopelessness  of  effecting  a 
reconciliation  upon  terms  which  would  be  alike  satisfactory 
and  honorable.  If  concessions  were  to  be  made,  it  was  well 
understood  that  they  would  be  expected  to  come  from  this 
side  of  the  water.  Tlie  ministers  of  the  king  had  too  much 
pride  to  acknowledge  their  errors,  nor  did  they  seem  even 
conscious  that  they  had  done  any  thing  which  called  for 
such  an  acknowledgment.  In  their  own  estimation,  they  had 
sought  only  to  uphold  the  dignity  of  the  crown,  and  to  restore 
to  obedience  refractory  subjects.  If,  in  some  cases,  they  had 
advocated  measures  of  unusual  severity,  they  were  made  neces- 
sary, they  thought,  by  the  exigencies  of  the  times ;  and  the 
responsibility  of  their  passage  must  rest  with  the  "  rebels." 
Knowing  that  such  feelings  prevailed,  and  conscious  tliat  their 
resistance  was  grounded  upon  principle,  and  fell  legitimately 
within  the  limits  of  constitutional  authority,  the  statesmen  of 
New  England,  who  were  in  the  forefront  of  the  battle,  and 
who  looked  over  the  field  with  a  view  to  remote  consequences 
as  well  as  to  immediate  results,  were  convinced  that  war  alone 
could  decide  the  controversy,  and   that,  to  concentrate  the 

1  BostonGazettefor  July  22, 1776;  Crown,  Heart   and   Crown,  Sec,  to- 

Sparks's  Corresp.  of  the  Eev.  i.  256 ;  gether  with  every  sign  that  belonged 

Austin's  Life  of  Gerry,  i.  206 ;  Brad-  to  a  tory,  was  taken  down,  and  made 

ford,  ii.  116,  117.     "  The  bells  of  the  a   general   conflagration  of  in   King 

town  were  rung  on  the  occasion,  and  Street.      The   King's   Arms,  in   this 

undisscmbled    festivity   cheered    and  town,  was,  on  Saturday  last,  also  de- 

lightcned   every   face."      "  We  hear  focid."       For    the     observances    at 

that,  on  Thursday  last,  every  King's  "Worcester,  see  Mass.  Sjiy  for  July  24, 

Arms  in  Boston,  and  every  sign  with  1776,  and  Lincoln's  Ilist.  Worcester, 

any  resemt)lance  of  it,  whether  Lion  llo,  116. 
and  Crown,  Pestle  and  Mortar  and 


122  PROPRIETY   OF  THIS   STEP. 

CHAP,  action  of  all  the  colonies,  they  must  be  bound  together  by  a 
^^.^^  common  tie,  to  enlist  the  sympathies  of  the  reluctant  and  luke- 
1776.  warm.  This  was  effected  by  the  Declaration  of  Independence ; 
and  for  the  passage  of  this  Declaration  none  labored  more 
zealously  than  the  delegates  from  Massachusetts.  They  knew 
it  was  not  only  for  their  own  interest,  but  for  the  interest  of 
the  country,  that  the  step  should  be  taken ;  and,  when  taken, 
they  foresaw  that  strength  would  be  added  to  the  public  coun- 
cils, that  foreign  alliances  could  be  more  easily  contracted, 
and  that  the  freedom  of  the  nation  would  be  more  speedily 
secured.  They  did  not  adopt  the  maxim  of  ancient  times  of 
degeneracy,  — 

"  Quaerenda  pecunia  primum  est, 
Villus  jiost  nummos ; " 

but,  appropriating  to  themselves  a  nobler  sentiment,  were  ready 
to  say,  — 

"  If  it  be  aught  toward  the  general  good, 
Set  honor  in  one  eye,  and  death  i'  the  other. 
And  I  will  look  on  both  indifferently ; 
For  let  the  gods  so  speed  me,  as  I  love 
The  name  of  honor  more  than  I  fear  death."  ' 

*  Julius  Caesar,  Act  i.  Sc.  2. 


CHAPTER    IV. 

MILITARY  MOVEMENTS  IN  MASSACHUSETTS. 

To  sketch  in  full  the  progress  of  the  revolution  is  properly  chap. 
the  province  of  the  national  historian  ;  and  though  the  field  ^^^3^ 
is  a  tempting  one,  and  might  be  profitably  explored,  it  would  1776. 
be  quite  out  of  place  for  the  local  historian  to  aim  to  supply 
any  existing  deficiency  by  an  amplitude  of  detail,  M^hicli  would 
be  allowable  in  a  general  work,  but  which,  in  one  of  a  more 
restricted  character,  would  be  regarded  as  superfluous.  Noth- 
ing, therefore,  will  be  attempted  here  more  than  a  summary 
of  events  bearing  directly  upon  the  history  of  Ma^isacliusetts, 
and  illustrating  the  part  taken  by  the  citizens  of  tliis  state  in 
achieving  the  independence  of  the  country.  Even  within 
these  bounds,  enough  may  be  said  to  show  that,  if  the  soil  of 
Massachusetts  was  no  longer  trodden  by  a  hireling  soldiery, 
and  the  people  were  no  longer  subjected  to  the  stern  necessity 
of  fighting  immediately  for  their  own  families  and  the  protec- 
tion of  their  own  homes,  they  were  by  no  means  indifferent  to 
the  claims  of  others  upon  their  services,  whose  peace  was 
disturbed  by  a  foreign  foe  ;  nor  were  they  unwilling  to  conse- 
crate their  fortunes  to  liberty,  and  to  seal  their  sincerity  by 
their  own  blood. 

Upon  tlie  evacuation  of  Boston,  and  the  departure  of 
Washington  for  New  York,  the  command  of  the  forces  in  Mas- 
sachusetts devolved  upon  General  Ward,  who  was  instructed  to 
occupy  and  repair  the  forts  already  erected,  and  to  strengthen 
his  defences  to  prevent  the  recapture  of  the  town.  He  was, 
also,  in  all  his  proceedings,  to  consult  the  civil  authorities, 
and  act  under  their  advice  for  the  protection  of  the  terri- 

(123) 


124  FORTIFICATIONS  IN   BOSTON   HARBOR. 

CHAP,  tory.i     The  General  Assembly  had  previously  requested  that 
^^-     six  regiments  might  be  left  in  his  charge,  as  a  portion  of  the 

1776.  British  fleet  remained  in  the  lower  harbor,  and  they  feared  an 
attack  unless  they  could  concentrate  a  formidable  force  ;  but 
only  three  regiments  could  be  spared,  and  it  became  necessary, 
shortly  after,  to  raise  three  more,  with  six  companies  of  artil- 
lery, at  the  expense  of  the  state.^ 

In   accordance  with   his  instructions,  General  Ward   pro- 
ceeded forthwith  to  fortify  the  harbor,  and  in  a  very  short 

May  4.  time  was  able  to  report  that  the  "  forts  on  Fort  Hill,  in  Bos- 
ton, Charlestown  Point,  and  Castle  Point"  were  "almost 
completed,  with  a  number  of  heavy  cannon  mounted  in  each." 
A  work  was  also  in  good  forwardness  on  Noddle's  Island, 
now  East  Boston  ;  a  detachment  of  the  army  was  at  Castle 
Island,  repairing  the  batteries  which  the  British  had  breached, 
and  a  number  of  hulks  were  preparing  to  be  sunk  in  the  chan- 
nel.3  "  I  have  employed  the  troops  here,"  he  wrote,  "  to  the 
greatest  advantage  in  my  power ;  have  ordered  all  the  men 
not  on  actual  duty  to  turn  out  upon  fatigue  every  day,  not 


'  Bradford,  ii.  102,    Comp.  Frank-  '  In  addition  to  these  prepai-ations, 

lin's  Works,  \-iii.  181.  the  General  Court,  in  April,  voted  to 

2  Jour.  H.  of  It.  for  1776;  Brad-  erect   a   powder   mill   at  Sutton;    a 

ford,  ii.  102.    Two  of  these  regiments  bounty  was  offered  for  the  nianufac- 

were  ordered  to  be  raised  in  April,  ture  of  saltpetre ;   a  committee  was 

and  the  thu'd  in  Maj'.     James  War-  appointed  to  superintend  the  casting 

ren.  in  a  letter  to  E.  Gerry,  June  12,  of  camion  and  the  making  of  firearms ; 

1776,  Austin's  Life  of  Gerry,  i.  182,  beacons  were  erected  in  Boston,  at 

says,  '•  A  regiment  ordered  more  than  Cajje  Ann,  Marblehead,  and  on  the 

two  months  ago  to  be  raised,  under  Blue    Hills,   in   Milton,   to   give  an 

Colonel    Whitney,   yet   wants   more  alarm,  should  a  landing  be  attempt- 

than  a  hundred  nien.    Another,  under  ed  ;  and  two  vessels  were  em])loved 

Marshall,  and  one  to  consist  of  seven  to  keep  watch  in  the  bay,  and  give 

companies  of  the  train,  under  Crafts,  seasonable  notice  of  the  movements 

make  but   slow  ])rogress.     ^Marshall  of  the   enemy.      Jour.  H.  of  R.  for 

has  not  near  half  hlled  his  regiment,  1776 ;  Bradford,  ii.  106 _;  Bliss's  Ke- 

though  the  enlisting  orders  were  given  hoboth,  147.     The  sinldng  of  hulks 

out  six  M-eeks   ago""     See  also  Jour,  in  the  harbor  was  suspended,  June  1, 

H.  of  R.  for  May  31  and  June  1  and  by  the  General  Court,  on  the  memo- 

6,  1776.     The  same  Journal,  p.   19,  rial  of  a  committee  of  the  town  of 

spealts   of  four   independent  compa-  Boston.    Jom-.  H.  of  R.  for  June  1, 

nies,  at  Dorchester,  Braintree,  Wey-  1776. 
mouth,  and  Hmgham. 


GENERAL   LINCOLN   ENTERS    THE   SERVICE.  125 

allowing  any  superfluous  cooks  nor  waiters  ;  and,  upon  receiv-  chap. 
ing  intelligence  of  the  British  fleet  being  on  its  passage  this  ,^^3^ 
way,  I  directed  all  the  officers  to  turn  out  with  their  men  upon    1776. 
the  works ;  which  they  cheerfully  complied  with,  and  are  in- 
stantly upon  fatigue  with  their  men."  ^ 

The  regiments  which  had  been  ordered  by  the  General 
Court  were  eventually  organized,  and  stationed  partly  at  the 
Castle,  partly  at  Noddle's  Island,  and  partly  at  Nantasket.^ 
General  Benjamin  Lincoln,  a  native  of  Hingham,  and  a  de- 
scendant of  the  Lincolns  of  Norfolk,  England,  was  the  chair- 
man of  the  committee  appointed  to  attend  to  this  duty ;  and 
the  military  skill  which  he  displayed  on  the  occasion,  joined 
to  his  superior  qualities  as  an  officer  and  a  gentleman,  won 
for  him  the  favorable  notice  of  Washington,  and  led  to  his 
transfer,  at  a  subsequent  date,  to  a  post  of  still  greater  re-  1777. 
sponsibility,  in  which  he  was  distinguished  by  his  prudence 
and  courage,  and  the  sterling  traits  of  fidelity  and  integrity. 
Few  officers,  indeed,  who  served  in  the  war,  won  for  them- 
selves a  prouder  name,  and  few  are  remembered  with  warmer 
aff"ection.^ 

'  Sparks's  Con-esp.  of  the  Rev.  i.  mouth,  on  Casco  Bay.     Cannon  and 

191,    192,  200.     From   the   Boston  military  stores  were  also   furnished, 

Gazette  for  May  6,  1776,  it  appeal's  and  men  were  stationed  at  these  places 

that  a  number  of  persons  in  the  me-  for  the  greater  part  of  the  summer,  to 

tropoHs  voluntarily  subscribed  to  assist  prevent  a  landing  from  the  British 

in  fortifying  the  harbor  of  Boston,  un-  ships   which  were    hovering  on   the 

der  the  direction  of  the  committee  of  coast.     Boston  Gazette  for  April  29, 

the  General  Court,  and  that  gentle-  1776;  Jom-.  H.   of  11.  for  June  3, 

men  from  the  country  also  voluntari-  1776. 

ly  labored  on  the  work.      A  letter        ^  Jom-.  H.  of  R.  for  June  11,  1776  ; 

from  the  Continental  Congress  of  May  Sparks's  Washington,  iv.   229,  240, 

16  also  urged  upon  the  General  Comt  294  ;  Mem.  of  Gen.  Lincoln,  in  2  M. 

the  necessity  of  reenforcing  the  troops  H.  Coll.  iii.  233  et  seq.  ;  N.  A.  Ilev. 

in  Boston,  to  prevent  the  town  tailing  for   Nov.    1815;    S.   Lincoln's    Hist, 

again  into  the  hands  of  the  ministerial  Hingham,    140-146.      An   excellent 

ai'my ;  and  a  rejiort  on  the  subject  portrait   of  General   Lincoln  is  pre- 

was   made  by  the  Council  May  3 1.  served  at  the  rooms  of  the  Massachu- 

Jour.  H.  of  K.  lor  1776,  p.  9.  setts  Historical  Society.     He  was  ap- 

*  Bradford,  ii.  108.    In  addition  to  pointed  secretary  of  war  in  1782,  and 

the  works  in  the  harbor  of  Boston,  in  1788  was  chosen  lieutenant  gov- 

the  General  Comt  lil^ewise  provided  ernor  of  Massachusetts.     Join*.  Cont. 

for   fortifications  at  Salem,   Marble-  Cong.  i. ;  Sparks's  Washington,   viii. 

head,  Cape  Ann,  Plymouth,  and  Fal-  225,  &c.  j  Bradford,  ii.  332. 


126  NAVAL  AEMAMENT   OF   MASSACHUSETTS. 

The  naval  armament  of  Massachusetts  embraced  no  vessels 
which  could  aspire  to  be  ranked  as  first-class  frigates,^  nor  had 
1776.  extensive  arrangements  been  made  by  the  General  Congress 
to  prosecute  the  war  at  sea.^  The  craft  in  the  commission  of 
the  state  and  of  the  continent,  however,  with  the  privateers 
fitted  out  from  different  ports,  rendered  efficient  and  valuable 
service,  and  were  ever  alert  to  capture  a  prize.  The  exploit 
of  the  Franklin  was  signally  brilliant ;  and  her  gallant  com- 
mander, Captain  Mugford,  of  Marblehead,  deserves  to  be  held 
in  remembrance  by  his  townsmen.  His  vessel  was  small,  and 
his  crew  consisted  of  but  twenty  or  twenty-one  men ;  yet  he 
resolutely  encountered  a  large  ship  of  three  hundred  tons, 
from  Ireland,  mounting  six  guns,  and  loaded  with  provisions 
and  military  stores,  of  the  value  of  forty  or  fifty  thousand 

May  17.  pounds.  The  engagement  took  place  at  the  entrance  of  Bos- 
ton harbor,  in  full  view  of  the  British  ships  in  Nantasket 
Roads  ;  and  great  was  tlieir  chagrin  when  they  beheld  the  vic- 
tor, with  his  prize  in  tow,  steering  for  Boston  through  the 
northern  passage.     But  his  triumph  was  short ;  for,  two  days 

May  19.  after,  as  he  fell  down  the  hai'bor  to  put  to  sea  on  a  cruise,  his 
vessel  unfortunately  grounded  in  the  Gut,  near  Point  Shirley. 
The  British  were  informed   of  his  perilous  situation ;   and 


'  Almou's  Remembrancer,  iii.  342,  at  Swansey,  and,  p.  9,  of  vessels  built 

gives   an   account  of  the  launching,  by  order  of  the  Genei-al  Court  for 

June  10,  at  Newbur\-]3ort,  of  the  Han-  guai-ding  the  sea  coast  and  aimoying 

cock,  a  "  fuie  ship  "  of  24  gmis,  well  the  enemy  by  sea. 
built,  of  the  best  timber,  under  the         ^  The  American  na\y,  in  1776,  is 

du'ection  of  the  Hon.  Thomas  Cush-  said  to  have  consisted  of  the  Alfred, 

ing ;  and  of  the  launching,  at  Ports-  of  32  guns,  the  Columbus,  of  24,  the 

mouth,  two  weeks  earlier,  of  a  frigate  Portsmouth,  of  20,  the  Defence,  An- 

of  32  guns,  built  imder  the  dnection  cbe  Doria,  and  Cabot,  of  16  each,  the 

of  John   Langdon,  Esq.     See,  also,  Xortham])ton,  of  14,  the  Hornet,  of 

with  reference  to  these  vessels,  Trum-  12,  the  Wasp,  of  10,  the  Fly,  of  6, 

bull  MS.  Letter  Book  B,  82,  Letter  and  13  galleys,  of  1  and  2  guns  each, 

of  Maiine  Committee,  Oct.  2.5,  1776.  built  for  river  service  only.     To  these 

For  these,  64  cannon  were  to  be  pro-  were  added,  in   1777,  15  vessels  of 

■\ided,  52  twelve   pounders,   and  12  from  6  to  36  gims,  4  xebecs,  of  10 

four-  pounders.     See  also  Jour.  Cont.  guns  each,  2  fii-eships,  and  2  iioating 

Cong.  ii.   393,  under  date  Oct.   16,  batteries.     Letter   to  Lord  Viscount 

1776.     The  Join-.  H.  of  R.  for  1776,  Howe,  &c.,  Lond.,  1779,  17,  18. 
p.  8,  speaks  of  aimed  vessels  building 


THE    BRITISH    FLEET    EXPELLED.  127 

twelve  or  thirteen  boats,  filled  with  men,  were  sent  to  attack  chap. 
him.     They  drew  near  about  midnight,  but  were  ordered  to  _33l. 
stand  off,  and,  refusing  to  obey,  were  fired  upon.     Two  boats    1776. 
were  sunk,  and  the  rest  were  dispersed  —  but  not  without  the 
loss  of  the  captain  of  the  Franklin,  who  was  run  through  with 
a  lance  while  fighting  at  his  post.^ 

The  frequent  alarms  in  May  and  June,  and  the  fears  enter-    May 

and 

tained  of  another  visit  from  the  British,  gave  much  uneasiness  June, 
to  the  inhabitants  of  Massachusetts.  Hence,  early  in  the 
latter  month,  it  was  determined  by  the  General  Court  to  for-  Jun.n. 
tify  Nantasket  and  several  of  the  islands  in  the  harbor,  and 
to  drive  all  the  enemy's  vessels,  if  possible,  from  the  bay.^ 
Accordingly,  by  beat  of  drum,  detachments  from  the  colonial  Jun.  13, 
regiments,  commanded  b}^  Colonels  Marshall  and  Whitney, 
and  a  "  battalion  of  train,"  commanded  by  Lieutenant  Colonel 
Crafts,  were  mustered,  embarked  in  boats  at  Long  Wharf, 
sent  down  the  harbor,  and  posted  at  Pettick's  Island  and  at 
Hull,  where  they  were  joined  by  some  of  the  continental 
troops  and  sea  coast  companies  —  making,  in  all,  six  hundred 
men  at  each  place.  A  like  number  of  the  militia  from  the 
towns  in  the  vicinity  of  Boston,  with  a  detachment  from  the 
train  and  some  field  pieces,  likewise  took  post  at  Moon  Island, 
Hough's  Neck,  and  Point  Alderton  ;  and  a  detachment  from 
the  continental  army,  under  Colonel  Whitcomb,  with  two 
eighteen  pounders,  one  thirteen  inch  mortar,  and  the  necessary 


*  Boston    Gazette  for    May    20,  April  17,  is  incorrect,  as  is  also  the 

1776  ;    Almon's   Remembrancer,   iii.  date  in  Rantoul's  Oration  at  Lexing- 

137,  138,  234;  Sparks's  Corresp.  of  ton,  A]).  19,  1850,  which  says  "May 

the  Rev.  i.   204;  Bradlbrd,  ii.  109,  19,  1775." 

110.    Mugford  was  not  commissioned  -  Jour.  II.  of  R.  for  June  11,  1776. 

as   captain   of  the  FrankHn,  but  as  "  I  never  shall  be  ha]3])y,''  WTote  John 

master ;  and,  as  the  others  had  left  Adams  to  Samuel  Coo])er,  May  30, 

the  vessel,  he  took  the  command.  He  1776,  CoiTesp.  in  Works,   ix.    381, 

was  accomi)anied  on  his  last  cruise  by  "  until  every  unfriendly  flag  is  driven 

"  Maj.  Frazer's  little  armed  schoon-  out   of  sight,   and    the    Lighthouse 

er  ;  "  but  the  crew  on  board  this  ves-  Island,  George's  and  Lovell's  Islands, 

sel  cut  their  cable,  on  being  apjjrised  and  the  east  end  of  Long  Island,  ai'e 

of  the  approach  of  the  Britisli,  and  secured." 
escaped.     The  date  in  Bradford,  viz., 


lUS  EXPLOITS    OF    THE   PRIVATEERS. 

CHAP,  intrenching  tools,  were  embarked  for  Long  Island,  to  take 

_JZ^^  post  there.     These  bodies,  which  were  placed  under  Major 
1776.    Lincoln,  were  accompanied  by  Prussian  engineers  of  consider- 
able skill ;  and  they  labored  with  such  diligence  that,  in  a  few 

Jun.  14.  hours,  defences  were  thrown  up  on  Long  Island  and  at  Nan- 
tasket,  and  cannon  were  mounted,  which  began  to  play  upon 
the  British  fleet,  numbering  eight  ships,  two  "snows,"  two 
brigs,  and  one  schooner.  The  enterprise  was  successful ;  and 
the  shattered  fleet,  finding  it  hazardous  to  remain,  put  to  sea, 
after  blowing  up  the  lighthouse  —  leaving  behind  two  or  three 
vessels,  which  were  captured  by  the  Americans.^ 

Jun.  10  The  capture  by  privateers,  from  Marblehead  and  elsewhere, 
of  four  or  five  transport  ships  from  England  and  Scotland, 
each  having  on  board  from  eighty  to  one  hundred  Highland- 
ers, besides  marines  for  the  British  fleet,  was  noticed  in  the 
journals  of  the  day  as  another  capital  exploit  —  especially  as 
one  of  the  ships  engaged  the  privateers  for  several  hours 
before  she  surrendered,  and  lost  seventeen  men,  besides  a 
major  in  the  British  service.^ 

The  General  Court,  which,  under  the  provincial  charter, 
had  been  accustomed  to  assemble  on  the  last  Wednesday  in 
May,  was  this  year  organized   at  Watertown,  at  the  usual 

May  29.  time  ;  and  the  members  of  the  Executive  Council  for  tlie  pre- 
vious year  were  reelected,  with  the  exception  of  six,  who 
declined  to  serve.^  The  business  which  came  before  this  body 
was  of  the  utmost  importance ;  yet,  as  many  of  the  members 
were  novices  in  legislation  and  unskilled  in  political  afi"airs, 

•  Boston  Gazette  for  June  17, 1776;  '  Jour.  H.  of  R.  for  1776  ;  J.  Ad- 

Almon's  liemembrancer,  iii.  138,201,  ams  to  S.  Cooper,  May  30,  1776,  in 

202,  iv.   138 ;  Pemberton's  Jom-.  in  Works,  ix.   381  ;    Braclford,  ii.   107. 

1  M.  H.  Coll.  ii.  65  ;  Thacher's  Jour.  The  six  who  declined  were  James  Otis, 

46  ;  Bradford,  ii.  110,  11 1.  John  Adams.  Jedediah  Foster,  Charles 

^  Boston  Gazette  for  June  10  and  Chauncy,   Enocli   Freeman,  and  Jo- 

17, 1776  ;  Ward  to  Wasliington,  June  seph  Palmer;  and  the  reason  of  their 

20,  1776,  in  S]3arks's  Corresp.  of  the  declining  was  principally  the  pressm-e 

Rev.  i.  226 ;  Almon's  Remembrancer,  of  the  duties   connected  with  other 

iii.  290,   291;   Thacher's   Jom-.   46;  posts  which  demanded  their  atten- 

Bradibrd  ii.  111.  tion. 


TARDINESS  IN   RAISING  TROOPS.  129 

their  decisions  were   "  afflictingly  slow,"  while   every  thing  chap. 
called  for  "ardor  and  despatch."^     The  British  had,  indeed,  ^^3l. 
quitted  Boston,  and  their  ships  were  driven  from  the  waters    1776. 
of  the  bay  ;  but,  in  the  critical  state  of  public  affairs,  neither 
tlie  citizens  nor  the  General  Court  could  promise  themselves 
intermission  in  arduous  service.     Not  only  was  it  necessary 
that  provisions  should  be  made  for  the  security  of  their  own 
borders,  but  for  augmenting  the  forces  of  the  national  army.^ 
Personal  interest  prompted  to  alacrity  in  the  first  of  these 
objects  ;  but  the  demands  of  Congress  for  recruits  at  New 
York  and  on  Lake  Chainplain  ^  were  more  slowly  answered  ; 
and  Hawloy  despondingly  wrote,  "This  colony,  I  imagine,  will  Jun.2l. 
raise  the  men  required  by  Congress  before  snow  flies,  but  in 
no  season  for  the  relief  of  either  New  York  or  Canada.""* 

It  should  be  observed,  however,  in  explanation  of  this  con- 
duct, that  it  was  not  from  the  want  of  a  disposition  to  comply 
that  such  tardiness  was  manifested,  but  cliiefly  from  the  diffi- 
culty  of  efiecting   enlistments.      The    General    Court  voted  Jun.  17 

and  20. 

readily  to  raise  five  thousand  men,  for  six  months,  to  reen- 
force  the  continental  army,  and,  in  an  admirable  address  to 
the  people,  urged  upon  them  the  importance  of  attending  to 
this  duty.     "  Although  the  numbers  are  large,"  say  they,  "  yet 

*  J.  Hawley  to  AVashington,  June  the  army  in  Canada;  13,800  at  New 

21,  1776,  in  Sparks's  Corresp.  of  the  York  ;  and  10,000  as  a  flving  camp. 

Rev.  i.  230.  Jonr.  Cont.  Cong.  ii.  187,  "I88;  Jour. 

2  From  a  Letter  of  President  Han-  Mass.  H.  of  11.  for  June  12,  1776. 
cock  to  the  Assembly  of  Connecticut,  •*  J.  Hawley  to  Washington,  in 
May  16,  1776,  in  Trumbull  MS.  Let-  S])arks's  CorrJsp.  of  the  Rev.  i.  230. 
ter  Book  Ii,  50,  it  appears  that  Con-  "  It  -will  l)e  in  vain,"  he  also  MTote  to 
gross  had  ordered  two  additional  regi-  Gerr)-,  July  17,  1776,  in  Austin's  Life 
ments  to  be  raised  in  Massachusetts,  of  Gerry,  i.  208,  "  to  attemj)t  to  en- 
one  in  Connecticut,  and  one  in  New  list  New  England  people  for  a  longer 
Hampshire,  for  the  ser\-ice  of  the  term  than  two  years.  No  bounties 
United  Colonies.  Comp.  also  Jour,  ^nll  induce  them  to  eng-age  for  a  long- 
Cont.  Cong.  ii.  165,  167,  and  Jour,  er  time  —  I  fear,  for  uo  longer  time 
Mass.  H.  of  R.  for  May  31,  1776.  than  one  year."  In  this  opinion,  how- 
The  five  Massachusetts  regiments  were  ever,  as  the  event  proved,  he  Mas  mis- 
ordered,  May  31,  to  be  recruited  to  feiken  ;  for  thousands  were  enlisted, 
then-  l\ill  complement.  not  for  three  years  only,  but  dui-ing 

^  The  resolve  of  Congress  was  for  the  war. 
employing  6000  militia  to  reenforce 

VOL.  III.  9 


130  LOCAL   JEALOUSIES. 

CHAP,  the  exertions  now  called  for  are  not  to  be  regarded  when 
^^33^  compared  to  the  great  and  noble  objects  for  which  we  are  con- 
1776.  tending.  This  Court,  therefore,  have  the  fullest  assurance 
that  their  brethren,  on  this  occasion,  wiU  not  confer  with  Jlesh 
and  blood,  but,  being  convinced  of  the  necessity  of  the  measure, 
will,  without  hesitation  and  with  the  utmost  alacrity  and  de- 
spatch, fill  up  the  numbers  proportioned  on  the  several  towns  ; 
in  which  case  we  shall  have  the  highest  prospect  of  defeating 
the  bloody  designs  of  our  unjust  and  cruel  adversaries."  ^ 

In  pursuance  of  this  purpose,  committees  were  appointed  in 
every  town  to  assist  and  encourage  the  enlistments  ;  a  bounty, 
and  a  month's  pay  in  advance,  were  offered  as  inducements  to 
soldiers  to  enroll  their  names  ;  and  the  sum  of  fifty  thousand 
pounds  of  the  currency  of  the  state  was  appropriated  to 
defray  the  accruing  expenses.-  Yet  the  Work  progressed 
slowly ;  and  it  was  difficult  to  persuade  people  of  the  expe- 
diency or  policy  of  draining  the  state  so  largely  of  its  in- 
habitants, especially  as  their  services  might  be  needed  at 
home.  But,  besides  this  objection,  there  was  another,  which 
weighed  more  heavily  with  many.  The  local  jealousies  which 
prevailed  in  the  colonies  have  been  already  alluded  to  ;  and 
these  jealousies,  so  far  from  disappearing  with  the  transfer 
of  the  war  to  the  south,  seem  rather  to  have  been  strength- 
ened, and  to  have  burst  forth  with  accumulated  rancor  and 
virulence.  Hence,  in  alluding  to  this  state  of  things,  an  offi- 
cer in  the  army  wrote,  "It  has  already  risen  to  such  a  height, 
that  the  Pennsylvania  and  Xew  England  troops  would  as  soon 
fight  each  other  as  the  enemy.  Officers  of  all  ranks  are 
indiscriminately  treated  in  a  most  contemptible  manner,  and 
whole  colonies  traduced  and  vilified  as  cheats,  knaves,  cow- 

*  Jour.  H.  of  R.  for  June  17  and  1070  ;  Hampshire,   742 ;   PhTnouth, 

20,    1776;    Bradford,    ii.    113,    114.  380;     Bristol,     362;     York,     lOo  ; 

These  troops  were  apportioned  as  fol-  "Worcester,   1102;  Cumberland,  39; 

lows:  Suffolk  county  was  to  raise  448  and  Berkshire,  261. 

men;  Essex  county,  457 ;  Middlesex,  '^  Bradford,  ii.  114. 


LOCAL   JEALOUSIES.  131 

ard?,  poltroons,  liypocritcs,  and  every  term  of  reproach,  for  chap. 
no  other  reason  but  because  they  are  situated  east  of  New  _i^ 
York.     Every  honor  is  paid  to  the  merit  of  good  men  from    1776. 
the  soutli ;  the  merit,  if  such  be  possible,  from  the  north  is  not 
so  readily  acknowledged,  but,  if  too  apparent  to  be  blasted 
with  falsehood,  is  carefully  buried  in  oblivion.    The  cowardice 
or  misbehavior  of  the  south  is 'carefully  covered  over;  the" 
least  misconduct  in  the  gentlemen  of  the  north  is  published 
with  large  comments  and  aggravations."  ^ 

It  is  possible  that  these  statements  may  be  somewhat  exag- 
gerated, and  that  allowance  should  be  made  for  personal  resent- 
ment and  partisan  zeal.  Yet  the  fact  remains  that  jealousies 
existed,  which  soured  the  temper  and  affected  the  views  of 
the  residents  of  different  sections  of  the  country.  Nor  is  it  sur- 
prising, when  the  sensitiveness  of  the  people  and  the  peculiar- 
ities of  their  position  are  considered,  that  a  weakness  which 
has  always,  to  a  greater  or  less  extent,  marked  the  character 
and  conduct  of  mankind,  should  have  exhibited  itself  among 
the  patriots  of  America ;  and,  while  it  is  not  asserted  that  either 
party  was  exclusively  to  blame  for  yielding  to  this  weakness, 
and  that  self-vindication  was  perfectly  proper,  it  is  to  be  regret- 
ted that  the  New  Englanders  retorted  upon  their  opponents 
such  bitter  reproaches.  If  their  provocations  were  great,  so 
should  have  been  their  forbearance ;  nor  is  it  meanness  of 
spirit  which  submits  to  indignities  rather  than  resents  them, 
when  by  a  retaliatory  course  the  evil  is  increased.  Self-con- 
trol is  the  first  lesson  to  be  learned  by  those  who  are  engaged 
in  the  struggle  for  freedom.  But  the  passions  of  men  are 
rarely  restricted  within  rational  bounds  ;  and  instances  innu- 
merable, from  the  history  of  all  ages,  prove  that 


*  Gordon'sAm.  Rev.  ii.  113.  Comp.  ry,  i.  277.     The  soldiers  from  New 

Reed's  Reed,  i.  239  ;  Stedman's  Am.  England  were  called  "  Yankees  "  by 

War,  i.  206.  207  ;  Letter  of  Robert  the  southerncn-s ;    and  they,  in  turn, 

Morris,  in  Sjmrks's  Washington,  iv.  were  called  "  Buckskins  "  bj-  the  Xew 

237,  note;  and  Austin's  Life  of  Ger-  Englanders.     Thacher's  Jour.  61. 


132  MORE   TROOPS   CALLED    FOR. 

"  We  may  outrun 
By  violent  sAviftness  that  which  we  run  at, 
jyyg  And  lose  by  overrunning.' 


»  1 


If,  however,  it  is  admitted  that  the  north  was  to  blame,  as 
well  as  the  south,  and  if  the  officers  from  New  England  in 
some  cases  merited  censure  for  their  unmilitary  conduct,^  it 
must  also  be  admitted  that  the  soldiers,  as  a  body,  were  as 
active  and  as  zealous  as  those  from  the  other  states.^  And  if 
a  parallel  is  drawn  between  the  merits  of  the  colonies,  based 
upon  the  aggregate  of  their  enlistments  in  the  service,  the 
palm  must  unquestionably  be  awarded  to  New  England.  For 
Massachusetts  alone  had  ten  thousand  men  in  the  field,  wliile 
the  whole  army  numbered  less  than  forty  thousand.* 

In  addition  to  the  five  thousand  called  for  in  June,  —  three 

thousand  of  whom  were  sent  to  the  northern  department,  and 

July  3  two  thousand  to  New  York,  —  early  in  the  following  month 

to  9. 

several  other  regiments  were  ordered  to  New  York,  with  a 
large  number  of  light  horse  and  several  artillery  companies  ; 


'  J.  Adams,   Corresp.  in   Works,  such   illiberal    reflections    upon    the 

ix.   460,   says,   "  There  is   a  narrow  eastern  troops  as  you  say  ])revail  in 

spirit,  in  many  people,  which  seems  to     N .     I  always  have,  and  always 

consider  this  contest  as  the  affair  of  shall  say,  that  I  do  not  behcve  any  of 

Boston  and  the   Massachusetts,  not  the  states  produce  better  men.  Equal 

the  affaii'  of  the  continent.     All  that  injustice  is  done  them  in   other  re- 

they  have  to  do  is  to  get  the  charac-  spccts  ;  for  no  people  fly  to  arms  more 

ter  of  heroes  by  their  bravery,  to  wear  promptly,  or  come  better  equipped  or 

genteel  uniforms  and  armor,  and  to  with  more  regularity  into  the  field." 

be  thought  to  lay  Boston  and  Massa-  Bradford,  ii.  128,  note, 

chusetts  under  vast  obligations.     For  ''  Heath,  Mems.  51,  under  date  of 

my  own  part,  I  think  the  obligations  Aug.  8,   177G,  says  the  whole  army 

mutual ;  but  if  there  is  a  balance,  it  did  not  exceed  40,000,  officers  includ- 

is  clearly  in  favor  of  Massachusetts."  ed,  tliougli  rated  in  the  newsjjapers  at 

^  Comp.    Reed's    Reed,    i.    240 ;  70,000  strong ;  and  Washington,   in 

Washington  to  Ms  brother,  Nov.  19,  a  letter  of  the  same  date,  in  Marshall, 

1776,    in    Sparks's    Washington,    iv.  ii.  428,  and  Sjiarks's  Washington,  iv. 

184  ;  Marshall's  Washington,  ii.  473,  34,  note,  savs  that  the  number  in  New 

474;  Thacher's  Jom-.  60,  61,  70;  J.  York  was  "but   17,225  men,  sick  in- 

Adams's  Corresp.  in  Works,  ix.  434,  eluded,  though  afterwards  augmented 

439,  and  note,  in  Works,  iii.  87,  88.  to  27.000.  Comp.  Lord  Mahou's  Hist 

^  "It  is  painful,"  Avrote  Washing-  Eng.  A-i.  108. 
ton,  iia  Jan.  1777,  "for  me  to  hear 


ENLISTMENTS  FOR  THE  ARMY.  133 

and  two  more  regiments  were  ordered  to  Canada.*  To  effect  chap. 
the  raisins;  of  these,  the  legislature  was  obliged  to  order  a 
levy  of  every  twenty-fifth  man  in  the  state  ;  and,  while  the  1776. 
troops  for  the  northern  department  were  principally  mustered 
from  the  counties  at  the  west,  and  from  Middlesex  and  Essex, 
those  for  New  York  were  from  the  counties  of  Suffolk,  Plym- 
outh, and  Bristol.^  But  even  these  requisitions,  great  as  tliey 
were,  tell  not  the  whole  story  witii  reference  to  Massacliu- 
setts  ;  for,  early  in  the  fall,  Washington  solicited,  and  Congress  Sept.  3. 
requested,  the  enlistment  of  additional  troops,  and  every  fifth 
man  was  ordered  by  the  legislature  to  march  to  the  neighbor-  Sep.  10. 
hood  of  New  York.^  The  towns  on  the  sea  coast  were  ex- 
empted in  this  order,  as  their  services  might  possibly  be  needed 
at  home ;  and  the  detachment,  when  raised,  was  placed  under 
the  command  of  Major  Benjamin  Lincoln,  and  marched  to 
Fairfield,  in  Connecticut,  with  directions  to  report  themselves 
at  the  head  quarters  of  Wasliington.^  In  the  terms  of  their 
enlistment,  it  was  stated  that  they  were  to  serve  in  tlic  New 
England  States,  or  in  New  York  and  New  Jersey  ;  and  they 
were  to  remain  in  service  for  such  time  as  the  Court  should 
determine,  though  assurance  was  given  that  they  would  prob- 
ably be  discharged  within  three  months.^  Indeed,  scarcely  a 
week  elapsed  in  which  there  was  not  some  call  upon  the  civil 
authorities,  who  were  constantly  in  session,  for  bodies  of  the 
militia  to  march  to  head  quarters  near  New  York,  or  to  Lake 
Champlain,  or  to  the  neighborhood  of  Rhode  Island  ;  and 
there  were  frequent  alarms  within  the  state,  which  rendered 

»  Jour.  H.  of  R.  for  July  3,  4,  5,  ford,  ii.  114,  11-5 ;  Holland's  Western 

and  9,   1776;  Sparks's  Washington,  Mass.  i.  215. 

iv.  42,  47  ;  Thacher's  Jour.  53  ;  Lin-  ^  Jour.  Cont.  Conp^.  ii.  322;  Sparks's 

coin's  Hist.  Worcester,   114;    Brad-  Washington,  iv.  125,  note;  Joui-.  H. 

ford,  ii.  114.  The  two  last  were  Whit-  of  R.  for  1770  ;  Lincoln's  Worcester, 

comb's  and  Phinney's  regiments,  and  116;  Bradford,  ii.  1 18. 

they  set  out  early  in  August.     Mar-  *  Sparks's  Washington,  iv.  125,  and 

shall's  and  Whitney's  regiments  were  note,  126,  127,  129. 

ordered  to  Canada  July  4.     Joiu-.  H.  ^  Jour.    H.    of   R.    for   Aug.    29, 

of  R.  for  July  4,  1776.  1776  ;  Bradford,  ii.  119. 

'  Jour.  H.  of  R.  for  1776;  Brad- 


134  SUFFEEINGS  OF  THE  PEOPLE. 

CHAP,  it  expedient  to  increase  the  forces  at  Boston,  or  to  station 
^^'     companies  along  the  sea  coast,  i 

1776.  Hostilities  had  now  continued  for  more  than  a  year,  and  the 
consequences  were  beginning  to  be  seriously  felt.  Many  a 
father,  who  had  a  wife  and  little  ones  depending  upon  him 
for  support,  and  whose  means  of  subsistence  were  the  products 
of  his  own  toil,  was  compelled  to  leave  his  home  and  farm,  and 
shoulder  his  musket  to  join  the  army.  Thus  the  culture  of 
the  soil  was  neglected  ;  commerce  Avas  checked  ;  business  was 
at  a  stand ;  the  country  was  largely  drained  of  its  specie  ;  the 
paper  currency,  substituted  in  its  place,  had  so  far  depreciated 
in  value  that  many  were  reluctant  to  receive  it  for  debts,  and 
it  was  difficult  to  procure  with  it  the  necessaries  of  life.^ 
Hence  a  financial  gloom  was  rapidly  settling  down  upon  and 
overspreading  the  state,  which  became  the  more  oppressive 
from  the  imcertainty  of  relief.  Few  had  foreseen  these  evils  ; 
nor  was  it  easy  to  remove  them  while  the  energies  of  the  peo- 
ple were  principally  absorbed  in  the  struggle  for  their  liber- 
ties. Many  families  in  Massachusetts  were  in  a  suffering  con- 
dition—  deprived  of  their  customary  means  of  support,  and 
obliged  to  depend  upon  the  charity  of  others.  Never  was 
there  a  time  when  patriotism  had  been  more  tried,  and  when 
the  call  for  self-sacrifice  had  been  more  imperative.  And  the 
demand  was  met  with  commendable  promptitude.  For  not 
only  did  the  General  Congress  resolve  to  sustain  the  currency, 
and  protest  against  monopolies,^  but  the  legislature  of  the  state 


'  Jour.  H.  of  R.  for  1776;  Sparks's  ^  The   General    Congi-ess,  on   the 

Washmgton,   iv.    227;    Bradford,  ii.  11th  of  Jan.  1776,  and  the   14th  of 

120.  Jan.  1777,  passed  resolves  in  favor  of 

^  Comp.  Sparks's  Washington,   iv.  sustaining  the  currency  of  the  coun- 

113;  and,  on  the  difficulties  in  Mas-  try,  and  condemning  the  conduct  of 

sachusetts,  see  Bradford,  ii.  120,  13d,  those  who  obstructed  or  discouraged 

&c.     In  the  winter  of  1776-7,  the  in-  its  circulation.     Jour.  Cont.  Cong,  ii, 

habitants  of  Boston  held  a  meeting  to  22  ;  iii.  1 6  ;  Boston  Gazette  for  March 

take  into  consideration  the  complaints  10,  1777.     In  the  fall  of  1776,  also, 

of  the  poorer  class  respecting  monop-  the  General  Court  of  Massachusetts 

olies,  and  the  high  prices  of  articles  in  apj)ointed  a  committee  to  meet  others 

common  use.  from  Comiecticut,  Ilhode  Island,  and 


TREATMENT   OF   THE  TORIES.  135 

sought  to  devise  measures  for  the  public  relief ;  ^  and  not  only  chap. 
did  the  towns  cooperate  with  them  in  carrying  out  these  meas-  „_J3^ 
ures,^  but  private  liberality  was  abundantly  displayed,  and    1776. 
those  who  had  large  means  contributed  of  their  affluence  to 
those  who  had  less.^     Such  generous  conduct  is  worthy  of  all 
praise ;  nor  should  it  be  forgotten  that,  as  the  clouds  gath- 
ered, and  the  storm  in  its  fury  swept  over  the  land,  the  noble 
purpose  which  animated  all  so  far  outweighed   inferior  im- 
pulses as  to  prompt  philanthropy  to  succor  the  needy,  and 
Christian  liberality  to  answer  with  cheerfulness  the  numerous 
calls  upon  its  benevolent  regards. 

The  treatment  to  which  "  tories,"  or  "  loyalists,"  should  be 
subjected,  was  a  point  of  considerable  delicacy  and  difficulty. 
That  most  of  those  designated  by  these  terms  were  sincere 
in  their  opinions,  the  candid  of  our  day  will  doubtless  con- 
cede ;  for  they  proved  their  sincerity  by  submitting  their 
persons  to  the  severest  indignities,  and  their  property  to 
confiscation.^  They  were  naturally  regarded  with  suspi- 
cion and  dislike  ;   for  how  could   they  sympathize  with    the 

New  Hampshire,  at  Pro^idence,  for  opposed  by  many  of  the  citizens.  Real 
the  adoption  of  measm-es  for  the  pub-  Farmer,  No.  4,  in  N.  Y.  Jour. ;  Pem- 
lic  relief;    but    the  presence    of  the  berton's   Jour,   in   1    M.  H.  Coll.  ii. 
British  prevented  the  meeting,  and  a  158;  Bradford,  ii.  172;  Jom-.  H.  of 
new  one  was  appointed  at  Sjjrnigfield  II.  for  1778  and  1779. 
in  the  spring,  at  which  New  York  was  '  See  the  pubUshed  histories  of  the 
also  represented,  and  a  ]A\n  was  re-  different   towns.     Provisions   of  this 
ported   which   afforded   some    relief  kind  were  made  every  year  during  the 
Trumbull  MS.  Letter  Book  B,  101,  war,  and  were  of  great  service  to  those 
under  date   Feb.  20,  1777  ;  Austin's  who  would  have   otherwise  perished 
Life  of  Gerry,  i.  219-223,  264  ;  Jour,  from  absolute  want. 
H.  of  R.  for   1776,  1777  ;  Bradford,  ^  Comp.  Boston  Gazette  for  March 
ii.  121  ;  Holland's  Western  Mass.  i.  10,  1777,  where  the  hlierality  of  the 
'  Almon's  Remembrancer,  v.  o7-  citizens   of  Roxbury  is   commended. 
62;  Bradford,  ii.   121.     In  1777,  an  Instances  of  such  liberality  were  not 
act  to  "  prevent  monoi)oly  and  op-  uncommon ;    and  though  there  were 
pression  "  was  passed   in   Massachu-  occasional  examples  of  mdividual  selt- 
setts,  and  sanctioned  by  the  towiis ;  ishness,  they  were  sternl_\-  rebuked, 
and,  in    1778   and    1779,  regulating  *  The  admirable  work  of  Lorenzo 
statutes  were  passed  by  the  General  Sabine,  Esq.,  on  the  American  loyal- 
Congress,  and  a  plan  was  adopted  and  ists,  is  worthy  of  being  consulted  by 
carri'ed  into  effect  by  most  of  the  east-  all  who  desire  extended  information 
em  states,  which  was  approved  by  the  relative  to  this  class  of  persons, 
legislature  of  Massachusetts,  though 


136  TREATMENT    OF   THE   TORIES. 

CHAP,  cause  of  their  country  ?  and  if  not  in  its  favor,  they  must 
^^*  certainly  be  opposed.  In  such  case,  the  question  arose.  Should 
1776.  they  be  left  unmolested,  would  not  their  countenance  be  given 
to  the  enemy?  And  would  it  be  politic  to  allow  them  to  act 
in  this  manner  ?  It  is  not  surprising,  in  view  of  these  facts, 
that  stringent  measures  should  have  been  advocated  and 
adopted.  A  difierent  result  could  hardly  have  been  expected. 
And  if  these  measures,  in  some  cases,  appear  to  have  been  too 
stringent,  and  the  remedial  process  to  have  savored  of  revenge, 
it  should  be  remembered  that  there  were  often  circumstances 
which  aggravated  resentment,  and  that  inexcusable  instances 
of  treachery  were  detected  which  demanded  to  be  promptly 
and  summarily  checked.^ 

Jan.  2.  The  General  Congress,  at  a  quite  early  date,  feeling  the 
importance  of  this  subject,  earnestly  debated  it ;  and,  while 
they  advised  that  the  honest  but  misinformed  should  be  treat- 
ed with  lenity,  "  speedy  and  effectual  measures  "  were  recom- 
mended to  be  taken  to  "frustrate  the  mischievous  machina- 
tions" of  the  "unworthy." 2  The  course  of  Massachusetts 
was  in  accordance  with  these  resolves  ;  and  when  a  number 
of  tories,  who  had  fled  to  Halifax  upon  the  evacuation  of 
Boston,  ventured  to  return,  and  threw  themselves  upon  the 
mercy  of  the  government,  for  the  public  security  they  were 
taken  into  custody,  and  most  of  them  were  imprisoned  for 

'  Vigilance  was  required  in  all  at  least,  not  to  oppose  them.  "  He 
parts  of  the  state  to  fi-ustrate  the  that  is  not  for  us  is  against  us,"  was 
schemes  of  those  Avhose  lojalty  went  their  maxim  ;  and  the  conduct  of  all 
so  far  as  to  lead  them  to  act  against  nations  has  confirmed  its  necessity, 
the  patriot  cause  ;  and  self-protection  In  the  midst  of  the  excitement  inci- 
sanctioned  the  exercise  of  such  vigi-  dent  to  a  revolution,  speculative  dis- 
lance.  Our  sympatliies  may  prompt  tinctions  have  very  little  power  over 
us  to  deplore  the  misfortunes  of  those  the  mind.  [Men  act  promptly,  and 
whose  chief  offence  was  theu'  loyalty ;  take  such  measures  as  seem  to  be  war- 
but  tliis  sympathy  should  not  induce  ranted  at  the  time,  without  stopping 
a  forgetfuhiess  of  the  fact  that  the  to  investigate  mdi\idual  or  exception- 
patriots  were  equally  honest,  and  that,  al  cases, 

as  the  Americans  as  a  peo])le  had  sol-  ^  Jour.  Cont.  Cong.  ii.  6,  7.     See 

emnly  renounced  theu"  allegiance  to  also  ibid.  ii.  88 ;  and  comj).  Galloway's 

the  king,  every  resident  of  the  coma-  Examination,  Loud.  1779,  p.  6,  note, 
try  was  expected  to  coincide  mth,  or, 


TREATMENT   OF   THE   TORIES.  137 

several  months.    Their  conduct  was  likewise  jealously  watched,  chap. 
and  it  was  some  time  before  confidence  was  fully  restored.^       ^J^^ti^ 

It  was  at  a  later  date,  however,  that  the  greatest  disturb-  1777 
ances  prevailed,  and  all  who  persisted  in  abetting  the  royal-  1778. 
ists  were  treated  witli  a  severity  proportioned  to  their  of- 
fence. In  some  cases,  they  were  seized  by  a  company  of 
armed  men,  and  conducted  to  the  "liberty  pole,"  with  which 
every  town  was  graced,  under  which  they  were  compelled  to 
recant,  and  give  bonds  for  their  future  good  conduct.^  In 
others,  they  were  ingloriously  tipped  from  the  cart's  tail,  and 
commanded  forthwith  to  depart  from  the  neighborhood.-^  In 
others,  they  were  treated  to  a  substantial  coat  of  tar  and 
feathers.^  The  more  obstinate  were  imprisoned  ;  and  those 
who  refused  on  any  terms  to  yield  were  publislied  in  the 
papers  as  enemies  to  the  country.^  Of  all  crimes,  that  of 
aiding  the  enemies  of  America  was  viewed  with  the  greatest 
abhorrence  ;  and  those  who  were  guilty  were  sternly  rebuked, 
and  held  up  as  objects  of  merited  censure.^ 

As  the  condition  of  the  army  was  exceedingly  discouraging, 
and  the  necessity  for  recruiting  it  had  been  pressed  upon  Con- 
gress, the  provisions  for  the  ensuing  campaign,  thanks  to  the 
energy  of  General  Wasliington,  were  made  on  a  larger  scale 
than  ever  before  —  eighty-eight  regiments,  or  seventy  thousand 
men,  beinor  ordered  to  be  raised  for  three  years,  or  during  the  „^'''''^- 
war.'''      The  quota  of  Massachusetts  was  fifteen  battalions ; 


'  Bradford,  ii.  105.  tories.     In  Sejitember,  1778,  also,  an 

*  Thacher's  Joiir.  21.  act  was  passed  to  ])revent  the  rctvu-n 

«  Tar  yet  in  embrvo.  in  pine,  ^'  certain  refugees ;  and  in  April  and 

siiaii  run  on  tories' bad.s  to  siiiiie:  September,  17/9,  actsot  Confiscation 

Trees,  rooted  fair  in  groves  of  tallows,  -^^j^j-g    passed.      Jour.     H.     of     R.    for 

Are  srowiui;  for  our  future  sallows;  tn>-c,         i    ,"--<%      t>     4.         r^        ,...      j- 

And  geese  uoliatdied.wheupluck.cHn  fray,  17/8  and   1//9;    Bostou    Gazette    tor 

Shall  rue  tliefeatiierins  of  tliat  day."  May   19,    1777;    Bradford,  ii.    171; 

TKUMBuWs  M'Fim/ai.  Bi-ooi,,',  Bedford,  171,  172. 

3  Boston  Gazette  for  Apr.  21, 1777  ;         ^  Jonr.  Cont.  Cong.  ii.  336  ;  Pern- 
Barry's  Hist.  Hanover,  113.  berton's  Jour,  in  1  M.  H.  Coll.  ii.  78; 

4  Thacher's  Jour.  21.  Jour.  Mass.  H.  of  II.  for  Oct.  9,  1776  ; 
s  Thacher's  Jour.  21.  Galloway's  Examination,  Lond.  1779, 
^  In  May,  1777,  an  act  of  the  Gen-  p.  19 ;  Stedman's  Am.  War,  i.   228  ; 

eral  Comt  was  passed  relative  to  the  Mai'shall's     Washington,     ii.     4o7  ; 


138 


A   NEW  ARMY  RAISED. 


CHAP,  and,  soon  after,  a  requisition  was  made  for  three  more  regi- 
^^33^  ments  and  a  battalion  of  artillery  —  making,  in   all,  about 
1776.    thirteen  thousand  men,  or  more  than  one  sixth  of  the  whole 
establishment.^     To  facilitate  this  arrangement,  and  to  pro- 
Oct.  15.  mote  its  effectiveness,  a  committee  was  appointed  to  visit  Gen- 
eral "Washington,  and,  if  necessary,  to  proceed  to  Philadelphia, 
to  consult  with   Congress  upon   the  subject  of  bounty  and 
wages  for  the  soldiers.^    The  difficulty  of  enlisting  men  had 
been  every  where  felt,  and  in  few  of  the  states  was  a  similar 
course  pursued. ^    Hence,  when  the  committee  waited  upon 


Works  of  J.  Adams,  iii.  82-84; 
Heath's  Mems.  115  ;  Thacher's  Jour. 
61  ;  Bradford,  ii.  122.  The  propor- 
tions of  the  different  states  were  as 
follows  :  — 

New  Hampshire,  .  3  battalions. 
Massachusetts  Bay,  15  " 
Rhode  Island,  .  .  2  « 
Connecticut,  ...  8  " 
New  York,  ...  4  « 
New  Jersey,  ...  4  " 
Pennsylvania,  .  .  12  " 
Delaware,  ...  1  " 
Maryland,  ...  8  « 
Vir  ovinia,  ....  15  " 
North  Carolina,  .  .  9  " 
South  Carolina,  .  .  6  " 
Georgia,  ....  1  " 
"The  articles  of  war,"  says  J.  Ad- 
ams, "  and  the  institution  of  the  army 
during  the  war,  were  all  my  work." 

'  In  addition  to  these  88  battal- 
ions, 16  more  were  ordered  to  be 
raised,  and  6  "out  of  the  continent 
at  large,"  — in  all,  110,  — ■nith  3000 
horse,  3  regiments  of  artillery,  and  a 
company  of  engineers.  Of  these  ad- 
ditional battalions,  three  were  to  be 
raised  by  Massachusetts,  which  were 
knowii  as  Jackson's,  Lee's,  and  Hen- 
ley's regiments ;  and  the  battalion  of 
artillery  fi"om  Massachusetts  was 
known  as  Armand's  legion.  Heath's 
Mems.  116;  J.  Adams's  Corresj).  in 
Works,  ix.  450  ;  Jour.  H.  of  R.  for 
1776,  &c. 

2  On  the  20th  of  September,  Con- 
gress ajjpointed  a  committee  of  three 
—  Roger  Sherman,  Elbridge  Gerry, 


Lewis  —  to  visit  head  quar- 


and  - 

ters  at  New  York,  to  inquire  into  the 
state  of  the  army ;  and  their  report 
was  made  October  3,  debated  for  sev- 
eral davs,  and  ado])ted  on  the  8th. 
Jour.  Cont.  Cong.  ii.  359,  373,  379 ; 
Austin's  Life  of  Gerry,  i.  214,  215. 
The  General  Court  of  Massachusetts 
appointed  their  committees  to  ^isit 
the  camjDs  at  New  York  and  Ticonde- 
roga  on  the  15th  of  October.  Jour. 
H.  of  R.  for  1776,  120,  122,  131. 

*  Galloway,  Examination  before  the 
House  of  Commons,  Lond.  1779,  19, 
20,  asserts  that  Congress  actually 
raised  in  1777  only  16,000  men,  "not 
because  the  Congress  had  altered  their 
resolution,  but  because  the  men  were 
not  to  be  had.  They  made  every  ex- 
ertion, as  usual ;  but  they  had  lost  in 
the  Canada  expedition,  at  Boston, 
where  they  were  extremely  sickly, 
killed  in  battle  in  the  several  engage- 
ments with  the  British  troops,  taken 
prisoners,  and  by  deaths  in  the  mili- 
tary hospitals  southward  of  New  York, 
I  think  I  may  safely  say,  upon  good 
inquiry,  nearly  40,000  men.  The  peo- 
ple, also,  at  that  time,  were  more 
averse  to  the  measures  of  Congress 
than  the  year  before."  On  p.  16,  he 
also  says,  "  I  had  very  good  opportu- 
nities of  knowing  the  state  of  the 
middle  colonies,  in  which  I  include 
New  York,  New  Jersey,  Pennsylvania, 
Maryland,  the  Delaware  comities,  and 
Virginia.  Gentlemen  of  fortune  and 
integrity,  on  whom  I  should  rely, 
came  to  me  at  Philadelphia,  from 


BOARD    OF   WAR   APPOINTED. 


139 


Wasbington,  and  inquired  wlietlier  an  enlistment  for  one  year  ciiap. 
would  not  suffice,  he  replied,  with  warmth,  "  Good  God !  gen-  ^_^,;^ 
tleraen,  our  cause  is  ruined  if  you  engage  men  for  only  a    1776. 
year.     You  must  not  think  of  it.     If  we  hope  for  success,  we 
must  have  men  enlisted  for  the  whole  term  of  the  war."  '     He 
had  already  suffered  from  the  want  of  regular  troo[)S,  and  was 
determined,  if  possible,  to  prevent  the  recurrence  of  this  evil 
in  the  future. 

The  appointment  of  a  board  of  war  was  another  important  Oct.  24. 
movement ;  and  this  board  was  authorized  to  provide  military 
stores  and  firearms  for  the  use  of  the  soldiers  stationed  in  the 
state,  as  well  as  for  those  who  were  ord'ered  abroad.^    Several 
further  detachments  of  the  militia  were  likewise  called  for 
before  the  year  closed,  to  strengthen  the  army  at  the  north    Nov. 
and  in  New  York,  and  to  assist  in  protecting  the  state  of    Dec. 
Rhode  Island,  which  was  attacked  by  a  party  of  British,  six 
thousand  strong,  in  a  fleet  from  New  York.^    To  induce  those 


Norfolk,  in  Virginia,  Williamsburg, 
Fredericlcsburg,  the  distant  county  of 
Botetourt,  Fort  Pitt,  and  fi'om  the 
intermediate  jiarts  of  New  York,  New 
Jersey,  Maryland,  and  the  Delaware 
counties,  from  whom  I  made  it  my 
particular  business  to  learn  the  state 
of  the  disposition  of  the  people  of 
those  colonies,  as  well  at  that  time  as 
in  the  year  1776,  when  Sir  William 
Howe  was  at  Trenton.  And  I  was 
informed  by  all  of  them  that  the  pan- 
ic extended  through  all  those  j)arts, 
and  at  that  time  very  few  indeed  en- 
tertained ho]ies  of  supporting  the  in- 
dependence." The  reader  must  ob- 
serve that  these  are  not  the  state- 
ments of  a  friend  of  America,  but  of 
one  who  was  a  loyalist  at  heart,  and 
allowance  must  be  made  accordingly. 

1  Bradford,  ii.  123  ;  Winsor's  JJux- 
bury,  136.  According  to  the  latter,' 
Mr.' Partridge,  of  ])uxl)ury,  was  one 
of  the  committee  from  }»Iassachusetts; 
and  it  was  to  him  that  the  exclama- 
tion in  the  text  was  made. 

2  Jom-.  H.  of  R.  for  Oct.  23  and 


24,  1776;  Heath's  Mcms.  116; 
Bradford,  ii.  124.  This  board  was 
found  so  serviceable  that  it  was  re- 
newed annually  for  several  years. 
The  members  for  the  year  1776-7 
were  James  Bowdoin,  George  Whit- 
comb,  Joseph  Palmer,  Henry  Brom- 
field,  Samuel  P.  Savage,  James  Pres- 
cott,  Samuel  A.  Otis,  Jonathan  Jack- 
son, and  Jonathan  Glover.  Jour.  H. 
of  11.  for  Oct.  30,  1776. 

^  Sir  William   Howe  to  Lord  G. 
Germaine,   Nov.    30    and    Dec.    20, 

1776  ;  Lord  George  Germaine  to  Sir 
William  Howe,  Jan.  14  and  March  3, 

1777  ;  Sparks's  Washington,  iv.  161, 
240;  Bradford,  ii.  125,126,  128.  The 
British  troops  were  commanded  by 
General  Clinton,  Lord  Percy,  Major 
General  Prescott,  and  others ;  and 
the  militia  from  Connecticut  and  Mas- 
sachusetts, raised  to  oppose  them, 
were  jilaced  under  the  command  of 
Major  General  Lincoln,  wlio  had  been 
sent  on  some  time  before  to  reenforce 
the  continental  ai'my  at  New  York. 


140  ENLISTMENTS   IN   MASSACHUSETTS. 

CHAP,  who  liad  enlisted  from  Massacliiisetts,  and  whose  term  of  ser- 
^__^3l^  ^^^^  would  soon  expire,  to  remain  for  a  longer  time,  commit- 

1776.  tees  were  sent  to  New  York  and  Canada ;  Ijiit  only  a  few  could 
be  persuaded  to  remain,  and  many  returned  as  soon  as  the 
period  of  their  enlistment  was  closed.^ 

The  departure  of  such  num.bers  of  the  troops  from  Massa- 
chusetts awakened  apprehensions  for  the  safety  of  its  own 
borders  ;  and,  as  Boston  was  left  comparatively  defenceless, 
and  a  rumor  was  in  circulation  that  the  enemy  designed  to 
avail  themselves  of  this  opportunity  to  march  through  the 
country  to  its  attack,  the  two  regiments  stationed  in  the  capi- 
Dec.  tal  and  in  the  harbor  were  engaged  to  continue  in  the  service 
for  a  short  time  longer,  and  two  additional  regiments  were 
ordered  to  be  raised.  All  these  different  establishments 
amounted  to  more  than  one  half  of  the  militia  of  the  neigh- 
borhood, besides  a  large  number  from  other  counties  in  the 
state  .2 

The  troops  for  the  main  army  came  in  slowly  ;  and  the 
General  Court,  to  hasten  their  enlistment,  proposed  to  offer 
an  additional  bounty  ;  but  Congress  discouraged  the  plan,  as 
it  would  render  it  necessary  for  the  other  states  to  adopt  a 
similar  course,  and  some  of  them,  it  was  believed,  would  not 
consent.  Congress,  indeed,  offered  a  bounty  of  twenty  dol- 
lars and  a  tract  of  land  to  each  soldier  enlisting ;  but  as  the 
latter  was  a  distant  good,  and  not  valued  as  it  should  have 
been,  it  produced  little  effect.^     Massachusetts,  accordingl}"-, 

1777.  assumed  the  responsibility  of  offering,  in  addition  to  the  boun- 
&c,  *  ty  of  Congress,  the  sum  of  twenty  pounds,  to  be  paid  in  two 

equal  instalments,  and  provided  that  the  depreciation  of  paper 
received  in  payment  of  their  wages  should  be  made  up  by  the 


'  Sparks's   "Washington,    iv.     172,  ^  Jour.  Cont.  Cong.  ii.  336;  Jour. 

253;  Bradford,  ii.  125.  Mass.  H.  of  R.  for  Oct.  21,    1776; 

^  Gen.  James  Warren  to  E.  Gerry,  Stedman's  Am.  War,  i.  228 ;  Alnion's 

Jan.  15, 1777,  in  Austin's  Life  of  Ger-  Remembrancer,  iv.    239;    Thacher's 

ry,  i.  255  ;  Bradford,  ii.  125,  128.  Jour.  61. 


ORGANIZATION   OF  THE   REGIMENTS.  141 

state,  and  in  many  cases  furnished  the  men  with  clotliing  at  chap. 
a  fixed  price,  which  prevented  the  loss  that  would  have  been  _J3^ 
otherwise  suffered,  had  their  whole  compensation  been  received    1776. 
in  continental  bills. ^ 

In  pursuance  of  this  arrangement,  four  regiments  were  or- 
ganized, early  in  the  new  year,  and,  by  the  advice  of  Washing-    j^^'"' 
ton,  ordered  to  the  northward,  where  the  movements  of  the 
British  indicated  an  intention  of  renewing  the  war,  and  where 
the  American  army  had  been  reduced  so  low  as  to  be  scarcely 
adequate   to   the  defence  of  Ticonderoga.-      The  remaining 
regiments  were  filled  with  greater  difficulty  ;  nor  were  they 
completed  until  the  following  summer,  although  the  people    May 
were  urged  to  enlist  by  all  the  considerations  which  could  June, 
operate  with  free  and  patriotic  citizens.^   The  addresses  of  the 

General  Court  were  fervid  and  earnest.     "We  entreat  you,"  Jan.  26, 

•^  '  &c. 
was  their  language,  "  for  the  sake  of  that  religion,  for  the  en- 
joyment whereof  your  ancestors  fled  to  this  country,  for  the 
sake  of  your  laws  and  future  felicity,  to  act  vigorously  and 
firmly  in  this  critical  situation  of  your  country  ;  and  we  doubt 
not  but  that  your  noble  exertions,  under  the  smiles  of  Heaven, 
will  insure  you  that  success  and  freedom  due  to  the  wise  man 
and  the  patriot."  ^     The  ofi&cers  of  the  militia  and  the  select- 


'  Resolves  of  March  22,  April  30,  »  Boston  Gazette  for  May  19, 1777; 

May   10,  and  June  4,  1777,  in  Jour.  Austin's  Lil'e  of  Gerry,  i.  2,57  ;  J.  Ad- 

H.  of  Ii.  for   1777  ;  Boston  Gazette  ams's  Corresp.  in  Works,  ix.  464.    In 

for    Jan.    6    and    Feb.    24,    1777;  May,  1777,  it  was  estimated  that  Mas- 

Sparks's   Washington,  iv.  317,  note;  sachusetts  had  in  its  pay  12,000  men, 

Bliss's  Rehoboth,  147  ;  Bradford,  ii.  besides  militia  and  those  engaged  on 

129,   130.     Washington  disapproved  the  sea  coast  within  its  own  jm'isdic- 

of  this  act.    Kparks's  Wasliington,  iv.  tion.     Bradford,  ii.  138. 

173.  ■*  Niles's  Principk^s  and  Acts  of  the 

2  Heath's  ]\Iems.  116,  117;  Al-  Rev.  253-2.55;  Bradford,  ii.  131. 
mon's  Remembrancer,  v.  70,  179 ;  There  were  great  complaints  of  the 
Sjjarks's  Washington,  iv.  279,  361.  extortions  of  tt^  sutlers  during  the 
General  Knox  was  in  Boston  in  Feb-  previous  campaign;  and  this  was  one 
ruary  of  this  year,  to  ex})cdite  the  reason  why  many  soldiers  were  re- 
raising of  a  battalion  of  artillery  in  luctant  to  enlist.  Letter  of  S.  Phil- 
Massachusetts.  The  four  regiments  lips,  Jun.,  to  E.  Gerry,  Feb.  22, 
named  in  the  text  were  under  the  1777,  in  Austin's  Life  of  Gerry,  i.  256 
command  of  Generals  Brewer,  Fran-  et  seq. 
cis,  Bradford,  and  ]\Lirshall.  Brad- 
ford, ii.  130,  note. 


142  PREPARATIONS  FOR  DEFENCE. 

CHAP,  raen  of  the  towns  were  requested  to  assist  in  this  work  ;  and, 

^__^..^^  as  every  seventh  man  was  called  for,  the  proportion  of  each 

1777.    town  was  definitel}'  fixed,  and  a  resolve  was  passed  that  the 

men  should  be  raised.      In  some  places,  the   citizens  were 

draughted  or  taken   by  lot ;   and  all   such  were  obliged  to 

join  the  army  in  person  or  furnish  a  substitute.^ 

The  apprehension  that  the  British  fleet,  which  was  stationed 
at  Newport,  and  which  was  preparing  to  leave,  was  destined 
for  Boston,  awakened  for  a  time  serious  alarm,  and  led  to  the 
June  3.  passage  of  an  order  that  the  forts  in  the  harbor  should  be 
repaired  and  manned ;  that  a  supply  of  provisions,  intrench- 
ing tools,  and  military  stores  of  every  kind  should  be  obtained, 
and  lodged  in  magazines  for  the  security  of  the  state,  and  that 
the  militia  of  the  neighborhood  should  be  "  put  upon  the  most 
respectable  footing,"  and  called  for  the  defence  of  the  town 
without  delay  ;  but,  as  the  enemy  went  to  a  different  quarter, 
they  were  soon  dismissed,  tliough  two  regiments  were  retained, 
and  several  companies,  in  the  service  of  the  state,  were  sta- 
tioned in  the  seaboard  towns  during  the  year.^ 

The  naval  armament  of  Massachusetts,  including  several 
privateers,  and  the  larger  vessels  commissioned  by  Congress, 
were  still  successful  in  their  cruises  on  the  coast  and  in  the 
latitude  of  the  West  Indies ;   and   richly-laden  ships,  bound 


'  Boston  Gazette  for  June  30,  1777;  raised  and  stationed  at  different  places 

Sparks's  Washington,  iv.  426,  note ;  round  the  harbor  of  Boston,  and  the 

Bradford,  ii.   131,   135.     The  troops  two  continental  regiments  on  the  sta- 

from  Hampshire  and  Berkshire  were  tion. 

ordered  to  march  by  the  Council  Feb-  ^  Jour.  H.  of  R.  for  1777,  p.  11; 

ruary  9 ;  others,  from  Berkshire,  at  Trotter  of  Gen.  Heath,  of  June   14, 

the  request  of  General  Gates,  in  April ;  1777,  in  ibid.  p.  26  ;  Boston  Gazette 

others,  from  Hampshire,  by  the  Coun-  for  May  19,  1777;  Sparks's  Wash- 

cil,  in  May ;  and  those  for  Ticondero-  ington,    iv.   395,  note ;    v.    5,  note ; 

ga  and  Rhode  Lsland,j3y  the  Council,  Bradford,  ii.  132,  133,  135,  136.  The 

April  1 2.     In  March,  also,  comjjanies  towir   ganison  was    commanded    by 

were  ordered  to  be  raised,  and   sta-  iSIajor  Andrew  Symmes  ;  and  Gener- 

tioned  at  Falmouth,  Cape  Elizabeth,  al  Heath  took  the  jilace  of  General 

Kittcry,  Newburyport,  Gloucester,  Sa-  Ward   as  commander-in-chief — the 

lem,Marl)lehead,  Plymouth,  and  Dart-  latter   having  resigned   his  commis- 

mouth,  besides  the  companies  already  sion,  and  been  elected  to  the  Council. 


SUCCESSES   OF   THE    NAVY.  143 

from  these  islands  to  Europe,  with  others  on  their  voyage  chap. 
from  Great  Britain  to  New  York  to  furnish  the  enemy  with  _^3l. 
stores  and  clothing,  were   captured  by  the  Americans.     By    1777. 
these  successes,  which  were  highly  encouraging,  the  troops 
were  supplied  with  necessary  articles  which  could  not  have 
been  otherwise  easily  obtained  ;  and  a  calculation  was  made, 
in  England,  that,  from  July,  1775,  to  January,  1777,  the  Amer- 
icans had  captured  English  merchant  ships  to  the  value  of  a 
million  and  a  half  sterling,  besides  a  number  of  transports  and 
provision  vessels  destined  for  the  British  troops.'     Nor  was  it 
only  from  this  quarter  that  supplies  were  received ;  for,  in 
consequence  of  the  application  of  Franklin  and  Deane,  who 
were  at  Paris,  several  ships  arrived  from  France,  laden  with  ^^^^f^ 
woollen  and  linen  goods,  and   large  quantities  of  hardware,  ^"P^- 
firearms,  and  military  stores.     One  of  these,  the  Amphitrite, 
which  touched  at  Portsmouth,  had  on  board  sixty-one  hundred 
stands  of  arms ;  and,  as  the  troops  from  Massachusetts  were  on 
the  eve  of  marching  for  Ticonderoga,  the  General  Court  ap- 
plied for  these  arms  ;  their  request  was  granted,  and  the  new 
recruits,  many  of  whom  had  been  delayed  from  the  want  of 
muskets,  were  speedily  equipped  and  sent  on  their  way.^ 

In  the  summer  of  this  year,  an  expedition  was  projected  for  June, 
the  defence  and  relief  of  the  people  of  St.  John  and  other 
places  on  the  Bay  of  Fundy,  who  were  friendly  to  the  United 

'  Stedman's  Am.  War,  i.  259 ;  Al-  ii.  133,  134,  136.     But  5000  stands 

mon's  Keniembrancer,   iii.   343 ;    iv.  were  granted  to  Massachusetts ;  the 

312-318;  V.  51,  108-110  ;  Bradford,  rest  were  otherwise  disposed  of.    The 

ii.    133.      No   toM-ns,   probably,    did  troojjs    for   Ticonderoga   were   from 

more  than  Salem  and  Beverly  in  fit-  Hampshire  and  Berkshire  ;  and  1500 

ting  out  vessels  during  the  war ;  and  of  the  militia  of  those  counties  were 

it  appears  that,  at  a  later  date,  from  ordered  out  in  April,  and  marched  to 

March  1  to  November  1,  1781,  there  New    York.     Before   this   date,   the 

were  fitted  out  from  these  ports  at  struggling  states  received  much  foi^ 

least  52  vessels,  mounting  746  guns,  eign  assistance,  obtained  both  from 

and  manned  liy  3940  seamen.    Salem  mdinduals  in    France  and  from  the 

Gazette,   passim ;    Niles's   Principles  French    government  ;     and    private 

and  Acts  of  the  Rev.  376;  Felt's  Hist,  merchants,   in    several    of   the    sea- 

Salem,  ii.  267-278,  where  the  partic-  ports,  sent  secretly  cargoes  of  mil- 

ulars  are  given.  itary  stores  to  this  country.     Diplo- 

==  Heath's   Mems.    117  ;  Bradford,  macy  of  the  U.  S.  19. 


144  PERILOUS   POSITION    OF   AFFAIRS. 

iCHAP.  States,  and  called  for  assistance.     This  expedition  was  pro- 

_Ji^^  posed  with  the  consent  of  the  General  Congress,  but  was 
1777.  performed  by  the  people  and  government  of  Massachusetts, 
and  a  regiment  was  raised  in  Maine,  with  a  sufficient  naval 
force  to  aid  in  its  operations ;  but  unexpected  difficulties  arose, 
and  the  expedition  was  abandoned  in  its  original  form,  though 
a  single  company  from  Maine,  without  exciting  alarm  in  the 
British  at  Halifax,  proceeded,  some  months  after,  to  the  head 
of  the  Bay  of  Fundy,  took  a  small  fort,  and  brought  off  sev- 
eral families.  The  Indians  in  that  quarter  appeared  to  be 
friendly  ;  and  some  of  them  were  taken  into  the  pay  of  the 
state,  and  served  with  a  battalion  raised  for  the  defence  of 
the  eastern  frontiers.^ 

July*.  The  anniversary  of  the  declaration  of  independence  was 
celebrated  in  Boston  with  great  parade.  By  order  of  the 
General  Court,  a  sermon  was  delivered  by  Dr.  Gordon,  in  the 
morning,  before  the  representatives  and  councillors,  and  other 
public  characters  both  civil  and  military  ;  a  grand  salute  was 
fired  on  the  occasion  ;  the  militia  were  paraded  ;  a  public  din- 
ner was  given  ;  fireworks  were  exhibited  in  the  evening  ;  and 
other  demonstrations  of  gratitude  and  joy  signalized  the  fes- 
tivities, and  attested  the  zeal  and  patriotism  of  the  people.^ 
J  Yet  the  position  of  affairs  was  certainly  perilous ;  and  the 
success  of  the  British,  under  General  Burgoyne,  at  the  north- 
w^ard  and  in  Canada,  had  been  such  as  to  inspire  the  liveliest 
alarm.  Hence,  as  it  was  justly  apprehended  that,  should  they 
succeed  in  reaching  Albany,  and  be  joined  by  the  forces  sta- 
tioned at  New  York,  the  southern  and  northern  states  would 
be  so  separated  that  it  would  be  easy  to  subdue  them,  no  time 
was  lost  in  laboring  to  prevent  this  catastrophe  ;  and  it  was 
immediately  resolved  to  send  additional  troops  to  reenforce 

July  2.  Gates.     Already  had  the  General   Court  ordered  thither  a 

•  Jour.  H.  of  R.  for  Aug.  8,  1777;  ""  Jour.  H.  of  R.  for  1777,^45, 
Williamson's  Maine,  ii.  458;  Brad-  51 ;  Boston  Gazette  for  July  7, 1777; 
ford,  ii.  138, 139.  Bradford,  ii.  140. 


CAPTURE   OP  BURGOYNE.  145 

portion  of  the  troops  from  Hampshire  and  Berkshire,  with  chap. 
others  from  Worcester,  Middlesex,  Suffolk,  Essex,  and  York,  ^J3^ 
after  the  abandonment  of  Ticonderoga  ;  ^  and,  relying  upon  '  1777. 
"  the  public  virtue,  and  the  unbounded  love  of  freedom  and  of 
their  country  with  which  the;  militia  of  the  state  had  always 
been  inspired,"  it  was  now  ordered,  at  the  solicitation  of  Wash-  Aug.  8. 
ington,  that  the  residue  of  the  troops  from  the  western  coun- 
ties should  follow,  —  with  the  exception  of  those  from  the 
south  part  of  Worcester,  —  and  one  half  of  those  from  Mid- 
dlesex and  Essex,"     In  the  absence  of  these  forces,  several 
companies  of  militia  from  Suffolk  and  Middlesex  were  called 
out  to  protect  the  capital,  and  to  guard  the  military  stores 
deposited  there  and  at  Cambridge  and  Watertown.^ 

This  movement  had  the  desired  effect ;  and,  after  Burgoyne 
—  the  "favorite  of  the  court  of  London,  formed  by  nature 
with  an  active,  enterprising  disposition,  and  animated  by  a 
most  extravagant  love  of  glory  "  "*  —  had  penetrated  the  coun- 
try so  far  that  he  could  not  retreat  without  disgrace,  a  detach- 
ment from  his  army  of  fifteen  hundred  men,  under  Colonel 
Baum,  was  encountered  by  the  gallant  Stark  near  Bennington,  Aug.i6. 
with  a  body  of  two  thousand  militia,  and  defeated  ;  ^  subse- 
quently a  more  general  engagement  took  place  near  Saratoga,  Sep.  19. 
in  which  the  Americans  were  victorious  ;  a  third  encounter,  a 
few  weeks  later,  also  resulted  in  favor  of  the  Americans  ;  and,  Oct.  7. 


'  Jour.  H.  of  R.  for  June  27, 1777 ;  and  these  interesting  relics  may  still 

Holland's  Western  Mass.  i. ;  Hamil-  be  seen  on  the  walls  of  the  senate 

ton's  Works,  i.  31.  chamber,  where  they  were  placed  by 

^  Jour.  H.  of  li.  for  Aug.  6  and  8,  order  of  the  General  Comt.  Jour.  H. 
1777 ;  Sparks's  Washington,  v.  18,  of  R.  for  Dec.  4,  1777.  The  whole 
30;  Heath's  Mems.  123;  Thacher's  army  of  Burgojne  is  said  to  have  con- 
Jour.  83,  84;  Bradford,  ii.  141-143.  sistcd  of  7173  regular  troops,  English 

^  Sparks's  Washington,  iv.  500.  and  German,  exclusive  of  a  corps  of 

*  Abbe  Robins,  New  Travels  artillery,  and  700  or  800  men  under 
through  America,  59.  the  orders  of  Colonel  St.  Leger.    All 

*  Stark  sent  to  Massachusetts,  as  his  officers  were  men  of  ai)proved 
a  present,  one  brass  drum,  a  firearm  merit ;  and  he  was  provided  with  a 
and  bayonet,  and  a  grenadier's  cap  considerable  train  of  artillery,  and 
and  Hessian  sword,  as  part  of  the  tro-  ammunition  of  every  sort.  Abb6 
phies  taken  by  him  at  Bennington ;  Robin's  New  Travels,  59. 

VOL.  III.  10 


146  SECRET   EXPEDITION   TO    RHODE   ISLAND. 

CHAP,  twelve  days  later,  the  proud  general,  who  had  boasted  of  his 

^^33^  prowess,  was  compelled  to  surrender ;  his  troops  wera  marched 

1777.    to  the  vicinity  of  Boston,  and  quartered  in  barracks  on  Win- 

Oct  19 

'  ter  and  Prospect  Hills.  This  was  "  the  turning  point  of  the 
war  of  revolution  in  America  ; "  and  the  greater  part  of  the 
American  army,  after  the  victory,  was  ordered  from  Saratoga 
to  join  General  Washington,  and  went  into  winter  quarters 
at  Yalley  Forge.  1 
Sep.  17.  The  secret  expedition,  planned  by  the  legislature  of  Massa,- 
chusetts  before  tlie  capture  of  General  Burgoyne,  was  de- 
signed for  an  attack  upon  the  enemy  at  Newport,  in  the  hope 
of  forcing  them  to  leave  that  place.  To  effect  this  purpose, 
three  thousand  men  were  raised,  from  the  counties  of  Bristol, 
Plymouth,  and  Barnstable,  and  the  southern  parts  of  Suffolk, 
Middlesex,  and  Worcester  ;  and  these,  with  the  state  regiment 
of  artillery,  under  Colonel  Crafts,  and  the  militia  of  Massa- 
■  chusetts,  under  Major  General  Hancock,  were  placed  under 
General  Spencer,  of  Connecticut,  and  marched  to  Providence, 
and  from  thence  to  Tiverton,  where  the  stone  bridare  now 
stands  ;  but  the  expedition  was  unsuccessful,  though  the  officer 


'  Jour.  H.  of  R.  for  Dec.  12,  1777;  were  reluctant  even  to  raise  men  for 

Pai'l.  Debates  for   1779,  420  et  seq. ;  their  own  protection,  with  the  gallan- 

Boston  Gazette  for  Aug.  25,  Sept.  1  try  of  New  York  and  the  New  Eng- 

and  29.  Oct.  6,  13,  and  27,  and  Dec.  land  States,  who  poured  their  troops 

1,    1777  ;    Burgoyne's  Narr.  in  Lib.  into  tlie  northern   department    mitil 

Mass.  Hist.  Soc. ;  Pemberton's  Jour,  the  surrender  of  Burgoyne.    Tl)e  pris- 

in  1  M.  H.  Coll.  ii.  109,  116,  122-  oners  taken  at  Saratoga,  known  as 

124  ;  Abbe  Robin's  New  Travels,  59  the  "  convention  prisoners,"  were  held 

-67  ;    Stedman's    Am.   War,  i.   332,  in  duress  until  tlie  spring  of  1779  be- 

336,  344  et  seq. ;   Historical  Anec-  fore  they  Avere  exchanged  and  per- 

dotes  relative  to  the  Am.  War,  Lond.  mitted  to  return   to   England  ;  and 

1779,  26  et  seq. ;  Gordon's  Am.  Rev.  during  this  time  frequent  ditficulties 

ii.  248-269 ;  Almon's  Remembrancer,  occurred  with  them,  which  called  for 

V.  391  et  seq. ;   1  M.  H.  Coll.  ii.  25-  the  action  of  the  General  Court  and 

30;   Niles's  Principles   and  Acts   of  the  Continental  Congress.     Jour.  H. 

the   Rev.    94,   95;    Heath's   Mems.  of  R.  for  1778  and  1779;  Jour.  Cont. 

125,  127,  129-135 ;  Sparks's  Wash-  Cong.  ;     Heatli's    ^lems.  ;     Sparks's 

iugton,  V.  42,    104  ;  Thacher's   Jour.  AVashington ;  Marshall's  Washington, 

91  et  seq. ;  Lord  Mahon's  Hist.  Eng.  &c.      J.  W.  Thornton,  Esq.,  has  in 

vi.  169  et  seq.     Washington,  Writ-  his  possession  the  original  document 

ings,  V.  146,  contrasts  the  conduct  of  signed  by  Bm-goyne  and  his  officers, 
the  middle  and  southern  colonies,  who 


EXPENSES   OP  THE   WAR. 


147 


who   conducted  it  "  did  his  duty,  and   all   that  was  in   his  chap. 
power."  1  J3_ 

The  prosecution  of  tlie  war  on  the  part  of  the  Americans    1777. 
had  tlius  far  been  attended  with  enormous  expense,  so  that 
the  country  was  burdened  with  debt  ;  and,  to  provide  for  its 
payment,  the  General  Congress  recommended  to  the  states  to  Oct.  3. 
raise  by  tax  five  millions  of  dollars,  and  apportioned  to  Mas- 
sachusetts eight  hundred  and  twenty  thousand  dollars.-     To 
meet  this  demand,  the  General  Court  voted  to  raise  seventy-five 
thousand  pounds  by  loans,  and  two  hundred  and  fifty-four  thou- 
sand seven  hundred  and  eighteen  pounds  by  tax ;  and,  as  Massa-    . 
chusetts  had  already  advanced  large  sums  to  the  United  States, 
a  committee  was  appointed  for  the  adjustment  of  these  claims.^ 
The  enlistments  for  the  army  also  required  attention  ;  and,  as 
the  period  for  which    the  militia  at  Rhode   Island  and  the 
companies  on  the  sea  coast  had  engaged  was  about  to  expire, 
it  was  ordered  that  two  regiments  should  be  raised  for  one 


1  Jour.  H.  of  R.  for  Sept.  13  and 
IT,  and  Nov.  26,  1777;  Pemberton's 
Jour,  in  1  M.  H.  Coll.  ii.  126;  Gor- 
don's Am.  Kev.  ii.  270,  271  ;  Brad- 
ford, ii.  143 ;  Peterson's  R.  Island, 
219;  Winsor's  Duxbury,  137.  A 
similar  enterprise  was  projected  in 
Feb.  1777;  but,  after  considerable 
prej^aration,  it  was  laid  aside  as  im- 
practicable with  the  force  then  at 
command.  Sparks's  Washington,  iv. 
313,  and  note  ;  Bradford,  ii.  137. 

■^  Jour.  Cont.  Cong.  ii.  374 ;  Jour. 
H.  of  R.  for  Jan.  28,  1778;  Pember- 
ton's Jour,  in  1  M.  H.  Coll.  ii.  127, 
128;  Stedman's  Am.  War,  i.  228; 
Almon's  Remembrancer,  iv.  219;  vi. 
68  ;  Niles's  Principles  and  Acts  of  the 
Rev.  114;  Bradtbrd,  ii.  152.  The 
assessments  were  apportioned  as  fol- 
lows :  — 

New  Hani])shu-e,  .     .     . 

Massachusetts,      .     .     . 

Rhode  Island  and  Pro-vi- 
dence, 

Connecticut, 


$200,000 
820,000 

I  100.000 


New  Jersey,    .     .     . 

.     270,000 

Pennsylvania,  .     .     . 

.     620.000 

Delaware,    .... 

60,000 

Maryland,    .... 

.     520,000 

Virginia,      .... 

800,000 

North  Carolina,    .     . 

250,000 

South  Cai-olina,     .     . 

500,000 

Georgia, 

60,000 

.     .     .     600,000 
New  York, 200,000 


5,000,000 
3  Jour.  H.  of  R.  for  Jan.  28,  Feb. 
19,  and  June  18,  1778;  Bradford,  ii. 
124,  152.  On  the  22d  of  October, 
1777,  a  bill  was  reported  in  the  legis- 
lature of  Massachusetts  for  assessing 
a  tax  of  £305,642  14s.  3d.  u])on  the 
several  towns,  <fcc.f  m  the  state,  for 
defraying  the  public  charge,  and  also 
for  assessing  a  tax  of  £8883  7s.  6d., 
pixid  the  rej)resentatives  for  their 
travel  and  attendance  in  the  General 
Court  in    1776.     Jour.  H.  of  R.  for 

1777,  p.  11".     On  the  19th  of  June, 

1778,  a  Ijill  was  also  passed  for  raishig 
£120,000  additional  to  the  £254,718 
formerh-  voted.  Joiu'.  H.  of  R.  for 
June  19,  1778. 


148  NEW  QUOTAS   CALLED   FOR. 

CHAP,  year  to  serve  in  Ehode  Island,  or  in  any  of  the  New  England 

,_^,^.;^  States  ;  and  some  of  the  militia  were  called  for  the  defence  of 
1777.    the  sea  coast.  ^ 

This,  however,  was  but  one  step  taken,  and  for  home  de- 
fence.    It  was  necessary  to  provide  for  the  common  defence. 

Feb^ls.  Accordingly,  a  committee  of  two  was  sent  to  confer  with 
Washington  relative  to  the  expediency  of  raising  more  than 
the  quota  required  of  the  state,  and  to  consult  as  to  the  time 
for  which  the  men  should  be  engaged.^  The  instructions  of 
this  committee  were  characteristic  of  ^lassachusetts  ;  and  they 
were  requested  to  assure  his  excellency  that  "  this  state,  in 
testimony  of  their  peculiar  affection  and  respect  for  him, 
which  he  had  so  highly  merited  by  his  incessant  and  unwea- 
ried exertions  in  behalf  of  the  country,  as  well  as  from  what 
they  owe  to  the  common  cause,  will  cheerfully  cooperate  with 
him  as  far  as  their  ability  will  admit  in  endeavors  to  expel 
the  enemy,  and  to  free  America  from  thraldom  and  slavery."  ^ 
The  Assembly,  likewise,  in  further  proof  of  their  good  will, 
voted  to  furnish  gratis  a  full  suit  of  clothes  to  every  soldier 
from  Massachusetts  who  joined  the  army ;  and  the  field  and 
other  officers  who  had  been  some  time  in  the  service,  and  who 

May.i.  engaged  to  continue,  had  an  additional  sum  granted  them  — 
the  former  of  one  hundred  and  fifty  dollars,  and  the  latter  of 
one  hundred  and  twenty  dollars.^  The  delinquent  towns  were 
also  urged  to  raise  and  equip  the  men  required  of  them, 
and,  in  case  of  neglect,  were  heavily  fined  and  subjected  to 


^  Jour.  H.  of  R.  for  Nov.  26,  1777,  time  in  Massachusetts  of  enlisting  de- 

and  ibid.  p.  130 ;  Bradford,  ii.   152,  serters  from  the  army  of  Burgoj-ne, 

153.     For  a  list  of  the  muster  mas-  and  employing  them  as  substitutes  to 

ters  appointed   in   December,  1777,  fill  up  the  regiments  of  the  state ;  but 

see  Almon's  Remembrancer,  v.  41.  against  this  practice  Washington  ear- 

^  Hon.  Daniel  Hopkins,  and  Sam-  nestlj-  protested,  and  his  remonstrance 
uel  Phillips,  Jun.,  Esq.,  were  the  per-  had  the  desired  effect.  Sparks's  Wash- 
sons  chosen.  Jour.  H.  of  R.  for  Feb.  ington,  v.  287,  297  ;  Jom-.  H.  of  R. 
28,  1778.  for  1777,  1778. 

=*  Jour.  H.   of  R.  for  Jan.  7  and  '  Jour.  H.  of  R.  for  May  1,  1778; 

Feb.  27,  1778;  Bradford,  ii.  153.    It  Bradibrd,  iL  153. 
seems  that  a  practice  prevailed  at  this 


APPEALS  TO  THE  PEOPLE.  149 

prosecution.     To  fill  up  more  speedily  the  sixteen  regiments  chap. 
of  the  state,  two  thousand  men  were  further  ordered  to  be  __^,I^ 
raised  for  eight  or  nine  months,  and  apportioned  upon  the    1778. 
towns ;  fifteen  hundred  additional  troops  were  levied,  agreea- 
bly to  a  vote  of  the  General  Congress  —  thirteen  hundred 
for  the  northern  frontier,  and  two  hundred  for  Rhode  Island ; 
and  the  board  of  war  was  required  to  furnish  arms  and  other 
accoutrements  necessary  for  their  equipment.^ 

The  appeals  to  the  people,  to  arouse  them  to  exertion,  were 
spirited  and  ardent.  "  Act  like  yourselves,"  it  was  said. 
"  Arouse  at  the  call  of  Washington  and  of  your  country,  and 
you  will  soon  be  crowned  with  glory,  independence,  and 
peace.  Present  ease  and  interest  we  must  part  with  for  a 
time ;  and  let  us  rejoice  at  the  sacrifice."  "  What  words  can 
paint  the  solid  joys,  the  delightful  recollections,  which  will 
fill  the  patriotic  mind  hereafter  !  He  who  wishes  for  perma- 
nent happiness,  let  him  now  put  forth  all  his  strength  for  the 
immediate  salvation  of  his  country,  and  he  shall  reap  immortal 
pleasure  and  renown.  It  is  good  for  us  to  anticipate  the  joy 
that  will  fill  our  minds  when  we  shall  receive  the  reward  of 
our  labors  ;  when  we  shall  see  our  country  flourish  in  peace  ; 
when  grateful  millions  shall  hail  us  the  protectors  of  our  coun- 
try, and  an  approving  conscience  shall  light  up  eternal  sun- 
shine in  our  souls." ^ 

As  a  large  British  force  remained  at  Newport  through  the 
spring  and  summer  of  1778,  and  their  fleet  had  the  command 
of  the  waters  in  the  neighborhood,  the  people  of  Massachu- 
setts, especially  near  Rhode  Island,  were  kept  in  a  state  of 


»  Jour.  H.  of  R.  for  April  23  and  1400  at  Wilmington,  and  1800  on  the 

June  9  andl6, 1778;  Sparks'sWash-  North  Kiver.     Hence  the   necessity 

ington,    V.    359,    375  ;    Hamilton's  for  recruiting  the  army,  and  the  ur- 

Works,  i.  37,  39,  43  ;  Bradford,  ii.  gency   with   which  Washington   ap- 

154,    At  a  council  of  war  held  on  the  pealed  to  Congress  and  to  the  states 

8th  of  May  it  ai)pears  that  the  Amer-  for  supplies.     Sparks's  Washington, 

can    force    then    amounted   to    but  v.  340,  note. 

15,000,  besides   horse  and  artillery.  "  Boston  Gazette  for  Jan.  6, 1778; 

Of  these,  1 1,800  were  at  Valley  Forge,  Bradibrd,  ii.  155. 


150  EXPEDITION    TO    RHODE    ISLAND. 

CHAP,  continual  alarm.     Hence  the  duty  which  devolved  upon  the 

^33l^  General  Court  was  peculiarly  burdensome  ;  for,  as  there  were 

1778.    but  few  continental  troops  then  on  the  station,  they  were  obliged 

to  keep  the  militia  in  service  in  great  numbers  for  the  whole 

of  this,  as  for  the  preceding  year.     Yet  little  darpage,  compar- 

May  25.  ativcly,  was  done  by  the  enemy ;  though,  once,  a  body  of  six 
or  seven  hundred  British  and  Hessians,  under  Lieutenant 
Colonel  Campbell,  was  sent  up  the  river,  and  landed  at  War- 
ren, where  they  burned  the  meeting  house  and  parsonage,  and 
a  number  of  vessels  and  private  dwellings,  insulted  and  abused 
the  inhabitants,  and  plundered  them  of  their  clothing,  bedding. 

May  31.  and  furniture.  A  few  days  later,  also,  a  party  of  one  hundred 
and  fifty,  under  Major  Ayres,  landed  at  Tiverton,  and  burned 
an  old  mill  and  some  other  buildings  ;  but  the  militia  collect- 
ed, and  obliged  them  to  retire.^ 

These  incursions  provoked  resentment ;   and,  later  in  the 

Aug.  7.  season,  the  plan  of  expelling  the  enemy  was  revived.  Gen- 
eral Sullivan,  who  had  superseded  General  Spencer,^  was  sta- 
tioned in  Rhode  Island,  with  a  considerable  body  of  conti- 
nental troops  ;  and,  as  a  thousand  of  the  militia  of  Massachu- 
setts were  on  service  in  that  quarter,  two  thousand  more  were 
ordered  out,  and  enthusiasm  ran  so  high  that  volunteer  com- 
panies from  Boston,  Salem,  Beverly,  Gloucester,  Newburyport, 
and  Portsmouth  offered  their  services.  The  force  thus  gath- 
ered amounted,  in  all,  to  nine  or  ten  thousand  men,^  while  the 
British,  under  Sir  Robert  Pigot,  had  but  about  sixty-five  hun- 
dred, well  fortified,  at  Newport."*  The  Marquis  de  la  Fayette, 
whose  name  is  familiar  to  every  reader,  and  Major  General 
Greene,  came  from  the  American  camp  to  serve  as  volunteers 


•  Pemberton's  Jour,  in  1   M.   H.  -  Jour.  Cont.  Cong.  Feb.  21, 1778; 

Coll.  ii.    138  ;  Gordon's  Am.  Hev.  ii.  Sparks's  Washington,  v.  2G6. 

350,  351;    Almon's  Remembrancer,  ^  Heatli's  Mems.  190, 191 ;  Sparks's 

vi.  323,  324;  Bradford,  ii.  160;  Pe-  Corresp.  of  the  Kev.  ii.  178. 

terson's  Rliode  Island,  220,  221.     In  ■*  Sparks's  Corresp.  of  the  Kev.  ii. 

Bristol,  22  houses  were  burned,  among  177. 
which  was  that  of  Governor  Bradford. 


EXPEDITION   TO   EHODE   ISLAND.  151 

in  this  expedition ;   and  a  number  of  distinguished  citizens  chap. 
followed   their   example.      Major    General   Hancock   under-  ,^i^ 
took  the  command  of  one  of  the  divisions ;  and,  as  the  four    1773. 
New   England   States   were   well   represented,   and    Colonel 
Craft's  regiment  of  state  artillery  was  in  the  service,  with 
Glover's  and  Varnum's  brigades  from  the  continental  army, 
the  project  seemed  likely  to  be  crowned  with  success,  and  not 
a  doubt  was  entertained  of  its  happy  accomplishment.^ 

In  addition  to  the  American  force,  which  was  superior  to 
the  British,  aid  was  likewise  expected  from  another  quarter. 
A  powerful  French  fleet,  under  Count  D'Estaing,  had  recently 
arrived  on  the  coast,  and  was  steering  for  Rhode  Island  ;  and  July  22. 
it  was  planned  to  make  the  attack  in  conjunction  with  tlie 
troops  of  which  he  had  charge.^  For  this  purpose,  on  Sunday,  Aug.  9. 
about  eight  thousand  of  the  Americans  landed  on  the  island, 
and  took  possession  of  two  of  the  enemy's  forts,  and  the  whole 
territory  north  of  their  lines,  about  two  miles  from  Newport, 
without  a  gun  fired  on  either  side  —  the  British  retreating  to 
their  works  nearer  the  town.  The  advance  of  the  besieging 
army  was  composed  of  the  light  troops,  independent  compa- 
nies, and  fifty  men  from  each  brigade,  commanded  by  Colonel 
Livingston  ;  the  right  wing  was  under  Major  General  Greene, 
and  the  left  under  the  Marquis  de  la  Fayette  ;  General  Han- 
cock commanded  the  second  line ;  and  the  reserve  was  under 
the  charge  of  Colonel  West.^     In  this  position  they  awaited 


'  Sparks's  Corresp.  of  the  Rev.  ii.  of  25   gims,  and   L'Aimable,  of  26 

174.  guns.     Pemberton's  Jour,  in  1  M.  H. 

«  Hamilton's  AVorks,i.  6  J,  67.  The  Coll.  ii.  146;  Sparks's  Corrosp.  of  the 

fleet   of   D'Estaing  consisted  of   the  Rev.  ii.    160,  170-175.     M.  Gerard, 

Languedoc,  of  90  guns,  -which  was  the  who    had   been   a]D]K)inted    minister 

admiral's  flag  sliijj ;  the  Tonnant,  the  plenipotentiary  to  the  United  States 

Cesar,  the  Zele,  the  Hector,  the  ^lav-  by  the  court  of  France,  sailed  in  the 

seilles,  the  Protecteur,  and  the  Guer-  Languedoc,  in  April,  with  the  Count 

rier,  of  74  guns  each  ;  the  Fantasque,  D'Estaing,  and  on  the  6th  of  August 

the    Provence,  and   the  Vaillant,   of  was   formally  received  by  Congress. 

64  guns   each ;  the  Sagittaire,  of  50  Diplomacy  of  the  U.  S.  47-50. 
guns  ;  L'Engageante,  of  36  guns ;  the         ^  Pemberton's    Jour,  in   1  M.  H. 

Champion,  of  30  gunsj  L'Alcmene,  Coll.  ii.  148,  149. 


152  DISASTER   TO   THE    FRENCH   FLEET. 

CHAP,  the  action  of  the  French  fleet ;   but,  just  at  this'  juncture,  a 

__^3^  violent  storm  arose,  which  increased  to  a  tempest,  and  which 
1778.    raged  so  fiercely,  at  sea  and  on  land,  that  not  only  was  the 
to  14.    fleet  shattered,  but  the  army  sufifered  severely,  and  a  number 
of  soldiers  perished  with  the  cold.^ 

By  this  disaster  all  hopes  of  foreign  aid  were  reluctantly 
abandoned  ;  ^  and,  though  the  besiegers  pushed  forward  their 

Aug.29.  works  with  vigor,  towards  the  last  of  the  month  the  British, 
who  had  recovered  from  their  immediate  panic,  finding  a  large 
number  of  volunteers  had  left  for  Massachusetts,  ventured  to 
assault  the  American  lines.  But  they  were  received  with 
firmness  ;  and  in  the  engagement,  whicli  lasted  for  several 
hours,  many  were  killed  or  wounded  on  both  sides.  The 
Americans,  however,  retained  their  ground ;  but  as  General 

Aug.30.  Sullivan  was  apprised,  on  the  next  day,  by  a  letter  from 
Washington,  that  a  reenforcement  for  the  British  was  then  on 
its  way,  it  was  unanimously  agreed,  in  a  council  of  war,  to 
quit  the  island ;  and  the  retreat  was  so  skilfully  conducted  as 
to  be  attended  with  little  loss.^  The  failure  of  this  expedition 
was  exceedingly  mortifying  —  the  more  so  from  the  fact  that 
it  was  the  third  unsuccessful  attempt  within  eighteen  months 
for  the  expulsion  of  the  British  from  this  part  of  New 
England. 

Aug.22.  The  French  fleet,  before  the  withdrawal  of  the  forces  under 
Sullivan,  had  sailed  for  Boston,  where  they  remained  for  sev- 


1  Gordon's  Am.  Rev.  ii.  On  the  not,  and  the  next  day  he  sailed  for 
18th  of  August,  orders  were  passed  Boston.  Gordon's  Am.  Rev.  ii. ; 
by  the  Council  for  sending  reenforce-  Sparks's  Corresp.  of  the  Rev.  ii.  175- 
ments  to  General  Sullivan.     Jonr.  H.  188. 

of  R.  for   1778;    Bliss's   Rehoboth,  ^  Jour.   H.    of   R.    for   Sept.    16, 

154.  1778;  Pemberton's  Jour,  in  1  M.  H. 

2  After  the  storm  had  abated,  the  Coll.  ii.  149  ;  Gordon's  Am.  Rev.  ii. 
French  fleet  reappeared  on  the  coast;  369-375  ;  Heath's  Mems.  188-195  ; 
and  Generals  Greene  and  La  Fayette  Thacher's  Jour.  114;  Sparks's  Cor- 
went  onboard  the  Languedoc  to" con-  resp.  of  the  Rev.  ii.  188-194,  201- 
sultwith  D'Estaing;  but,  though  he  205;  Bradford,  ii.  162-164;  Peter- 
was  personally  Avilling  to  aid  in  the  son's  Rhode  Island,  221-229. 
attack,  his  captains  and  officers  were 


LA    FAYETTE    VISITS    BOSTON. 


153 


eral  weeks  to  repair  their  vessels  and  replenish  their  provis-  chap. 
ions.     During  this  stay,  La  Fayette  visited  Boston,  to  confer  _3Z;^ 
with  the  French  admiral,  and  to  prevail  with  him,  if  possible,    1778. 
to  return  to  Newport,  or,  at  least,  to  remain  on  the  coast  to 
cooperate  with  Washington.   But  he  was  unwilling  to  hearken 
to  either  proposition,  and  sailed  for  the  West  Indies.     Pre-  Nov.  3. 
vious  to  his  departure,  the  British  squadron  appeared  in  the 
bay,  within   Cape  Cod,  and  it  was  believed  that  a  general 
engagement  was  meditated.     To  provide  for  this  contingency, 
nine  regiments  of  militia  were  ordered  into  Boston  ;  but,  as 
Howe  left  the  coast  without  venturing  upon  an  attack,  they 
were  soon  discharged.^ 

In  the  summer  of  this  year,  British  commissioners  arrived  June  6. 
at  New  York,  specially  empowered  by  the  English  govern- 
ment, in  accordance  witli  Lord  North's  "  conciliatory  plan,"  to 
make  propositions  for  a  suspension  of  hostilities,  with  an  ulti- 
mate view  to  reconciliation  and  peace.^    As  the  defeat  of 


'  Jour.  H.  of  R.  for  Sept.  19,  21,  22, 
and  Oct.  8,  1778 ;  Lett,  to  Lord  Vis- 
count Ho\ve,&c.,Lond.  1779,  44-46  ; 
Heath's  Mems.  195,  197  ;  Franklin's 
Works,  viii.  '601  ;  Sparks's  Corresp.  of 
the  Rev.  ii. ;  Staples'*  Annals  of  Provi- 
dence, 2.36.  Pending  the  absence  of 
Lord  Howe,  several  vessels  from  New- 
port sailed  u])  the  river,  and  landed  a 
body  of  troops,  under  General  Gray, 
at  Bedford  Village,  in  Dartmouth, 
who  did  much  damage  to  the  town 
by  burning  the  vessels  at  the  wharves 
and  on  the  stocks,  a  large  number  of 
dwelling  houses,  and  the  public  mag- 
azine. They  then  marched  into  the 
country  some  four  or  five  miles,  and, 
returning  on  the  opposite  side  of  the 
river,  sjjreading  devastation  as  they 
■went,  embarked  before  the  inhabitants 
could  collect  to  oppose  them.  From 
thence  they  proceeded  to  Martha's 
Vineyard,  where  they  destroyed  a  few 
vessels,  and  made  a  requisition  for 
firearms,  money,  cattle,  and  aheep; 
and  of  the  latter  they  took  oif  nearly 
10,000.     Jour.  H.  of  R.  for  Sept.  26, 


1778;  Gordon's  Am.  Rev.  ii.  376, 
377 ;  Pemberton's  Jour,  in  1  M.  H. 
Coll.  ii.  151 ;  Sparks's  Con-esp.  of  the 
Rev.  ii.  196-201,  205,  213,  247; 
Bradford,  ii.  186,  187.  Before  the 
departure  of  D'Estaing,  or  Oct.  28, 
1778,  an  address  was  issued,  in  the 
name  of  the  King  of  France,  to  "  all 
the  ancient  French  in  North  Ameri- 
ca." Niles's  Pi-inciples  and  Acts  of 
the  Rev.  406,  407. 

*  Lord  Carlisle,  Sir  Henry  Clinton, 
Governor  Johnstone,  and  William 
Eden,  Esq.,  were  four  of  the  commis- 
sioners, and  Ijord  Howe  and  Sir  AVil- 
liam  were  the  other  two.  Commis- 
sioners to  negotiate  with  the  colonies 
were  a])pointed  by  the  English  gov- 
ernment in  the  sj^ring  of  1776,  and 
an  inter^^ew  was  held  with  them,  by 
the  consent  of  Congress,  but  without 
arriving  at  a  satisfactory  result.  Lett, 
to  Lord  Viscount  Howe,  &c.,  Lond. 
1779,4-10;  Thacher's  Jour.  51,  52, 
57-59 ;  J.  Adams's  Corresp.  in  Works, 
ix.  440-448 ;  Sparks's  Washington, 
iv. ;  Sparks's  Corresp.  of  the  Rev.  ii. 


154  COMMISSIONERS   SENT   TO    AMERICA    FROM  ENGLAND. 


"1 


CHAP.  Burgoyne  had  "  awakened  in  England  a  desire  for  peace, 

_,_^  and  as  it  was  believed  that  some  of  the  Americans  were 
inn.  wearied  with  the  expense  and  trouble  of  the  war,  and  would 
gladly  return  to  their  allegiance,  if  pardoned,  these  gentlemen 
were  authorized,  not  only  to  address  the  General  Congress, 
but  to  treat  with  individual  states.  But  the  deceitfulness  of 
the  measure  was  easily  seen  through  ;  and,  as  it  was  regarded 
in  all  quarters  as  an  artful  plan  to  strengthen  the  enemy,  and 
detach  the  Americans   from   their   connection  with   France, 

Feb.  6.  which  had  been  recently  consummated,^  or,  at  least,  to  disturb 
the  public  councils  by  introducing  elements  of  discord  and 

Jun.  17.  confusion,  Congress  unhesitatingly  rejected  these  offers,  and 
the  people  of  the  states  applauded  their  firmness.  None  were 
disposed  to  relinquish  the  claim  to  independence  which  had 
been  asserted,  or  to  throw  themselves  upon  the  clemency  of  a 
king  and  his  ministers,  of  whom  pardon  could  be  obtained 
only  upon  the  terms  of  absolute  submission.^ 

The  conmiissioners,  as  may  well  be  supposed,  were  chagrined 
at  their  failure,  and  could  ill  brook  the  treatment  which  their 


136,  note  ;  Obs.  on  the  Am.  Rev.  58  for  the  King  of  France,  for  the  friend- 

-62;  Lord  Mahon's  Hist.  Engj.  \i.  91  ly   European    powers,    and    for   the 

et   seq.      Lord  North's  conciliatory  American   States.      Thacher's   Jour, 

bill  was  passed  March  21,  1778.  124,    125;    Franklin's    Works,    viii. 

1  Franklin's  Works,  viii.  239,  240 ;  passim ;  Sjjarks's  Di])lomatic  Corresp. 
Obs.  on  the  Am.  Rev.  72-78 ;  Day's  i.  355,  364 ;  Lee's  Arthm-  Lee,  pas- 
Reflections  on  the  Present  State  of  sim  ;  Sparks's  Washington,  v.  325, 
England,  67;  London  Chronicle  for  note;  Diplomacy  of  the  U.  S.  21,  28 
Feb.  11,  1779;  Lord  Mahon's  Hist.  -45;  Lord  Mahon's  Hist.  Eng.  vi. 
Eng.  vi.  206.  119,  149,  208,  209. 

'^^  On  the  26th  of  September,  1776,  ^  Trumbull  MS.  Letter  Book  B, 

Dr.  Benjamin  Franklin,  Silas  Deane,  176,  177;  Obs.  on  the  Am.  Rev.  62 

and  Arthur  Lee   were  appointed  bj*  et  seq.  ;  Collection  of  Papers,  pub.  by 

Congress  as  envoys  to  France ;  and,  Ri\-ington   at   New  York,  in   1778; 

on  the   6th  of  February,   1778,  the  Sparks's   Washington,    v.    318,    and 

treaties   of   commerce   and    alliance  note,     323,     401-403  ;      Franklin's 

were  signed  by  them,  on  the  part  of  Works,    rai.     237-248  ;     Thacher's 

America,  and  by  M.  Gerard,  secretary  Jour.  133  et  seq.;  Jour.  Cont.  Cong, 

of  the  king's  council,  on  the  part  of  iv.  ;     Day's    Reflections,    &c.,     17  ; 

France.     Tbe  rejoichigs  in  America,  Sparks's  Corresp.  of  the  Rev.  ii.  114, 

on  the  reception  of  these  tiduigs,  were  141,  160,  195  ;  Almon's  Remembran- 

great ;  and  orders  were  issued  to  the  cer,  vii.  8  et  seq. ;  viii.  40-72 ;  Lord 

ai-my.  May  5,  to  parade,  with  huzzas  Mahon's  Hist.  Eng.  vi.  215  et  seq. 


CONDUCT   OP   THE   COMMISSIONERS.  155 

propositions  bad  received.  Hence,  to  cover  tlieir  retreat,  and  chap. 
to  put  on  it  the  best  face,  they  issued  a  manifesto,  couclied  in  __ij^ 
plausible  l)ut  severe  terms,  declaring  that  persistency  in  tlie  1778. 
rejection  of  their  offers  would  be  "  considered  as  crimes  of  the 
most  aggravated  kind,"  and  giving  the  people  forty  days  to 
return  to  their  allegiance,  or  abide  the  consequences.^  The 
reply  of  Congress  was  firm  and  decisive ;  and,  after  briefly  Oct.  30. 
reciting  the  causes  which  had  led  to  the  resistance  of  Amer- 
ica, and  the  cruelties  which  had  been  practised  by  tlic  enemy 
at  different  times,  they  declared  that,  "  since  their  incorrigible 
dispositions  could  not  be  touched  by  kindness  or  compassion, 
it  became  their  duty  by  other  means  to  vindicate  the  rights  of 
humanity."  If,  therefore,  it  was  added,  "  our  enemies  presume 
to  execute  their  threats,  and  persist  in  their  present  mode  of 
barbarity,  we  do  solemnly  declare  and  proclaim  that  we  will 
take  such  exemplary  vengeance  as  shall  deter  others  from  a 
like  conduct."  And,  appealing  to  God  to  witness  the  recti- 
tude of  their  intentions,  they  closed  by  saying,  "  As  we  are  not 
moved  by  any  light  and  hasty  suggestions  of  anger  or  revenge, 
so,  through  every  possible  change  of  fortune,  we  shall  adhere 
to  this  our  determination."  ^ 

The  conduct  of  the  ministry  in  sanctioning  this  commission 
was  condemned  in  England,  as  well  as  in  America ;  and,  when 
the  subject  was  debated  in  Parliament,  in  the  winter,  the  Mar-  Dec.  4. 
quis  of  Rockingham,  in  the  House  of  Lords,  in  speaking  of 
the  proclamation  which  the  commissioners  had  issued,  declared 
it  to  be  "  contrary  to  humanity,  to  Christianity,  and  to  every 


'  Collection  of  Papers  pub.  by  Riv-  ifesto,  it  was  said,  "  England  will  now 

ington ;  Pemberton's   Jour,  in    1  M.  throw  away  the  scabbard  in  earnest. 

H.  Coll.   ii.   153;  Obs.  on  the  Am.  She  will  resolve  never  to  treat  with  this 

Rev.  111-117.  contcmj)tible,   this    temporary  thing, 

2  Jour.   Cent.  Cong,  for  Oct.   13,  called  a  Congress  ;  and  sjie  will  con- 

1778  ;  Collection  of  Papers  pub.  by  vince  the  world  that,  though  she  may 

Ri\-ington ;   Obs.    on   the    Am.   Rev.  be   slow  to  anger,  ])erdition  waits  on 

118-120  ;  Pemberton's  Jour,  in  1  M.  him  that  dares  insult  her."    Letter  to 

H.  Coll.  ii.  154  ;  Austin's  Life  of  Ger-  the  People  of  America,  Loud.  1778. 
rj',  i,  283-286.    Li  reply  to  tliis  mixa- 


156  THE   MINISTRY   CONDEMNED. 

CHAP,  idea  of  virtuous  policy."     The  Bishop  of  Peterborough  also 
,J^!^^  observed  that  he   "  saw,  in   the   account  of  extraordinaries, 

1778.  charges  were  made  for  the  tomahawk  and  scalping  knife  ;  and 
that  he  supposed,  from  the  terms  of  the  proclamation,  such 
expense  would  be  continued."  And  Lord  Camden,  in  still 
stronger  terms,  remarked  that  the  proclamation  "  held  forth 
a  war  of  revenge  such  as  Moloch  in  Pandemonium  advised ; 
and  that  it  would  fix  an  inveterate  hatred  in  the  people  of 
America  against  the  very  name  of  Englishmen,  which  would 
be  left  as  a  legacy,  from  son  to  son,  to  the  latest  posterity." 
In  the  House  of  Commons,  the  speeches  were  equally  pointed  ; 
and  Burke  exclaimed,  "  Against  whom  are  these  dreadful  men- 
aces pronounced  ?  Not  against  the  guilty  ;  but  against  those 
who,  conscious  of  rectitude,  have  acted  to  the  best  of  their 
ability  in  a  good  cause,  and  stood  up  to  fight  for  freedom  and 
their  country."  ^ 

Nov.  6.  In  the  fall  of  this  year.  General  Gates  was  appointed  to 
supersede  General  Heath  in  the  command  of  the  forces  sta- 
tioned in  Massachusetts ;  and,  on  his  arrival,  with  his  lady 
and  suite,  he  was  welcomed  by  the  people  with  flattering  marks 
of  affection  and  esteem.  Distinguished  for  his  energy,  his 
ability,  and  courage,  his  presence  reanimated  the  zeal  of  the 
soldiery ;  and,  as  there  was  reason  to  apprehend  an  attack 
from  the  enemy,  he  remained  at  Boston  and  Providence  through 

1779.  the  winter,  and,  on  leaving,  in  the  spring,  publicly  expressed 
his  approval  of  the  conduct  of  the  citizens  at  large,  and  of  the 
legislature,  and  particularly  eulogized  the  battalion  of  state 
troops,  formerly  commanded  by  Colonel  Crafts,  but  then  under 
the  charge  of  Lieutenant  Colonel  Revere.^ 


*  Parker's  Gen.  Advertiser  for  Dec.  Mems.   197,  198;  Bradford,  ii.  170. 

12,  1778  ;  Gordon's  Am.  Rev.  ii.  336  ;  A  commendatory  article  on  the  con- 

Pemberton's  Jour,  in  1  M.  H.  Coll.  ii.  duct  of  General  Heath  was  also  pub- 

156,  157;  Bradford,  ii.  169,  170.  lished  in  the  journals  of  the  day,  and 

^  Boston  Gazette  for  Nov.,  1778;  is  copied  in  his  memoirs. 
Gordon's  Am.  Rev.  ii.  397  ;  Heath's 


OPENING  OF  THE  NEW  YEAR. 


157 


It  will  be  perceived  that,  up  to  this  date,  no  serious  engage-  chap. 
ment  had  for  some  time  occurred  within  the  limits  of  Massa-  _.^_1^ 
chusetts  proper,  and   that  the  zeal  of  its  citizens  had  been    1778. 
principally  displayed  in  furnishing  recruits  to  the  army  abroad, 
and  in  providing  for  the  wants  of  the  suffering  at  home.     If 
the  annals  of  this  period,  however,  do  not  admit  of  a  narrative 
glowing  with  the  details  of  battle  and  siege,  it  must  not  be 
inferred  that  no  active  part  was  taken  by  this  commonwealth 
in  the  series  of  movements  which  were  reflecting  such  credit 
upon  the  American  arms ;  but,  on  the  contrary,  wherever  a 
stand  was  successfully  made  against  British  aggression,  and 
wherever  valor  was  called  for  in  the  assault,  there  were  found 
bodies  of  men  sent  out  from  Massachusetts,  and  none  were 
more  active  and  resolute   than  they.     Yet  it  should  ever  be 
remembered  that  the  independence  of  America  was  secured  by 
the  bravery  of  the  thirteen  United  States,  and  that  no  one 
state  can   arrogate   to  itself  the  honor  of  sustaining  single- 
handed  and  alone  the  burden  of  the  war.     It  is  a  common 
inheritance  that  we  have  derived  from  our  ancestors  ;  and  as 
such  we  should  transmit  it  as  a  legacy  to  our  children.^ 

At  the  opening  of  the  new  year,  the  situation  of  affairs  was    1779. 
discouraging  and  gloomy.     The  country  was  heavily  burdened 
with  debt ;  soldiers  and  their  families  were  subjected  to  in- 
credible hardships  and  sufferings  ;  with  the  depreciation  ^  in 


*  The  following  table  may  be  use- 
ful, for  reference,  to  show  the  number 
of  annual  terms  of  service  furnished 
to  the  continental  ranks  by  each  state 
during  the  war  :  — 

New  Hampshire 

]VIassachusetts, 

Rhode  Island, 


Connecticut, 
New  York,  . 
New  Jersey, 
Pennsylvania, 
Delaware,  . 
Maryland,  . 
Virginia,  .     . 


12,497 
67,907 

5,908 
31,939 
17,781 
10,726 
25,678 

2,386 
13,912 
26,678 


North  Carolina, . 
South  Carolina, 
Georgia,  .     .     . 


7,263 
6,417 
2,679 


231.791 
Hildreth's  U.  S.  iii.  441.  It  will  be 
seen,  from  this  table,  that  iVIassachu- 
setts  alone  bore  at  least  one  foui'th  of 
the  whole  biu-den  of  the  war ;  that 
the  four  New  England  States  bore 
one  half  of  the  burden  ;  while  ^lary- 
land,  Virginia,  North  Carolina,  South 
Carolina,  and  Georgia,  together,  bore 
but  one  fourth  of  that  burden. 

^  The  continental  bills  were  now 


158  STATE    OF    AFFAIRS. 

CHAP,  the  currency,  the  salaries  of  the  clergy,  which  remained  as 
,^_^_3^  before  tlie  war,  were  reduced  to  a  mere  pittance,  utterly  inad- 
1779.  equate  to  their  comfortable  support,  and  their  parishioners 
were  unable,  and  in  some  cases  unwilling,  to  afford  them  re- 
lief; lukewarm  patriots  were  murmuring  and  complaining; 
symptoms  of  insubordination  were  manifested  in  various  quar- 
ters ;  and  the  utmost  vigilance  and  prudence  were  required  to 
steer  the  ship  of  state  successfully  through  the  breakers  which 
threatened  its  destruction,  and  bring  it  in  safety  to  the  desired 
haven. ^  We,  who  live  in  more  prosperous  times,  and  who  are 
blessed  with  an  abundance  of  temporal  goods,  —  whose  com- 
merce encircles  the  habitable  globe,  and  whose  appliances  of 
industry  and  agricultural  resources  are  infinitely  superior  to 
those  wliich  our  fathers  enjoyed,  —  can  form  but  a  faint  idea 
of  the  difficulties  and  obstacles  which  were  thrown  in  their 
way,  and  which  awakened  in  the  most  resolute  forebodings  of 
evil  which  nothing  but  unconquerable  energy  could  overcome. 
That  they  did  succeed,  in  spite  of  these  difficulties,  in  reconcil- 
ing jarring  interests,  and  in  infusing  a  hopeful  spirit  into  the 
people,  is  sufficient  to  convince  the  most  sceptical  of  tlieir 
worth,  and  is  an  ample  atonement  for  occasional  faults,  which 
the  discerning  might  point  out,  and  for  Avhich  it  is  needless  to 
offer  an  apology.     The  heroes  of  the  revolution  were  resolute 


so    greatly    depreciated,    that    they  products  of  the  countiy ;  and  meas- 

would  not  pass  for  more  than   one  ures  were  taken  to  prevent  the  gi-eat- 

tenth  or  one  twentietli  of  their  nomi-  er  depreciation  of  the  public  ]ja])er. 

nal  value;  and,  as  the  state  had  prom-  A  meeting  was   soon   after  held   in 

ised  its  soldiers  a  bona  fide  comjjen-  Boston  to  adopt  regidations  in  con- 

sation,  their  families  were  provided  for  formity  with  these  arrangements  ;  and 

by  the  selectmen  of  the  towns,  and  in  October  a  general  convention  was 

clothing  was   furnished  the   soldiers  held  at  Htirtford,  to  devise  a  general 

themselves.  plan  of  checking  the  mischiefs  of  cx- 

'  To  remedy  the  enls  alluded  to  in  tortion  and  speculation.     Bradford,  ii. 

the   text,  conventions  were   held   at  180,   181  ;   Shattuck's  Concord,  122, 

Concord  in  July  and  Octolier,  1779,  123.     On  the  condition  of  the  cur- 

which  were  attended  by  deputies  from  rency  at  this  time,  com]).  Franklin's 

more  than  three  fom-tlis  of  the  towns,  ^^' orks,  viii.  328-330,  and  Felt  on  the 

except  ]\Iaine  and  the  county  of  Berk-  CuiTency. 
shu-e;   jmces  were  fixed  for  all  the 


FINANCIAL  EMBARRASSMENTS.  159 

men  ;  and  for  all  they  accomplished  they  deserve  to  be  remem-  chap. 
bered  with  affectionate  regard.  .^..-L. 

The  financial  embarrassments  of  the  country  again  demand-  1779. 
ed  the  attention  of  Congress  ;  and  a  call  was  made  upon  the 
several  states  to  raise  the  sum  of  fifteen  millions  of  dollars,  to 
liquidate  outstanding  claims,  and  for  the  immediate  expenses 
of  the  war.i  Of  this  sum,  two  millions  of  dollars  were  ap- 
portioned to  Massachusetts  ;  and  the  amount  was  to  be  passed 
to  the  credit  of  the  United  States,  to  be  accounted  for  at  a 
future  day,  and  was  to  be  expended  by  the  state  for  purposes 
of  general  concern  and  utility.^  The  usual  provisions  for 
home  defence  were  likewise  made  by  the  legislature  ;  and,  as 
a  note  had  been  received  from  General  Gates  requesting  that  Feb.  15. 
the  militia  should  be  called  out  to  assist  in  fortifying  the 
harbor,  and  to  collect  stores  and  provisions,  a  memorial  was 
addressed  to  Congress  upon  the  subject,  desiring  their  advice, 
and  soliciting  aid  from  the  continental  army,  if  the  enemy 
should  invade  the  statc.^  A  resolve  was  likewise  passed  for  April, 
men  to  be  stationed  in  the  towns  on  the  sea  coast  liable  to  be 
approached  by  the  enemy's  ships,  and  at  Falmouth,  in  Barnsta- 
ble county,  which  had  suffered  from  their  depredations.^ 

'  Jour.  Cont.  Cong,  for  Jan.  1779;  Bradford,  ii.  l7o.  The  committee 
Bradford,  ii.  172.  At  a  later  date,  "  to  examine  the  present  state  of  the 
it  was  voted  to  raise  45  millions  of  fortifications  in  and  about  Boston, 
dollars,  to  be  paid  in  bills  of  a  iormer  and  the  harbor  thereof,  and  report 
emission  ;  and  of  this  sum  Massachu-  what  may  he  necessary  further  to  be 
setts  was  to  pay  6  milUons.  Brad-  done  in  addition  thereto,  or  in  the  re- 
ford,  ii.  178.       "  pairs  thereof,"  consisted,  on  the  part 

^  Bradford,  ii.  172.  On  the  27th  of  the  House,  of  Colonel  Coffin,  Gen- 
of  February,  1779,  an  engrossed  bill  eral  HancocJv,  Colonel  Dawes,  and 
was  read  and  passed  to  be  enacted,  in  General  Lovell.  A  note  was  also  re- 
the  Massachusetts  legislature,  "  for  ceived  i'rom  General  Gates,  Feb.  27, 
ap])ortioning  and  assessing  a  tax  of  "  rejjresenting  the  necessity  of  raising 
£1,014,422  7s.  8d.  upon  the  several  men  to  guard  the  stores  at  Spring- 
towns  and  other  places  in  this  state  field,"  whicli  Avas  "  read,  and  thereup- 
hereinafter  named,  for  defraying  the  on  ordered  that  Mr.  Gorham  bring  in 
public  charges  ;  and  also  for  assessing  a  resolve  empowering  the  Council  to 
a  further  tax  of  £12,383  16s.  9d.  ])aid  make  the  necessary  provision  and  or- 
the  members  of  the  House  of  Kepre-  der  for  raising  a  guard."  Jour.  H.  of 
sentatives  for  their  travel  and  attend-  E.  for  Feb.  27,  1779. 
ance  in  the  Generar  Court  for  the  *  Jour.  H.  of  R.  for  Feb.  15,  1779. 
year  1778."  Jour.  H.  of  E,.  for  Feb.  Comp.  also  ibid,  for  A])ril  7  and  9, 
27,  1779.  1779,  and  Bradford,  ii.  174. 

3  Joui-.  H.  of  R.  for  Feb.  15, 1779 ; 


160  EXPEDITION   TO   THE    EASTWAED. 

CHAP.      These,  however,  were  but  preliminary  steps ;  for  reenforce- 

^^33^_  ments  were  called  for  by  General  Washington,  and,  after  some 

1779.    discussion,  it  was  voted  to  raise  two  thousand  men,  if  neces- 

a^nd    sary,  in  addition  to  those  already  in  the  continental  army  and 

^^'    '  at  Rhode  Island,  and  those  in  Boston  and  the  sea-coast  towns. 

The  distribution  of  these  was  as  follows :   fifteen  hundred 

June    were  enlisted  for  nine  months  during  the  summer,  by  an  appeal 

and 

July,  to  the  towns  and  the  offer  of  a  bounty,  to  fill  up  the  incom- 
plete regiments  in  the  service ;  and  the  remaining  five  hun- 
dred were  sent  to  Rhode  Island. ^  A  regiment  of  light  infantry 
was  also  raised  for  a  year  to  serve  in  Massachusetts  or  either 
of  the  New  England  States  ;  and  a  large  quantity  of  military 
stores  was  conveyed  from  Boston  to  Springfield,  to  be  depos- 
ited in  the  arsenal  recently  established  at  that  place.^ 

June.  The  expedition  to  the  eastward  was  the  principal  incident 
of  the  war  this  year,  so  far  as  Massachusetts  was  concerned. 
This  expedition  was  planned  with  the  knowledge  of  the  Gen- 
eral Congress,  and  was  designed  for  the  expulsion  of  the 
British  from  the  Penobscot,  who  had  established  themselves, 
under  General  M'Lean,  at  Castine,  and  erected  a  fort.^  The 
force  of  the  enemy  was  known  to  be  small,  —  not  more  than 
a  thousand  men,  —  and  the  prospect  of  a  reenforcement  was 
conceived  to  be  hopeless.  Hence  the  undertaking  was  popu- 
lar in  Maine,  and  volunteers  offered  their  services  with  alac- 
rity.    Prominent  merchants  also  favored  the  plan,  and  char- 


'  Jour.    H.    of   R.   for    April   7,  dition,  &c.,  for  encouraging  the  fixing 

9,   15,  21,  26,  27,  30,  1779;  Brad-  out  armed  vessels  to  defend  the  sea 

ford,  ii.  176.     Eight  hundred  of  the  coast  of  America,  and  for  erecting  a 

militia  were  also  called  out  in  June  for  court  to  try  and  condemn  all  vessels 

six  months,  for  the  defence  of  Rhode  that   shall    be    found    infesting   the 

Island,  agreeably  to  an  arrangement  same." 
made  some  time  before  at  Springfield.         "  Bradford,  ii.  176. 
On  the   16th  of  April,  likewise,  a  bill         ^  Two  yeai-s  later,  or  in  1781,  the 

was  passed  "  for  the  increase  and  en-  English  government  again  projected 

couragement  of  the  marine  of  this  operations  on  the  sea  coast   of  the 

state,   and   for   raising    the    sum   of  New  England  pro\inces,  and  the  set- 

£50,000  for  that  purpose ; "  and,  on  tlement  of  the  country  about  Penob- 

the  26th,  an  act  was  reported  in  "  ad-  scot.    Sparks's  Washington,  viii.  521. 


EXPEDITION    TO   THE   EASTWARD.  161 

tered  their  vessels  for  the  conveyance  of  the  troops  ;  and  fifteen  chap. 
hundred  men  were  ordered  to  be  raised  by  the  General  Court,  ^__^_;^ 
in  addition  to  tlie  marines  on  board  of  the  public  vessels  ;  but  1779. 
only  about  nine  hundred  engaged,  and  of  these  some  were 
pressed  into  the  service.  ^  The  fleet  consisted,  in  all,  of  nine- 
teen armed  vessels  and  twenty-four  transports,  carrying  three 
hundred  and  forty-four  guns,  and  was  "  as  beautiful  a  flotilla 
as  had  ever  appeared  in  the  eastern  waters."^  Its  commander, 
Richard  Saltonstall,  of  New  Haven,  Connecticut,  was  "  a  man 
of  good  capacity  and  of  some  naval  experience,  but  of  an  ob- 
stinate disposition  ; "  and  the  commander  of  the  land  forces, 
Solomon  Lovell,  of  Weymouth,  Massachusetts,  was  "  a  man  of 
courage  and  proper  spirit,  a  true  old  Roman  character,  that 
would  never  flincli  from  danger,"  but  unaccustomed  to  the 
charge  of  an  expedition  in  actual  service.^  Peleg  Wadsworth, 
of  Duxbury,  also  had  charge  of  a  portion  of  the  troops,  as 
adjutant  general  of  the  Massachusetts  militia  ;  ^  and  the  super- 
intendence of  the  ordnance  was  intrusted  to  Lieutenant  Colonel 
Revere.^ 

The  celerity  with  which  this  expedition  was  planned  and  July 20. 
set  forth  reflected  much  credit  upon  the  parties  concerned  in 
it ;  and  in  a  very  short  time  the  armament  made  its  appear-  July  2.3. 
ance  before  the  new  fortress.     Three  days  later,  a  landing  was  July  28. 
effected  ;  but  the  difficulties  of  the  enterprise  were  more  for- 
midable than  had  been  anticipated.     A  steep  precipice,  two 
hundred  feet  high,  was  to   be  scaled,  in  the  face  of  an  enemy 
securely  posted  ;    but  the  parties  succeeded   in  gaining  the 
heights,  and  the  engagement  commenced.     The  conflict  was 


'  Bradford,  ii.   179;  Williamson's  son's  Maine,  ii.  471. 

Maine,  ii.  471.  ■*  He  had  been  in  actual   serA-ice 

^  At  the  head  of  the  armament  was  under  General  Ward,  and  commanded 

the  Warren,  a  continental  frio;ate  of  a  regiment  from  Essex  to  Rhode  Is- 

32  guns.     Of  the  otiiers,  there  were  land  in  the  expedition  under  Sullivan. 

9  ships,  6  brigs,  aud  3  sloops.  Thach-  Williamson's  Maine,  ii.  471;  Wnisor's 

er's  Jour.  166 ;  Williamson's  Maine,  Duxl)ury,  158. 

ii.  470.  ■^  Williamson's  Maine,  ii.  472. 

^  Thacher's  Jour.    170;    William- 
VOL.    III.  11 


162  FKESH   LEVIES   RAISED. 

CHAP,  short,  but  exceedingly  sharp.  The  assailants,  four  hundred  in 
^^3^  number,  lost  one  hundred  ;  and  the  enemy  fled,  leaving  thirty 
1779.  killed,  wounded,  and  taken.  Unfortunately,  the  movements 
of  the  Americans  were  not  properly  seconded  by  the  marines 
from  the  fleet,  and  their  situation  became  critical.  All  that 
could  be  done,  therefore,  was  to  throw  up  slight  intrenchments 
within  seven  hundred  yards  of  the  fort ;  and  at  a  council  of 
war,  held  the  same  day,  it  was  decided  to  despatch  messengers 
to  Boston  for  aid.  Before  this  arrived,  the  British  were  re- 
Aug.i3.  enforced  by  a  fleet  of  seven  sail,  under  Sir  George  Collier  ; 
and  the  Americans,  satisfied  of  the  superiority  of  their  oppo- 
nents, abandoned  the  siege,  and  hastily  retreated.  So  fruitless 
an  enterprise  awakened  chagrin  ;  and  the  whole  country  was 
filled  with  "  grief  and  murmurs."  The  pecuniary  damage  to 
the  finances  of  the  state  was  a  great  misfortune ;  the  loss  of 
property  was  seriously  felt  ;  and  the  conduct  of  the  officers 
was  severely  reproved.^ 

The  three  years'  term  for  which  enlistments  had  been  made 
for  the  national  army  was  now  about  to  expire ;  and,  as  the 
war  yet  raged,  and  but  few  had  enlisted  to  serve  till  it  ended, 
it  was  necessary  to  provide  for  this  contingency  by  the  reenlist- 
ment  of  those  already  engaged,  or  by  raising  fresh  levies.  A 
committee  was  accordingly  sent  to  the  army,  to  labor  for  the 
former  purpose ;  and  they  were  furnished  with  funds,  to  ena- 
ble them  to  accomplish  the  object  of  their  mission.^  In  the 
midst  of  these  arrangements.  Congress,  at  the  instance  of 
General  Washington,  applied  to  Massachusetts  for  a  reenforce- 

'  On  this  expedition,  see  Boston  mission  in  the  service  of  the  state, 
Gazette  for  Mar.  18  and  25,  and  Apr.  while  Lovell  and  Wadsworth  were 
1  and  8,  1782  ;  Thacher's  Joim  166  honorably  acquitted. 
-170  ;  Heath's  Mems.  235  ;  Sparks's  ^  Bradford,  ii.  183.  The  sum  placed 
Corresp.  of  the  Rev.  'ii.  460-462  ;  in  the  hands  of  the  committee  was 
Pemberton's  Jour,  in  1  M.  H.  Coll.  ii.  $200,000  ;  and  they  were  authorized 
172;  Bradford,  ii.  178-180;  Wil-  to  offer  a  bounty  of  $300  to  every 
liamson's  Maine,  ii.  468-478.  Acoiut  soldier  reenHsting.  The  sum  of 
of  inquiry  was  held  in  the  fall ;  and  $500,000  was  also  remitted  to  Gen- 
Commodore  Saltonstall  was  declared  eral  Heath  for  a  similar  purpose, 
incompetent  ever  after  to  hold  a  com- 


THE   NATIONAL   DEBT.  163 

ment  of  two  thousand  men  ;  and  an  order  was  issued  to  raise  chap. 
them  in  the  eastern  and  inland  counties.     But  this  could  not  ,^33^ 
be  effected  without  some  difficulty  ;  and  tlie  mustering  com-    1779. 
mittees  were  authorized  to  offer  a  bounty  in  addition  to  that 
which  the  Congress  allowed,  and  the  towns  were  required  to 
advance  thirty  pounds  to  every  one  enlisting.^ 

The  national  debt  had  beco<me  enormous,  and  was  nominally 
rated  at  two  hundred  millions  of  dollars.  The  depreciation 
of  the  paper  currency  had  also  reached  such  a  point  as  to  be 
"the  burden  of  America  ;  "  and,  as  all  the  states  were  respon- 
sible for  the  payment  of  this  debt,  and  the  whole  property  of 
the  country  was  virtually  mortgaged,  unless  something  could 
be  done  for  immediate  relief  it  was  feared  that  the  nation 
would  be  reduced  to  bankruptcy.  In  this  sad  posture  of  pub- 
lic affairs,  a  circular  was  addressed  to  the  people  by  Congress,  Sep.  13 
designed  to  convince  them  that  the  United  States  were  "  able 
and  willing"  to  redeem  the  bills  which  had  been  put  into 
circulation.  "  Suppose,"  it  was  said,  "  the  emissions  should 
amount  to  two  hundred  millions  of  pounds  at  the  conclusion 
of  the  war,  and  that,  exclusive  of  supplies  from  taxes,  the  loan 
should  amount  to  one  hundred  millions :  then  the  whole  na- 
tional debt  will  be  three  hundred  millions.  There  are,  at 
present,  three  millions  of  inhabitants  in  the  thirteen  states. 
Three  hundred  millions  of  dollars,  divided  amongst  these,  will 
give  to  each  person  one  hundred  dollars ;  and  is  there  an  indi- 
vidual in  America  unable,  in  the  course  of  eighteen  or  twenty 
years,  to  pay  that  sum  ?  "  The  ability  to  meet  these  demands 
was  further  argued  from  a  consideration  of  the  sums  formerly 
withdrawn  from  the  country  by  the  English  government  in 
the  way  of  trade ;  notwithstanding  which,  the  colonies  grew 
rich.  And,  in  future,  would  not  the  whole  world  be  open  to 
their  commerce  ?     And,  as  the  population  increased,  and  the 

'  Jour.  H.  of  R.  for  1779;  Thacher's  Jour.  178;  Heath's  Mems.  222  j 
Bradford,  ii.  184. 


164 


PROVISIONS   FOE   ITS    PAYMENT. 


CHAP,  industrial  resources  of  the  country  were  developed,  would  not 
_33^  the  tide  turn  in  their  favor  ?     To  violate  their  plighted  faith 
1779.    would  be  ruinous  to  their  credit.     And  it  was  the  interest  of 
all  to  sustain  the  country,  and  share  its  burdens.^ 

Happily  for  America,  the  cloud  which  lowered  so  darkly 
over  its  prospects  was  dissipated  before  irreparable  damage 
was  sustained.  Their  desperate  struggle  had  awakened 
abroad  the  liveliest  sympathy  ;  and,  by  the  aid  of  their  agents, 
who  pleaded  their  cause  with  signal  ability,  loans  were  obtained 
jin^ii  from  Holland  and  France ;  ^  and  the  nation,  which  appeared 
July  16.  to  be  tottering  to  its  ruin,  though  its  embarrassments  were 
still  great,  was  inspired  with  fresh  vigor  to  do  battle  with  Old 
England,  and  to  wrest  from  her  a  speedy  acknowledgment  of 
independence.  Had  it  not  been  for  this  change,  so  peculiarly 
favorable,  it  is  difficult  to  say  what  might  have  been  the  re- 
sult ;  for  if  the  case  of  Massachusetts  may  serve  to  illustrate 
the  condition  of  the  other  states,  the  valuation  of  its  whole 


'  Jour.  Cont.  Cong,  for  Sept.  13, 
1779;  J.  Adams's  Letters  to  Dr.  Cal- 
koen,  43,  ed.  1786 ;  Addi-ess  of  the 
Legls.  of  Mass.  to  the  Inhabitants  of 
the  Commonwealth  on  Taxes,  1781 ; 
Pemberton's  Jonr.  in  1  M.  H.  Coll. 
ii.  172-175.  The  "  continental  cur- 
rency," so  called,  "  consisted  of  small 
pieces  of  paper,  about  two  inches 
square.  The  one  dollar  bills  had  an 
altar,  with  the  w-ords,  Depressa  resur- 
git,  The  oppressed  rises.  The  two 
dollar  bills  bore  a  hand  making  a  cir- 
cle with  compasses,  with  the  motto, 
Tribidalio  rfjYaf,  Trouble  enriches.  The 
de^ice  of  the  three  dollar  bills  was  an 
eagle  pouncing  upon  a  crane,  who  was 
biting  the  eagle's  neck,  with  the  motto, 
Exitus  hi  dubio,  The  event  is  doubtful. 
On  the  five  dollar  bills  was  a  hand 
grasping  a  thornbush,  with  the  inscrip- 
tion, Sustine  vel  abstine,  Hold  fast  or 
touch  not.  The  six  dollar  bills  repre- 
sented a  beaver  felling  a  tree,  with  the 
word,  Perseverando,  By  perseverance 


we  prosper.  Another  emission  bore 
an  anchor,  with  the  words,  In  te.  Dorn- 
ine,  speramus,  In  thee,  Lord,  we 
trust.  The  eight  dollar  bills  dis- 
played a  harp,  with  the  motto,  Majo- 
ra  minoribus  consonant,  The  great 
harmonize  with  the  httle.  The  thhty 
dollar  bills  exhibited  a  wreath  on  an 
altar,  with  the  legend,  Si  rede  fad- 
es, If  you  do  right,  you  will  succeed." 
Le^^is's  Lj-nn,  217.  For  an  account 
of  the  expenses  of  the  revolutionary 
war,  amounting,  in  the  whole,  to  at 
least  $135,193^,703,  see  Pitldn's  Sta- 
tistics of  the  U.  S.  27,  28,  ed.  1835._ 
*  Mem.  to  then-  High  Mighti- 
nesses the  States  General  of  the 
United  Pro\'inces  of  the  Low  Coun- 
tries ;  Address  and  Recommendations 
to  the  States  bv  Congress,  Boston, 
1783,28-38;  Sparks's  Franklm,  ix. 
passim ;  Washington  to  Hamilton, 
March  4,  1783,  in  Writings,  \iii.  388 
-391  ;  Diplomacv  of  the  U.  S.  137- 
151;  Bradford,  ii"  210. 


SUFFERINGS   OF   THE   WAR.  165 

property  was  but  eleven  millions  of  dollars,  while  its  debt  was  chap. 
five  millions.^  ^^" 

The  year  1780  was  distinguished  by  few  incidents  bearing  178O. 
immediately  upon  the  subject  of  tliis  chapter ;  -  nor,  indeed, 
from  this  date  to  the  end  of  the  war,  did  any  thing  reniarkable 
occur  in  Massachusetts  which  deserves  to  be  particularly  men- 
tioned in  this  place.  It  was  at  the  south  that  hostilities  were 
principally  raging  ;  and  the  battle  grounds  of  this  period  must 
be  sought  in  that  quarter.  That  the  times  were  gloomy  no 
one  can  doubt.  Througliout  the  country,  tiie  sufferings  of  the 
people  were  almost  incredible.  The  lifeblood  of  the  nation 
had  been  poiured  out  like  water.  There  were  desolate  homes 
in  every  town.  Family  ties  had  been  broken  and  sundered. 
The  old  had  grown  gray  in  military  service ;  and  the  young 
had  shot  up  to  a  premature  manhood.  Cities  and  dwellings 
were  falling  to  decay  ;  and  the  half-tilled  soil,  covered  with 
weeds,  and  the  ruined  fences,  wliich  scarcely  kept  out  starving 
cattle,  told  of  the  hardships  the  yeomanry  had  endured.^ 


*  The  nominal  debt  was  two  hun-  ly  complained  of  being  treated  like  a 
dred  millions ;  but,  on  the  calcula-  willing  horse,  whom  its  drivers  were 
tion  of  forty  for  one,  the  actual  debt  com])elling  to  a  fatal  exertion.  The 
was  five  millions.  The  valuation  of  delegates  accordingly  opposed  the  as- 
the  state,  eleven  millions,  is  sujjposed  sessment ;  and  Mr.  Gerry  moved  a 
to  have  been  too  small,  and  that  it  recommitment  of  the  re])ort,  which 
should  have  been  double  that  amount,  was  refused.  His  treatment  on  tliis 
Bradford,  ii.  189.  occasion  was  such  as  to  cause  great 

*  On  the  19th  February,  1780,  a  oifence ;  and  his  complaint  was  laid 
report  was  under  consideration  in  before  the  General  Court,  and  the 
Congress  for  estimating  the  supjjlies  House  voted  to  sustain  him.  Austin's 
to  be  furnished  by  the  several  states  Life  of  Gerry,  i.  o  19-326. 

for  the  current  year,  and  the  prices  at  ^  In  the  spring  of  1781,  General 
which  the  several  articles  should  be  Heath,  whom  Washington  character- 
credited  to  the  states  which  furnished  izes  as  "  an  officer  \\hose  high  rank 
them ;  and  this  subject,  fruitful  in  and  consideration  entitle  him  to  par- 
vexation  as  often  as  it  occurred,  led  ticidar  notice  and  attention,"  Avas  sent 
to  difficulties  between  the  Massachu-  to  the  Eastern  States  to  represent  the 
Betts  delegates  and  Congress,  which  distresses  of  the  arm}-  ibr  the  want  of 
resulted  in  the  withdrawal  of  Mr.  jn-OAisions,  ice,  and  to  m-ge  more  vig- 
Geny.  Massachusetts,  it  seems,  had  orous  measures  for  forwarding  sup- 
become  jealous  of  an  attempt  on  the  jilies.  Sparks's  Washington,  \iii,  36, 
part  of  the  other  members  of  the  39,  43,  and  Corresp.  of  the  Kev.  iii. 
confederacy  to  load  her  with  an  un-  312.  Comp.  also  ibid.  iii.  222,  on  the 
reasonable  weight,  and  had  frequent-  mission  of  General  Knox,  and  ibid. 


166  PRELIMINARIES   OP  PEACE. 

Finally,  early  in  1782,  after  the  war,  which  had  "  proceeded 
on  the  grossest  impolicy,"  ^  had  continued  for  seven  years,  and 
1782.  had  been  attended  with  the  loss,  on  both  sides,  of  thousands 
■  of  lives  and  millions  of  property,  the  English  government, 
wearied  with  the  fruitless  and  desperate  struggle,  and  hope- 
less of  success,  began  to  think  seriously  of  overtures  of  peace. 
The  reverses  her  arms  had  sustained  in  America,  the  surren- 
der of  Cornwallis,  the  series  of  victories  which  had  crowned 
with  immortal  honor  the  career  of  Washington,  the  embarrass- 
ment of  her  finances,  the  difficulty  of  sustaining  longer  a 
burden  of  which  all  classes  bitterly  complained,  and  the  con- 
sciousness that  by  persisting  in  her  course  she  woukl  be 
involved  in  a  continental  war,  already  commenced,  and  far 
more  disastrous  to  her  interests  than  any  profit  which  could 
possibly  accrue  from  the  reduction  of  the  colonies,  if  effected,^ 
—  all  these  considerations,  joined  to  the  remonstrances  of 
influential  citizens  of  the  realm,  and  the  change  in  the  minis- 
try which  was  evidently  approacliing,  were  weighty  arguments 
in  favor  of  a  cessation  of  hostilities,  and  a  retreat  from  the 
position  she  had  so  long  maintained. 

The  preliminary  motion  on  the  subject  of  peace  was  made  by 

General  Conway,  who  was  respected  on  all  sides  as  a  gallant 

soldier  and  an  accomplished  gentleman  ;  but  it  was  rejected  by 

Feb.  27.  a  majority  of  one.^     Five  days  later,  the  motion  was  renewed  ; 

iii.  220,  on  the  mission  of  Laurens.  44,  45.     In  the  spring  of  1779,  at- 

For  the  drau<ilits  fr<.m  Massachusetts,  temjjts  were  made  by  Congress  to  ar- 

between   178U  and   1783,  see  Erad-  range  a  commission  for  negotiating 

ford,  ii.,  Sparks's  Washington,  viil.,  ])eace,  and  John  Adams,  of  Massa- 

and  Jour.  Coiit.  Cong.  chusetts,  was  chosen  for  that  pui-pose 

'  Lord  Mahon's  Hist.  Eng.  vii.  124.  by  the  votes  of  eleven  states.     Ad- 

Comp.   also  Day's   Reflections   ujion  ams's  Works,  ix. ;  Sparks's  Franklin, 

the    Present   State   of   England,   8,  ix. ;  Austin's  Life  of  Gerry,  i.  286, 

Lond.   1783.  295  ;  Bradford,  ii.  156. 

^  France  and  Sjoain  declared  war  ^  Providence  Gazette  for  May  11, 

mth   England   in    1779;    dithculties  1782;  Boston  Gazette  for  May  20, 

with  Holland  and  Russia  occurred  in  1782  ;  Diplomacy  of  the  U.  S.  164; 

1780;  and   the  "  armed  neutrality  "  Lord  Mahon's  Hist.  Eng.  \-ii.  136.  The 

followed,  -which  arrayed  against  Eng-  vote  stood  193  in  the  affirmative,  to 

land  the   Baltic  powers.     Lord  Ma-  194  in  the  negative, 
hon's  Hist.  Eng.  vi.    255,  263;    vii. 


PEELIMINARIES   OF   PEACE.  167 

and,  so  nearly  were  parties  divided,  the  ministry  did  not  venture  chap. 
upon  open  resistance  —  Lord  North  only  pleading  for  a  tern-  ■^^• 
porary  delay.  The  opposition,  however,  were  too  sanguine  to  1782. 
yield  ;  the  resolution  was  pressed  ;  and,  in  the  end,  it  was  car- 
ried, against  the  whole  force  of  government,  by  two  hundred 
and  thirty-four  against  two- hundred  and  fifteen.^  The  downfall 
of  the  old  ministry  speedily  followed  ;  Lord  North  resigned  ;  Mar.  20. 
and  in  less  than  a  week  the  new  ministry  kissed  hands  —  the 
Marquis  of  Rockingham  being  first  lord  of  the  treasury.  Sir 
John  Cavendish  chancellor  of  the  exchequer,  and  Charles 
James  Fox  secretary  of  state.'  Admiral  Keppel,  with  the 
rank  of  viscount,  was  raised  to  be  first  lord  of  the  admiralty, 
and  the  Duke  of  Richmond  became  master  general  of  the 
ordnance.  These  five  were  of  the  "  Rockingham  section  ; " 
and,  that  the  followers  of  Chatham  might  be  duly  represented, 
Lord  Shelburne  was  appointed  second  secretary  of  state  — 
the  third,  or  American,  secretaryship  being  abolished  ;  Lord 
Camden  became  president  of  the  council ;  the  Duke  of  Graf- 
ton privy  seal;  General  Conway  commander-in-chief;  and 
Lord  Ashburton  chancellor  of  the  duchy  of  Lancaster.  And, 
as  if  to  "  hold  the  balance "  between  these  parties,  Lord 
Thurlow,  a  high  tory,  retained  the  great  seal.^ 

About  the  time  of  the  fall  of  Lord  North's  ministry,  and  in  Mar. 22. 
anticipation  of  that  event.  Dr.  Franklin,  who  was  at  Paris,  wrote 
to  Lord  Shelburne,  the  secretary  of  state,  informing  him  of  the 
appointment,  on  the  part  of  the  American  government,  of  five 


*  Providence  Gazette  for  May  11,  Hamilton's  Works,  i.  277;  Lord  Ma- 
1782  ;  Boston  Gazette  for  May  20,  hon's  Hist.  Eng.  vii.  144.  The  death 
1782  ;  Sparks's  Washington,  viii.  293,  of  the  Marquis  of  Roclvingham,  which 
294,  299,  540-542  ;  Dehrett's  Pari,  occurred  not  long  after,  gave  a  shock 
Reg.  \i.  310-341  ;  Diplomacy  of  the  to  the  new  administration,  and  dis- 
U.  S.  164 ;  Lord  Mahon's  Hist.  Eng.  ordered  its  ■whole  system,  and  the 
vii.  137.  pros])ects  of  peace  for  a  time  seemed 

*  Considerations  on  the  Provision-  to  vanish.  But  a  new  ministry  was 
al  Treaty  with  America,  ed.  1783.  13  ;  soon  organized,  and  the  negotiations 
Sparks's  Washington,  ^^ii.  288,  359  ;  were  continued.  Sparks's  Washing- 
Boston  Gazette  for  June  24,  1782;  ton,  w.  344,  359,  371;  Diplomacy 
Sparks's  Franklin,  ix.  183,  200,  202 ;  of  the  U.  S.  164. 


168  PRELIMINARIES    OF   PEACE. 

CHAP,  commissioners,  to  open  and  conclude  a  treaty  of  peace,  and  of 

^^53l_  their  readiness  to  attend  to  tliat  duty.  Accordingly,  Richard 
1782.  Oswald,  a  London  merchant,  of  respectable  attainments,  and  a 
gentleman  of  the  strictest  candor  and  integrity,  was  commis- 
sioned, as  agent  on  tlie  part  of  the  English  government,  to 
treat  for  that  purpose.'     A  conference  was  held  soon  after  his 

April,  arrival ;  and  a  paper  was  presented  by  Dr.  Franklin,  suggest- 
ing that,  in  order  to  eifect  a  thorough  reconciliation,  and  to 
prevent  any  future  quarrel  on  the  North  American  continent, 
England  should  not  only  acknowledge  the  independence  of 
the  thirteen  United  States,  but  cede  to  them  also  the  prov- 

Apr.  19.  ince  of  Canada.^  With  this  paper  Mr.  Oswald  returned  to 
his  employers  ;  but  the  proposition  contained  in  it  was  unpal- 
atable to  Lord  Shelburne  ;  and  the  cabinet  decided  that  he 

Apr.  27.  should  return  with  the  abstract  of  a  treaty  on  a  different 
basis,  admitting  the  independence  of  the  thirteen  United 
States,  but  leaving  other  matters  to  be  restored  as  they  stood 
at  the  peace  of  1763.^  At  the  same  time,  a  second  agent  was 
sent  by  the  government  to  treat  Avith  Vergennes  on  the  part 
of  France  ;   and  Mr.  Thomas  Grenville,  the  friend  of  Fox, 


'  Sparks's  Washington,  \m.  371.  Paris  as  secret  agent  to  consult  with 
"  I  dai-e  say,"  adds  Washington,  "  the  Dr.  Franklin.  These  propositions 
lung  felt  some  severe  pangs  at  the  were  renewed  in  1779.  Hartley  to 
time  he  put  his  hand  to  the  letters  Franklin,  April  22,  1779,  hi  Frank- 
patent.  It  is  not,  however,  less  effi-  lui's  Works,  \-\n.  330-337,  and  the 
cacious  or  jileasing  on  that  account ;  re]ily  of  Franklin,  May  6,  in  ibid.  345 
and  brealviug  the  ice  is  a  great  point  —347.  See  also  Jebb's  jjroposal  for 
gained."  a  federal  union  between  America  and 

^  Boston    Gazette    for    Aug.    19,  England,  in  ibid.  508-5 13,  under  date 

1782;    Edin.   Rev.   for   Jan.    1854;  of  October  11,  1780.     The  subject  of 

Franklin's  Jomiial,  in  Sparks's  Frank-  peace,  indeed,  was  agitated  and  talked 

Hn,  ix.   238   et  seq.  ;  Lord   Mahou's  of  for  a  long  time  before  any  thing 

Hist.  Eng.  -vii.  179.     The  jnoposilion  definite  was  efiected.     Comp.  Diplo- 

thus  made  was  not  new  with  Frank-  matic  Corresj).  of  the  Rev.  -viii.  pas- 

lin,  but  had  been  suggested  bj-  him  so  sim  ;  Diplomacy   of  the  U.  S.  chap. 

early  as  October,  1778,  in  a  letter  to  viii. 

jSIr.  Hartlev.    Works,  viii.  301.     See         ^  Journal,    in    Sparks's   Franklin, 

also  ibid.   253-255,   268-270,   278-  ix.  ;   Lord   Mahon's  Hist.   Eng.  vii. 

287,  relative  to  the  terms  of  recon-  180.     In  the  spring  of  1779,  and  in 

ciliation  with  America,   discussed  in  the  fall    of    1781,  the    legislature  of 

the    spring  of   1778,  when  William  Massachusetts    adcbessed    memorials 

Pulteney,  Esq.,  M.  P.,  was  sent  to  to   then-  representatives  in  Congress 


A   TREATY   OF   TEACE    CONCLUDED. 


169 


was  selected  for  that  purpose.'  Thus  two  treaties  were  in  chap. 
progress  at  the  same  time,  botli  of  which  aimed  at  an  adjust-  __^ 
ment  of  difficulties  and  the  restoration  of  peace.  1782. 

The  separate  negotiations,  as  might  have  been  anticipated, 
clashed  with  each  other  in  several  particulars  ;  and  that  with 
America  was  delayed  for  a  time  b}^  the  illness  of  Franklin  and 
points  of  form  in  the  commission  of  Oswald.  The  cession  of 
Canada  was  utterly  refused  ;  but  as  this  was  not,  with  Frank- 
lin, the  sine  qua  non,  it  was  quietly  dropped  ;  a  treaty  was 
arranged  upon  different  terms  ;  and  the  preliminary  or  provis- 
ional articles  were  signed,  at  Paris,  by  the  four  American  Nov.so. 
commissioners,  on  one  side,  and  Mr.  Oswald,  on  the  other.^ 
Tliese  articles  were  brought  before  Parliament  in  the  winter,  j^^^l'^^ 
and  the  opposition  against  tliem  was  peculiarly  bitter.  But 
government  had  gone  too  far  to  fall  back  with  grace ;  and 
the  new  administration  labored  so  zealously  and  successfully 
that,  early  in  the  fall,  three  definitive  treaties  —  with  America,  Sept.  3. 
France,  and  Spain  —  were  signed  ;  the  former  at  Paris,  and 
the  two  others  at  Versailles.^ 


on  the  subject  of  the  fisheries,  in 
whicli  the  New  England  States  were 
interested  ;  and  these  memorials  were 
laid  before  Congress,  and  acted  upon, 
and  the  sulijcct  referred  to  their  en- 
voys in  Euro])e.  Sparks's  Franklin, 
ix."  128-141  ;  Bradford,  ii.  214;  Aus- 
tin's Life  of  Gerry,  i.  287-293,  371. 

^  Sparks's  Washington,  viii.  540  ; 
Sparks's  Frankhn,  ix.  270,  271 ;  Bos- 
ton Gazette  for  Aug.  19,  1782;  Di- 
plomacy of  the  U.  S.  16.J  ;  Lord  Ma- 
hon's  Hist.  Eng.  vii.  180. 

^  Boston  Gazette  for  April  7  and 
14,  1783;  Heath's  Mems.  362;  Di- 
plomacy of  the  U.  S.  171;  Lord  Ma- 
hon's  Hist.  Eng.  vii.  200. 

*  J.  Adams  to  E.  GeiTy,  Sept.  3, 
1783,  in  Austin's  IJfe  of  Gerry,  i. 
381  ;  Sparks's  Frankhn,  ix.  43.3 ; 
Diplomatic  Corres]).  x.  ;  Diplomacy 
of  the  U.  S.  171-174;  Lord  Mahon's 
Hist.  Eng.  vii.  207,  208.     "When 


the  definitive  treaty  was  laid  before 
Congress,"  says  Austin,  Lifeof  Geny, 
i.  380,  "  it  was,  with  singular  proprie- 
ty, committed  to  those  of  its  mem- 
bers who,  in  1776,  had  signed  the 
Declaration  of  Lide])endeuce.  Three 
only  remained.  Mr.  Jetlerson,  the 
draughtsman  of  that  Declaration,  was 
chairman  of  that  committee.  Mr. 
Gerry  was  next  named,  and  after  him 
Mr.  Ellery,  of  Rhode  Island.  Mr. 
Read,  of  South  Carolina,  and  Mr. 
Hawkins,  of  North  Carolina,  comjjlet- 
ed  the  requisite  number.  It  was  the 
ha])py  fortune  of  this  committee  to 
report  to  Congress  that  the  objects  of 
their  sacrifices  were  at  length  accom- 
]5lished  ;  that  the  sovereignty,  free- 
dom, and  independence  of  the  United 
Stiites  were  recognized  ;  and  that  the 
painful  struggle  which  had  thus  far 
attended  their  existence  as  a  nation 
was  now  happily  at  an  end." 


170 


CLOSE   OF  THE   WAR. 


Thus  the  war  of  the  revolution  was  happily  ended.  The 
colonies  of  England  were  wrested  from  her  grasp,  and  the 
1783.  era  of  American  Independence  was  established.  Without 
doubt,  there  were  some  who  regretted  the  prospect  of  the  ces- 
sation of  arms.  War,  with  the  mercenary,  is  a  trade  which 
he  follows  with  fiendish  delight ;  and  to  flesh  his  sword  in  the 
bodies  of  the  innocent,  to  delight  '*  in  bloody  deaths  and  rav- 
ishments,"— 

"  Nor  children's  tears  nor  mothers'  groans  respecting,"  — 

to  rove  for  plunder,  and  blast  the  earth  with  the  mildew 
of  famine,  are  to  him  more  sweet  than  to  behold  "  bruised 
arms  hung  up  for  monuments,  stern  alarums  changed  to  merry 
meetings,"  and  every  man  and  every  woman,  freed  from  the 
fury  and  curse  of  the  destroyer,  singing  with  ecstasy  the  gay 
notes  of  peace.  It  should  be  remembered,  however,  that  if 
war,  to  the  Christian,  is  a  "  rank  imposthume,"  and  if  the 
natural  instinct  of  the  benevolent  heart  revolts  from  its  hor- 
rors, there  are  cases  in  which  it  is  justifiable  ;  and  the  aspira- 
tions for  a  higher  freedom  than  was  attainable  under  the  cir- 
cumstances in  which  they  were  placed,  and  the  consciousness 
that  tliis  could  be  effected  only  by  resisting  the  aggressions  of 
England,  will  probably  be  deemed  a  sufficient  justification  for 
the  course  of  the  colonists. 

It  was  "glad  tidings"  to  America  that  peace  was  declared. 
Every  countenance  was  radiant  with  smiles ;  and  the  procla- 
mation, when  read  in  the  different  cities,  was  hailed  by  the 
people  with  tumultuous  cheers.  Bells  were  rung  ;  cannon 
were  fired ;  bonfires  blazed  ;  and,  in  the  evening,  the  houses 


'  The  tented  camps  a  soldier  charm,     Those  sounds  of  war  which  mothers 
Trumpets  and  fifes  his  bosom  wann  ;         fear. 
Their  mingled   sounds  with  joy   he  Frajs'CIS's  Horace,  Ode  L 

hears  — 


CLOSE    OF   THE   WAR.  I7l 

were  brilliantly  illuminated.     It   seemed  as  if  all  were  in-  chap. 
spired   with   new   life  ;   and,   in   the   hour   of  triumpli,  how  ^^^.^^ 
proudly  the  soldiery,  who  had  fought  for  their  country,  re-    1783. 
counted  the  perilous  scenes  they  had  witnessed,  and,  looking 
to  Heaven  with  grateful  emotions,  poured  out  their  offerings 
of  gratitude  to  God  !     To  view  such  a  scene  with  indifference 
is  impossible  ;  and  if  the  story  of  the  revolution,  notwithstand- 
ing its  drawbacks,  becomes  to  us  ever  a  "  thrice  told  tale,"  or 
ceases  to  arouse  us  to  emulate  the  virtues  and  admire  tlie 
heroism  of  those  who  achieved  the  independence  of  our  coun- 
try, then,  may  we  be  assured,  the  day  of  our  downfall  is  rap- 
idly approaching,  and  we  are  becoming  unworthy  of  the  con- 
tinued enjoyment  of  the  blessings  of  liberty,  now  so  widely 
diffused  throughout  our  land. 


CHAPTER    V. 

ADOPTION  OF  THE  STATE  CONSTITUTION.     PROCEEDINGS  OF 
THE  GOVERNMENT.     MANNERS  AND   CUSTOMS. 

The  renunciation  of  allegiance  to  the  crown  of  Great 
Britain  rendered  it  necessary  for  all  the  American  colonies  to 
1776.  establish,  as  soon  as  practicable,  independent  governments,  for 
the  protection  of  the  people  and  the  security  of  their  inter- 
ests. Hence,  in  the  midst  of  the  war  of  the  revolution,  the 
citizens  of  Massachusetts  were  called  upon  to  deliberate  upon 
their  civil  affairs.  As  the  several  states  were  considered  sov- 
ereign, as  well  as  independent,  and  as  the  supreme  authority 
resided  in  the  legislature  in  each  state,  and  each  claimed  the 
right  to  exercise  sovereign  power  within  its  own  jurisdiction, 
—  yielding  due  respect  to  the  advice  and  recommendations 
of  the  General  Congress, —  it  became  an  important  question 
what  system  of  government  should  be  adopted,  and  how  that 
system  should  be  framed  and  adjusted.  In  Massachusetts, 
there  was  no  necessity  for  a  hasty  decision  of  this  question. 
The  charter,  it  is  true,  was  no  longer  in  force  ;  nor  was  there 
any  obligation  to  abide  by  its  requirements.  But  few  altera- 
tions had  been  made  in  consequence  of  the  renunciation  of 
allegiance  to  the  crown,  and  the  forms  of  the  old  government 
were  substantially  preserved.  The  office  of  governor  was 
vacant  ;  but  the  duties  of  that  office  were  performed  by  the 
Executive  Council,  and  no  great  difficulties  had  been  hitherto 
experienced  from  the  want  of  a  chief  magistrate.  Defects 
were  not  felt  as  serious  evils,  while  there  were  greater  evils 

demanding  attention.     But  these  defects  might  increase  ;  and 

(172) 


A    CONSTITUTIONAL   CONVENTION   PROPOSED.  173 

f 

it  was  proper  that  tliey  should  be  remedied  before  they  were  chap. 
incurable.  ^^-S-^ 

In  consonance  with  these  views,  at  a  quite  early  date  a  1776. 
proposition  was  made  in  the  General  Court  that  a  committee 
should  be  appointed  to  prepare  a  form  of  government,  and 
such  committee  was  appointed  ;  but  the  business  was  not  pro- 
ceeded in,  as  the  opinion  was  generally  expressed  that  the 
subject  should  originate  with  the  people,  who  were  the  proper 
authorities  to  attend  to  this  matter.^  The  House  therefore 
contented  themselves  with  recommending  to  their  constituents 
to  choose  their  deputies  to  the  next  General  Court  with  Sep.  17. 
power  to  adopt  a  form  of  government  for  the  state ;  and,  to 
ffive  ffreater  eifect  to  this  recommendation,  it  was  renewed    1777. 

^  .      .  May  5. 

more  formally  in  the  following  spring.^  In  this  interval,  a 
convention  was  held  in  the  county  of  Worcester  of  the  com-  Feb. 
mittees  of  safety  from  a  majority  of  the  towns,  who  voted 
that  it  would  be  improper  for  the  existing  General  Court  to 
form  a  constitution,  but  that  a  convention  of  delegates  from 
all  the  towns  in  the  state  should  be  called  for  that  purpose.^ 

How  far  the  decision  of  this  convention  influenced  the 
action  of  the  people  docs  not  appear  ;  but  a  majority  of  the 
towns  in  the  state,  it  would  seem,  chose  their  representatives 
for  the  next  annual  session  of  the  General  Court  with  a  spe- 


1  Jour.  H.  of  R.  for  June  4  and  6,  ^  Bradford,  ii.  118;  Lincoln's  Hist, 

and  Sept.  4,  1776;  J.  Adams's  Cor-  Worcester,  118.     The  town  of  Con- 

res]).  in  Works,  ix.  429,  442;  Brad-  cord,  in  October,  1776,  on  the  ques- 

ford,  ii.  117.  The  committee  appoint-  tion  of  gi\"ing  their  consent  that  the 

ed  consisted  of  Brigadier  Pahner,  Co-  House  of  Representatives,  ^dth  the 

lonel  Pickering,  Captain  Stone,  Major  Council,  should  enact  a  constitution 

Hawley,   Hon.   James  Warren,  >Ir.  or  form  of  government  for  this  state, 

Nye,    Captain    Stearns,    Mr.    Simp-  voted  in  the  negative,  and  assigned  as 

son,    Mr.    Maynard,    Mr.    Mayhew,  their  reasons  that  the  supreme  legis- 

Colonel  Wait,  and  Mr.  Root.     "  lature,   in   their    corjwrate   cajjacity, 

'  Jour.  H.  of  R.  for  Sept.  17, 1776,  Avere  by  no  means  the  proper  body  to 

and  May  5,  1777  ;  R.  T.  Paine  to  E.  form  and   estabHsh  such  a  constitu- 

Gerry,  April  12, 1777,  in  Austin's  Life  tion,  and  that  a  convention,  or  con- 

of  Gerry,  i.  223  ;  A  Constitution  and  gress,  specially  chosen,  should  be  in- 

Form  of  Government,  &c.,  3-5 ;  Brad-  trusted  with  the  business.    Shattuck's 

ford,  ii.  117  ;  Jackson's  Hist.  Newton,  Concord,  127,  128. 
190. 


174  PROPRIETY    OF    THIS   STEP. 

CHAP,  cial  view,  or,  at  least,  with  an  implied  consent,  to  the  forma- 
^_^^;^  tion  of  a  constitution  by  that  body.  The  citizens  of  Boston, 
1777.  and  of  a  number  of  other  towns,  as  well  as  the  committees  of 
safety  in  the  county  of  Worcester,  were  opposed  to  this  pro- 
ceeding, and  favored  the  calling  of  a  convention  of  delegates.^ 
And,  without  doubt,  this  was  the  proper  and  the  best  course 
to  have  taken.  It  has  been  found,  in  nearly  all  communities 
where  the  experiment  has  been  tried,  that  a  constitution 
framed  by  a  legislative  assembly  is  open  to  more  objections 
than  a  constitution  framed  by  a  convention  of  delegates. 
Whether  it  is  that  the  members  of  a  legislative  body  are  too 
apt  to  be  influenced  by  political  considerations,  and  to  lean 
upon  precedents  wherever  they  can  be  found,  or  whether  it  is 
that  a  convention  of  delegates,  chosen  directly  by  the  people 
for  the  sole  purpose  of  framing  a  constitution,  are  more  likely 
to  consult  the  general  good,  and  to  act  independently  of  any 
official  ties,  certain  it  is  that,  in  a  majority  of  the  states,^  the 
settlement  of  the  frame  of  government  has  been  intrusted  to 
such  conventions  in  preference  to  legislative  assemblies ;  and 
the  result  has  been  a  better  and  more  satisfactory  system  than 
could  have  been  otherwise  obtained  —  one  in  which  the  peo- 


^  Bradford,  ii.  140.  Comp.  Ab-  second  constitution  was  established 
bott's  Andover,  61.  In  the  preamble  by  the  state  legislature.  In  New 
to  the  constitution  oflered  in  177S,  it  Hampshu-e,  Connecticut,  New  York, 
is  said  that  the  people,  in  accordance  New  Jersey,  Maryland,  Pennsylvania, 
with  the  resolve  of  May  5,  1777,  did  Delaware,  Virginia,  North  Carolina, 
appoint,  authorize,  and  'instruct  their  and  Georgia  conventions  were  held 
representatives,  in  one  body  with  the  as  in  Massachusetts.  See  The  Con- 
Council,  to  form  such  a  constitution  stitutions  of  the  several  independent 
of  government  as  they  should  judge  States  of  America,  published  by  or- 
best  calculated  to  promote  the  hai)pi-  der  of  Congress,  Dec.  29,  1780,  and 
ness  of  the  state,  and,  when  com])lot-  rejninted  at  London  in  1782.  At  a 
ed,  to  cause  the  same  to  be  published  later  date,  however.  South  Carolina 
for  their  inspection  and  consideration.  ado])ted  a  new  constitution,  which 
See  this  instrument  in  the  ])amphlet  was  the  work  of  a  convention  sjiecial- 
published  in  1778,  and  in  Bradlbrd,  ly  called  for  that  pm-pose ;  and  sev- 
ii.  A])p.  350.  eral  of  the  other  states,  in  a  similar 

■•^  Rhode  Island  and  South  Carolina  manner,  re^^sed  their  old  constitutions 

are  believed  to  be  the  only  exceptions,  or  framed  new  ones.     Comp.  Pitkin's 

In  the  former  state,  the  old  charter  U.  S.  ii.  chap.  xix. ;  Hildi-eth's  U.  S. 

was  in  force ;  and  in  the  latter,  the  2d  series,  chap.  iii. 


EEJECTION    OP   THE    FIRST    CONSTITUTION.  175 

pie  have  more  readily  acquiesced,  because  better  adapted  to  chap. 
their  circumstances  and  wants. ^  .^.S-^ 

At  the  usual  time  the  General  Court  was  convened  ;  and,  a   1777. 

May  28. 

few  weeks  after  the  opening  of  its  sessions,  a  committee  was    >- 
appointed,  consisting  of  four  members  of  the   Council  ^  and 
eight  members  of  the  House,=^  for  the  purpose  of  preparing  a 
constitution.     Of  the  proceedings  of  this  committee  but  little 
is  known,  as  their  records  have  not  been  published  ;  but  the 
result  of  their  deliberations  was  a  draught  of  a  constitution,    Dec. 
which  was  debated  at  length,  approved  by  the  convention,  j,^[7|g 
presented  to  the  legislature,  and  submitted  to  the  people,  by  Mar.  4. 
whom  it  was  rejected.'* 

The  objections  to  this  instrument  were,  that  it  contained  no 
declaration  of  rights,  which  was  an  essential  defect ;  that  the 
principle  of  representation  was  unequal,  inasmuch  as  even  the 
smallest  towns  were  allowed  to  have  one  representative,  and 
others,  unless  containing  three  hundred  polls,  were  confined 
to  that  number  ;  and  that  the  powers  and  duties  of  the  legis- 
lators and  rulers  were  not  clearly  and  accurately  defined.^ 

'  The  views  of  the  people  on  this         "  Comp.  Austin's  Life  of  Gerry,  1. 

point  may  be  gathered  from  tlie  in-  266.     For  the  cbaught  referred  to, 

structions  given  by  the  town  of  Med-  see  the  pamphlet,  printed  by  J.  Gill, 

ford  to  their  representative  in  May,  in  1778,  and  comp.  Bradford,  ii.  App. 

1779 :  "  That  said  representative  use  349-362.     The   vote   stood,    10,000 

his  best  endeavors  and  influence  that,  against  the  constitution,  to  2000  in  its 

if  the  General  Court  are  empowered  favor;  and   120  towns  made  no  re- 

by  the  majority  of  freeholders  of  said  turns.     The  citizens  of  Boston  voted 

state  to  call  a  convention  to  form  said  unanimously  against  the  constitution, 

constitution  of  government,  said  con-  and  were  of  opinion  that  a  matter  of 

vention  may  consist  of  no  person  or  so  much  inij)ortance   should  not  be 

persons   be'longmg   to  said  General  hastily  decided,  but  be  postjwned  to 

Court."  Brooks's  Medford,  154.  a  period  of  more  tranquiUity.     The 

^  Jeremiah  Powell,  Thomas  Cush-  Result   of  the    Ipswich    Convention, 

ing,  Daniel  Davis,  and  John  Taylor,  held,   by   adjournment,   at    Ipswch, 

The  subject  was  discussed  pre^iously  April  29,  1778,  Peter  Coffin,  Esq.,  in 

by  both  Houses,  and  a  conference  was  the  chau-,  was  published,  in  pamjjhlet 

held,  June   17,  "on  the  business  of  form,  at  Newburyport;  and  the  ob- 

formhig  a  new  constitution  of  govern-  jections  to  the  constitution  were  stat- 

ment."     Jour.  H.  of  K.  for  1777,  28.  ed  in  this  document  in  eighteen  arti- 

^  James    Warren,    Robert    Treat  cles. 
Paine,   Azor   Onie,   Jeduthun  Bliss,         '"  Bradford,  ii.  158,  159;  Hobart's 

James  Prescott,  John  Pickering,  Geo.  Abington,  136. 
Partridge,  and  Joseph  Simpson. 


176 


A    CONVENTION    CALLED. 


1778. 


1779. 

May. 

Feb.  20. 


Jun.  17. 


Sept.  1. 


Sept.  3. 

Sept.  7. 
Oct.  28. 
Nov.  II. 


Besides,  the  opinion  was  still  current  that  a  convention  was 
the  proper  body  to  decide  upon  a  constitution  for  the  state, 
and  that  no  other  body  could  successfully  discharge  that  duty. 
A  majority  of  the  people,  therefore,  favored  the  calling  of 
such  a  convention  ;  and,  at  the  annual  election  in  the  follow- 
ing year,  by  the  advice  of  the  General  Court  previously  given, 
the  returns  from  the  towns  were  so  conclusive  that  precepts 
were  issued  for  the  choice  of  delegates,  to  meet  at  Cambridge 
in  the  ensuing  September.^ 

These  delegates  met  at  the  appointed  time,  and  organized 
by  the  choice  of  James  Bowdoiu  as  president,  and  Samuel 
Barrett  as  secretary .^  A  committee  of  twenty-six  was  speed- 
ily chosen  to  draught  a  constitution  ;  ^  but,  as  the  report  of 
this  committee  could  not  be  immediately  made,  the  convention, 
after  a  session  of  about  a  week,  was  adjourned  to  meet  again 
the  last  of  October  ;  and,  two  weeks  from  that  time,  it  was 


'  Jour.  Convention,  5  ;  Jour.  H.  of 
K  for  Feb.  9,  16,  17,  1779;  Brad- 
ford, ii.  177  ;  Cushing's  Xewburyport; 
Coffin's  Newbury,  2oo  ;  S.  Lincoln's 
Hist  Hinghcim,  107.  Nearly  one 
thii-d  of  the  towns  neglected  to  make 
returns ;  but  of  those  which  were 
heard  from,  the  larger  portion  were 
in  favor  of  calling  a  convention. 

*  Jour,  of  the  Convention,  7  ;  Title 
Page  of  the  Const,  published  by  or- 
der, and  ibid.  51,  53;  Bradford,  ii. 
177. 

^  This  committee  consisted  of  the 
Hon.  James  Bowdoin,  Hon.  John  Ad- 
ams, and  John  Lowell,  Esq.,  from 
Suffolk ;  ■  Theophiliis  Parsons,  Esq., 
Jonathan  Jackson,  and  Samuel  .Phil- 
lips, Jun.,  from  Essex  ;  Hon.  James 
Sullivan,  Nathaniel  Gorham,  Esq.,  and 
Hon.  Eleazar  Brooks,  from  Middle- 
sex ;  Hon.  Noah  Goodman,  Major 
Hezekiah  Smith,  and  Mr.  John  Bil- 
lings, from  Hampshire ;  John  Cotton, 
Esq.,  and  Kev.  Gad  Hitchcock,  from 
Plymouth;  Enoch  Hallett,  Esq.,  from 
Barnstable ;  Hon.  R.  T.  Paine  and 
Kev.    Samuel   West,   from    Bristol; 


Hon.  Benjamin  Chadbourn  and  Hon. 
David  Sewall,  from  York ;  Hon.  Jed- 
ediah  Foster,  Joseph  Dorr,  Esq.,  and 
Israel  Nichols,  Esq.,  from  Worcester; 
Hon.  Samuell  Small,  from  Cumber- 
land; and  James  Harris,  Esq.,  and 
Captain  Wilham  Walker,  from  Berk- 
shire. Jour,  of  the  Convention,  26-29. 
"  Well  might  it  be  said,"  observes 
Mr.  Winthrop,  "  that  to  this  conven- 
tion were  retui'ned,  from  all  parts  of 
the  commonwealth,  as  great  a  num- 
ber of  men  of  learning,  talents,  and 
patriotism  as  had  ever  been  assem- 
bled here  at  anj'  earUer  ])eriod."  Here 
were  "  Samuel  Adams  and  John  Ad- 
ams, Hancock,  the  elder  John  Lowell, 
Theophilus  I'arsons,  the  elder  John 
Pickering,  George  Cabot,  Nathaniel 
Gorham,  James  Sullivan,  the  elder 
Levi  Lincoln,  Robert  Treat  Paine, 
Jonathan  Jackson,  Henr}-  Higginson, 
Nathaniel  Tracy,  Samuel  (isgood, 
W^ilHam  Cushing,  and  Caleb  Strong ;  " 
and  ]\Iaine  was  "  represented,  among 
others,  by  Da\id  Sewall  and  Benja- 
min Chadbourne."  Winthrop's  Ad- 
di'esses  and  Speeches,  110. 


A   CONSTITUTION   DRAUGHTED.  177 

adjourned  to  the  following  JannaryJ     In  the  mean  time,  the  chap. 
subject  was  discussed  in  the  papers  and  by  different  public  ,_J[^^^ 
bodies,  to  prepare  the  people  for  definite  action ;  and  sugges-    1779. 
tions  of  the  highest  importance  were  made  touching  the  form 
of  government  which  it  would  be  wisest  to  adopt.^ 

At  the  reassembling  of  the  convention,  the  draught,  which    1780. 
had  been  revised,  was  presented,  and,  after  considerable  dis- 
cussion, was   adopted;    and   eighteen   hundred   copies  were  Mar.  2. 
ordered  to  be  printed,  and  distributed  in  the  towns  and  plan- 
tations in  the  state.^     The  votes  of  the  people,  for  or  against 
this  constitution,  were  directed  to  be  returned  on  the  first 
Wednesday  in  June  ;  and  at  that  date  it  appeared  that  more 
than  two  thirds  of  the  votes  were  in  its  favor,  and  the  conven- 
tion was  dissolved.^     The  vote  of  Boston  was  in  the  affirma-  Jun.  16. 
tive  ;  but  alterations  were  proposed,  and  the  delegates  from  May  12. 
the  town  were  instructed  to  present  them.     These  alterations 
related  to  the  third  article  of  the  bill  of  rights,  which  provides 
for  religious  instruction ;  to  the  preservation  of  liberty  of 
speech  and  the  freedom  of  the  press  ;  to  the  provision  respect- 
ing the  privilege  of  the  writ  of  Habeas  Corpus  ;  and  to  em- 
powering the  governor,  without  leave  of  the  legislature,  to 
order  the  militia  to  an  adjoining  state  in  case  of  danger.^    On 


'  Jour.  Convention,  34,  49 ;  Brad-  pages.  The  committee  on  this  ad- 
ford,  ii.  177.  Samuel  Adams,  John  dress  consisted  of  Hon.  James  Sulli- 
Pickering;,  Caleb  Stronii;,  and  William  van,  Hon.  Samuel  Adams,  John  Low- 
Cushing  had  been  jjreviously  a]ipoint-  ell,  Esq.,  Kev.  Mr.  West,  and  Mr. 
ed  to  draught  a  constitution  and  dec-  Gray.  Jour.  C^onvention,  130.  This 
■  laration  of  rights.  Jour.  Convention,  was  approved  Feb.  22,  and  Colonel 
30.  Thomjison    and    Mr.    Parsons   were 

^  Boston   Gazette    for    1779   and  added. 
1780,  ])assim.  •*  Boston  Gazette  for  June  19,  1780. 

^  A  Constitution,  Sec,  pub.  by  Benj.  On  the  2d  of  jNIarch,  the  convention 

Edes  and  Sons,  1780,  52  ;  Jour.  Con-  adjourned  to  the  7th  of  June,  then  to 

vention,    192-216,  222-249;  Boston  receive  the  returns  from  the  towns; 

Gazettefor  Jan.  31  and  Apr.  17, 1780;  and,  after  reassembhng  on  that  day, 

Sjmrks's  Corresp.  of  the  Rev.  ii.  430.  it  continued  in  session  until  the  16th, 

The  Address,  in  Journal,  &c.,  216-  when  it  was  dissolved.  Jour.  Conven- 

222,  sent  out  with  the  constitution  by  tion,  168,  170,  185. 
the  convention,  was  printed  by  White         ''  Boston  Gazette  for  May  12  and 

and  Adams,  in  a  pamphlet  of  eighteen  22,  1780;  Bradford,  ii.  186. 

VOL.  III.  12 


178  OBJECTIONS  TO   THIS  INSTRUMENT. 

CHAP,  the  first  of  these  points,  though  they  expressed  tnemselves 
^^^,^J.^  satisfied  of  the  importance  of  religious  teachers  to  the  welfare 
1780.  of  society  and  the  morals  of  the  people,  they  wished  for  a 
perfect  toleration,  so  far  as  it  could  be  secured,  and  for  no 
degree  of  compulsion  in  religious  sentiments  or  worship. 
Liberty  of  conscience,  they  apprehended,  would  be  infringed 
by  any  other  course ;  and,  though  they  did  not  object  to  the 
idea  that  all  should  be  taxed  for  the  support  of  religion,  they 
suggested  that  the  amount  assessed  upon  those  not  connected 
with  any  organized  society  should  be  appropriated  to  the  poor 
or  to  some  other  purpose  of  public  utility.^  With  regard  to 
the  writ  of  Habeas  Corpus,  they  wished  that  its  privileges 
should  be  more  accurately  defined  and  more  liberally  granted, 
so  that  citizens  should  not  be  subject  to  confinement  on  mere 
suspicion.^  And  they  were  in  favor  of  authorizing  the  gov- 
ernor, without  leave  of  the  legislature,  to  order  the  militia  to 
an  adjoining  state  for  the  suppression  of  rebellions,  and  for 
such  other  purposes  as  might  be  required.^ 

Nor  was  it  only  in  Boston  tliat  objections  were  made  to  the 
provisions  of  the  new  constitution.  Throughout  the  state,  the 
subject  was  discussed  ;  and  the  third  article,  in  particular,  of 
the  bill  of  rights  called  forth  a  number  of  elaborate  essays, 
which  were  published  in  the  papers  of  the  day.''  \Yithout 
doubt,  it  was  intended,  by  the  framers  of  this  article,  that  lib- 
erty of  conscience  should  be  enjoyed  by  every  citizen  ;  nor 
was  it  supposed  that  any  really  religious  persons  would  se- 
riously object  to  the  assessment  of  a  tax  for  the  support  of 
public  worship,  since  each  one  had  the  privilege  of  joining 


'  Bradford,  ii.  186.  Comp.  Frank-  *  Boston  Gazette  for  June  12,  July 
lin's  Works,  nii.  505,  506,  and  the  3,  10,  24,  31,  Aug.  14,  21,  Oct.  23, 
pamphlet  entitled  Political  Sketches,  and  Dec.  18,  1780.  Comp.  W.  Lin- 
inscribed  to  his  Excellency  John  Ad-  coin's  Hist.  Worcester,  123,  and  S. 
ams,  &c.,  Lond.  1787,  86  et  seq.  Lincoln's   Hist,    of    Hingham,    108, 

""  Bradford,  ii.  186.  109. 

*  Bradford,  ii.  186;  Brooks's  Med- 
ford,  155. 


DISCUSSION   ON  THE   BILL   OF  RIGHTS.  179 

what  society  and  supporting  what  teacher  he  pleased.  It  was  chap. 
expressly  provided,  also,  that  no  one  should  be  molested  on  _!^1^ 
account  of  his  religious  opinions,  and  tliat  no  one  denomina-  178O. 
tion  should  have  any  exclusive  or  peculiar  privileges.  Yet  it 
was  well  known  that  there  were  sects  in  existence  inferior  in 
numbers,  as  well  as  in  wealth,  to  that  which  had  hitherto  been 
principally  supported  ;  and  the  members  of  these  sects  were 
opposed  to  a  course  which  seemed,  even  by  implication,  to 
discourage  their  existence,  or  to  limit  their  resources.  The 
Baptists,  in  particular,  who  had  become  quite  numerous,  were 
inclined  to  complain,  inasmuch  as  individuals  who  wished  to 
ally  with  them,  and  who  were  connected  with  other  societies, 
could  not  do  so  without  applying  for  a  special  license  —  an 
arrangement  which  was  conceived  to  be  peculiarly  oppressive, 
as  well  as  inconsistent  with  tlieir  natural  rights.^  But  the 
article  was  retained,  and  continued  to  be  a  part  of  the  consti- 
tution until  1834,  when  it  was  abolished,  and  the  "  voluntary 
system,"  as  it  is  commonly  called,  was  adopted,  which  left 
each  citizen  at  liberty  to  pay  or  not  for  the  support  of  public 
worship,  though  every  society,  corporate  or  unincorporate,  was 
authorized  to  tax  its  members,  or  the  pewholders  in  its  meeting 
house,  for  the  support  of  public  worship,  by  a  majority  vote 
of  the  members  present  at  a  meeting  duly  warned.^  Whether 
this  change  has,  on  the  whole,  been  a  benefit  or  an  injury  to 
the  cause  of  religion,  is  not  clearly  settled  ;  and  a  difference 
of  opinion  now,  as  in  former  times,  prevails  as  to  the  expe- 
diency of  sanctioning  the  idea  that  religion,  as  a  matter  of 
public  utility,  like  the  education  of  the  young,  should  be  sup- 
ported by  a  general  assessment  on  the  people.  Directly  or 
indirectly,  it  admits  of  no  doubt  that  the  benefits  of  religion 

'  Boston  Gazette  for  Mar.  13, 1780  ;  senators  and  two  thii-ds  of  the  House 

Bradford,  ii.  187.  for  that  year  and  the  next,  submitted 

^  Senate  Doc.   No.  3,  for    1834;  to  the  people,  approved  by  them,  and 

Acts  and  Resolves  of  Mass.  for  1834.  ratified  and  confirmed  by  the  General 

This    amendment   was   proposed    in  Comt  in  1834. 
1832,  agreed  to  by  a  majority  of  the 


180  ELECTION   OF    STATE    OFFICERS. 

CHAP,  are  enjoyed  by  all,  in  the  security  of  law,  the  protection  of 
^^^^___  property,  and  the  prevention  of  crime  ;  and  if  such  benefits 
1780.  are  common,  it  is  asked,  why  should  not  all  be  required,  in. 
some  way,  to  contribute  to  the  support  of  religion,  as  well  as 
to  the  support  of  schools  or  of  government?  This  is  not  the 
place,  however,  to  discuss  this  subject,  or  to  express  an  opinion 
which  might  be  dissented  from  by  more  than  would  approve 
it.     The  decision  of  the  question  rests  with  the  people.^ 

As  the  constitution  was  adopted  by  the  popular  vote,  and 
was  henceforth  to  be  the  law  of  the  state,  notice  of  the  same 
was  officially  given  by  the  convention  to  the  General  Court, 
Oct.  25.  and  the  last  Wednesday  of  October  was  assigned  as  the  day 
for  the   organization  of  the  government.^     The  election  of 
Sept.  4.  governor,  lieutenant  governor,  and  senators  took  place  in  Sep- 
Oct.  9.  tember ;  and  the  representatives  were  chosen  in  October,  ten 
days,  at  least,  previously  to  the  last  Wednesday  in  the  month. ^ 
For  the  office  of  chief  magistrate  John  Hancock  was  chosen 
—  a  gentleman  who  deserved  well  of  the  people  for  his  sacri- 
fices on  their  behalf,  and  who  had  already  respectably  filled  a 
number  of  responsible  stations.^     Xo  person  had  a  majority 
of  the  votes  for  lieutenant  governor,  and  the  General  Court 
elected  James  Bowdoin   to   the   office  ;   but  he  declined  it. 


'  For  the  debates  on  the  rejection  the  convention  and  among  the  peo- 

of  the  third  article  of  the  bill  of  rights,  pie,  in  the  Avhole  coui-se  of  this  great 

see  the  ne\vspai)ers  of  the  day.  work,  posterity  A\ill   be   ha])py   and 

^  Boston    Gazette    for    June    19,  prosperous.     The  first  citizen  Mill  be 

1780  ;  Jour.  Convention,  186 ;  Brad-  one  of  two  whom  we  know.     Which- 

ford,  ii.  188.  ever  it  may  be,  I  wish  him  supjiort 

^  Jour.  Convention,  186;  Bradford,  and  success.  It  is  no  light  trust, 
ii.  188 ;  Jackson's  Hist.  Newton,  19  J;  However  ambitious  any  may  be  of  it, 
S.  Lincoln's  Hist.  Hingham,  110.  The  whoever  obtains  this  distinction,  if  he 
election  in  some  of  the_  towns  took  does  his  duty,  will  find  it  a  heavy  bur- 
place  in  August.  See  Shattuck's  Con-  den.  There  is  nothing  which  I  dread 
cord,  129.  so  much  as  a  di\ision  ol"  the  rej)ubhc 

^  "  I   want   to   hear   of  the   elec-  into  two  great  parties,  each  arranged 

tions,"  wrote  John  Adams  to  Jona-  under  its  leader,  and  concerting  meas- 

than  Jackson,  Oct.  2,  1780,  Corresp.  ures  in  opposition  to  each  other.  This, 

in  Works,  ix.   511.     "If  these   are  in  my  humble  ap])rehension,  is  to  be 

made  with  as  much  gravity,  wisdom,  dreaded  as  the  greatest  pohtical  evil 

and  integrity  as  were  discovered  in  under  our  constitution." 


VIEWS  OP  THE  STATESMEN   OF   MASSACHUSETTS.  181 

James  Warren  was  then  chosen  ;  but  he  also  declined.    After-  chap. 

wards  Thomas  Gushing  was  chosen,  and  he  saw  fit  to  accept :^ 

the  post.^  1780. 

It  is  evident  that  the  new  constitution  was  not  adopted 
without  opposition  ;  nor  were  there  wanting  individuals  of 
considerable  intelligence  who  doubted  the  permanence  of  the 
government  to  be  established  under  it.  Yet  the  statesmen 
of  Massachusetts,  whose  knowledge  of  political  science  was 
the  result  of  a  long  and  painful  experience,  were  not  de- 
sirous, in  the  progress  of  the  institutions  which  they  were 
called  upon  to  frame,  to  make  startling  innovations  in  fa- 
miliar forms ;  nor  was  it  necessary,  or  even  expedient,  that 
they  should  reject  as  worthless  views  which  had  been  proved 
to  be  sound,  and  measures  which  were  sanctioned  by  their 
obvious  utility.  So  far,  indeed,  as  changes  were  necessary  for 
the  interests  of  the  community,  they  were  unhesitatingly  made, 
and  in  most  cases  with  great  unanimity.  Beyond  this,  how- 
ever, the  spirit  of  innovation  was  rigidly  restrained.  They 
had  no  intention  of  embarking  in  schemes  whose  chief  recom- 
mendation was  their  novelty,  and  which  might  prove  worse 
than  those  which  had  been  tried.  Hence  deference  was  paid 
to  the  forms  of  the  past ;  and  the  dignity,  and  in  some  degree 
the  ceremonial,  of  the  royal  government  may  be  distinctly 
traced  in  the  architecture  of  the  new  constitution.  The  titles 
given  to  the  two  first  executive  magistrates,  and  to  councillors 
and  senators,  in  the  eyes  of  some  savored  of  an  inclination  to 
imitate  the  governments  of  the  old  world.  But  the  objections 
to  these  titles,  though  they  have  since  been  renewed,^  were  not 
seriously  urged ;  nor,  indeed,  did  they  aflect  any  principle  of 
vital  importance.^ 


'  Boston  Gazette  for  Oct.  30, 1780 ;  lieutenant  governor.    Winthroiys  Ad- 

Sparks's  Corresp.  of  the  Kev.  iii.  148 ;  dresses  and  Speeches,  1 10. 
Bradford,  ii.  198.     Mr.  Bowdoin  was         ^  See  the  Proceedings  of  the  Con- 

at  the  same  time  elected  a  senator  for  vention   to   revise   the   Constitution, 

the  county  of  Suffolk  ;  but  he  saw  fit  held  in  ]8,j,'3,  i.  986. 
to  decline  this  office,  as  well  as  that  of        ^  Austin's  Life  of  Geriy,  i.  355, 356. 


182  INCORPORATIOX   OP  THE   ACADEMY   OF   ARTS   AND   SCIENCES. 

The  position  of  Governor  Hancock  was  somewhat  peculiar. 
For  several  months  there  had  been  a  misunderstanding  be- 
1780.  tween  him  and  the  delegates  from  Massachusetts  to  the  Gen- 
eral Congress,  originating,  among  other  things,  in  the  suspicion 
that  his  conduct,  as  the  favorite  of  the  people,  was  too  much 
guided  by  his  love  of  popularity.  They  had,  therefore,  thrown 
the  weight  of  their  influence  in  favor  of  Mr.  Bowdoin, 
a  member  of  that  party  to  some  of  whom  Mr.  Hancock  had 
given  the  sobriquet  of  "  the  Essex  junto  ;  "  and  the  success  of 
Mr.  Hancock  was  not  particularly  gratifying  to  them,  or  in 
unison  with  their  wishes.^  The  opposition,  however,  was  not 
of  such  virulence  as  to  embarrass  the  action  of  the  govern- 
ment ;  and,  though  party  feeling  ran  high  at  the  time,  and 
continued  for  many  years  to  influence  the  conduct  of  even 
well-meaning  patriots,  no  serious  evils  resulted,  though  occa- 
sionally there  were  manifestations  of  individual  resentment 
and  of  intemperate  zeal. 

In  the  midst  of  this  excitement  of  political  concerns,  the 
interests  of  science  were  not  overlooked ;  and  the  incorpora- 
May  4.  tiou  of  the  Academy  of  Arts  and  Sciences,  consisting  of  about 
fifty  members,  distinguished  for  their  literary  researches  and 
attainments,  is  evidence  of  attention  to  intellectual  improve- 
ment. Of  this  society,  James  Bowdoin,  its  principal  patron, 
was  the  first  president ;  throughout  his  life  he  was  its  pride 
and  its  ornament ;  and  at  his  death,  he  bequeathed  to  it  a 
hundred  pounds  and  his  valuable  library  of  twelve  hundred 
volumes.  Joseph  Willard,  of  Cambridge,  the  president  of 
Harvard  College,  was  chosen  vice  president  and  correspond- 
ing secretary  of  the  society.^ 


'  Austin's   Life   of  Gerry,  i.  353.  Bowdoin's   Disc,   before  Am.   Acad. 

See  also  S.  Adams's  Letter  to  Gerrv,  1780  ;  Boston  Gazette  for  Mav  22, 

of  Nov.  27,  1780,  in  ibid.  362.     On  1780;    Bradford,    ii.    191;   Austin's 

the  ])ersonal  a])pearance  of  Hancock  Life  of  Gerry,  i.  363 ;  Qiiincy's  Hist, 

in  1782,  see  Loring's  Hundi-ed  Ora-  H.   Coll.      An   academy  was   cstab- 

tors,  10 J.  lished   at    Andover  in    1778,    wliich 

^lems.  Am.  Acad.  i.  Pref.  jj.  1 ;  was  incorporated  in  1780,  for  the  in- 


THE    DARK    DAY. 


183 


May  19. 


The  "  dark  day,"  which  occurred  on  Friday,  the  nineteenth  chap. 
of  May,  was  the  occasion  of  much  alarm,  and  was  the  cause  .^.^^ 
of  much  speculation  among  the  common  people  and  the  1780. 
learned.  The  morning  was  cloudy,  and,  in  some  places,  a 
little  rain  fell.  By  ten  o'clock  the  whole  heavens  were  over- 
cast ;  and  by  noon,  artificial  lights  became  necessary  in  the 
dwellings,  and  birds  and  beasts  repaired  to'  their  places  of 
nightly  repose.  Before  nigiit,  however,  it  gradually  grew 
lighter.  The  darkness,  it  is  said,  did  not  extend  beyond  Con- 
necticut, nor  far  at  sea.  It  was  generally  attributed  to  a 
thick  smoke,  which  had  been  accumulating  for  several  days, 
occasioned  by  the  burning  of  large  tracts  of  wood  land  in  the 
northern  part  of  New  Hampshire,  where  the  people  were 
making  new  settlements  ;  and,  joined  to  the  situation  of  na- 
tional affairs,  which  was  peculiarly  discouraging,  an  unusual 
gloom  settled  upon  the  community.^ 


struction  of  youth  in  the  higher 
branches  of  literature.  This  was 
known  as  the  Phillips  Academy,  and 
afterwards  as  the  Theological  Semi- 
nary. Abbott's  Andover,  114-123; 
Bradford,  ii.  191. 

^  Boston  Gazette  for  May  22  and 
29,  1780  ;  Mems.  Am.  Acad.  i. ;  1  M. 
H.  Colli.  95-98;  Bradford,  ii.  192; 
Lewis's  Lynn,  217 ;  Coffin's  Newbury, 
257,  from'  Bp.  Edward  Bass's  MSS."  ; 
Abbott's  Andover,  189,  190,  from  MS. 
of  Rev.  J.  French.  Some  of  the  ac- 
counts say  that  the  darkness  extended 
all  over  New  England,  and  westward 
to  Albany,  and  was  observed  south- 
ward all  along  the  sea  coast ;  but  oth- 
ers say  that  it  did  not  extend  to  North 
River.  Dr.  Tenney  attributes  the 
darkness  to  an  uncommonly  thick  sec- 
ond stratum  of  clouds,  probably  occa- 
sioned by  two  strong  currents  of  wind, 
from  the  southward  and  westward, 
condensing  the  vajjors,  and  drawing 
them  in  a  north-easterly  direction. 
The  darkness,  he  says,  was  most  gross 
in  the  county  of  Esse.x,  the  lower  part 
of  the  State  of  New  Hampshire,  and 


the  old  Province  of  Maine.  In  Rhode 
Island  and  Connecticut,  it  was  not  so 
great,  and  still  less  in  New  York.  In 
New  Jersey,  the  second  stratum  was 
observed,  but  not  of  any  great  thick- 
ness, nor  was  the  darkness  very  un- 
common. In  the  lower  parts  of  Penn- 
sylvania, no  extraordinary  appearance 
was  noticed.  Throughout  this  whole 
extent,  the  lower  stratum  had  an  un- 
common brassy  hue,  while  the  earth 
and  trees  were  adorned  with  so  en- 
chanting a  verdure  as  could  not  escape 
notice,  even  amidst  the  unusual  gloom 
that  sm-rounded  the  sjiectator.  "  To 
these  two  strata  of  clouds,"  he  adds, 
'•  we  may,  without  hesitation,  impute 
the  extraordinary  darkness  of  the 
day."  "  I'he  darkness  of  the  follow- ^ 
ing  evening,"  he  further  remarks, 
"  was  probably  as  gross  as  ever  has 
been  observed  since  the  almighty  fiat 
first  gave  birth  to  light.  It  wanted 
only  palpability  to  render  it  as  ex- 
traordinary as  that  which  overspread 
the  land  of  Egy])t  in  the  days  ol'  ]\Io- 
ses.  ...  I  could  not  help  con- 
cei\ing,  at  the  time,  that  if  every  lu- 


184  '  REVISION    OF    THE    LAWS. 

The  sessions  of  the  General  Court,  commenced  in  October, 
were  continued   until  December,  when   an  adjournment  was 
1780.    made  until  the  following  January,  after  the  appointment  of  a 

Oct  25  • 

Dec.  special  committee  "  to  revise  the  laws  m  use  in  the  common- 
wealth, and  to  select,  abridge,  alter,  and  digest  them,  so  as 
they  should  be  accommodated  to  the  present  government." 
The  members  of  this  committee  consisted  of  the  judges  of  the 
Superior  Court,  the  attorney  general,  and  James  Bowdoin  and 
James  Pickering,  gentlemen  distinguished  for  their  legal  at- 
tainments ;  and,  in  addition  to  the  duty  of  revising  the  laws, 
they  were  requested  to  prepare  bills  for  the  due  observance 
of  the  Sabbath,  and  for  the  prevention  of  the  vices  of  drunk- 
enness and  profanity.^  By  the  terms  of  the  constitution,  the 
Supreme  Judicial  Court  was  to  be  the  highest  tribunal  in  the 

1782.   state  ;  and,  as  early  as  was  practicable,  a  court  with  this  title 

July.  ' 

was  established  by  law.  The  judges  of  the  Superior  Court 
of  Judicature  had  previously  exercised  the  functions  assigned 
to  this  court ;  and  that  had  for  some  time  been  the  highest 
judicial  court  in  the  state.^ 

The  establishment  of  a  national  bank,  known  as  the  "  Bank 

of  North  America,"  —  a  project  in  which  Hamilton  was  deeply 

jiYy  26.  interested,^ — '^^^  authorized  by  the  General  Congress  about 

this  time,  agreeably  to  a  plan  proposed  by  Robert  Morris,  the 


minous  body  in  the  universe  had  been  ^  Bradford,  ii.  217.  The  judges  of 
shrouded  in  impenetrable  shades,  or  this  court  were  ^V'^illiam  Cashing, 
struck  out  of  existence,  the  darkness  Nathaniel. P.  Sargeant,  James  SulE- 
could  not  have  been  more  complete,  van,  and  David  Sewall.  Robert  Treat 
A  sheet  of  white  paper,  held  within  a  Paine  Mas  attorney  general.  In  1790, 
few  inches  of  the  eyes,  was  equally  in-  William  Gushing  was  appointed  a 
'visible  with  the  blackest  velvet."  ji'dgt^  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  the 
'  Bradford,  ii.  202,  and  note ;  AVin-  United  States,  and  was  succeeded  by 
throp's  Life  and  Services  of  James  Judge  Sargeant,  at  whose  death,  in 
Bowdoin,  in  Addresses  and  Speeches,  1792,  Francis  Dana  was  a])])ointed 
111.  "I  have  seen  in  his  private  pa-  chief  justice.  The  other  justices  of 
pers  [those  of  Mr.  Bowdoin]  ample  the  Supreme  Judicial  Court,  at  that 
evidence  of  the  labor  which  he  be-  date,  Avere  ]{.  T.  Paine,  Increase  Sum- 
stowed  on  the  duties  of  this  distin-  ner,  Nathan  Gushing,  and  Thomas 
guished  and  most  responsible  posi-  Dawes, 
tion."  3  Hamilton's  Works,  L  236-253. 


MASSACHUSETTS  BANK   INCORPORATED.  185 

superintendent  of  finance ;    and  tliis  bank  went  into  opera-  chap. 
tiou  in  Philadelphia,  when  the  legislature  of  Massachusetts  ^^1^ 
passed  a  law  giving  currency  to  its  bills  within  the  state,    1732. 
instructiuo-  the  treasurer  and  other  officers  to  receive  them  for 
payment  of  the  public  debts,  and  subjecting  to  severe  punish- 
ment those  who  should  counterfeit  them.    This  bank,  however, 
continued  in  operation  but  four  years,  when  its  charter  was    1780. 
repealed  ;  but,  two  years  after,  it  was  reincorporated  for  four-    1787. 
teen  years  ;  and,  by  successive  legislative  acts  of  the  State  of 
Pennsylvania,  it  has  been  continued  until  the  present  time. 
The  old  United  States  Bank,  incorporated  in  1791,^  continued    1791. 
in  existence  until  1811,  when  its  charter  expired  ;  but,  five 
years  after,  a  new  bank  was  incorporated,  which  wound  up  its    I8I6. 
affairs  in  1836,  under  the  presidency  of  General  Jackson.^ 
The  first  bank  in  Massachusetts,  under  the  state  constitution, 

was  established  in  1*784,  and  was  known  as  the  "  Massaclm-   1784.  • 

Feb.  7. 
setts  Bank,"  with  a  capital  not  exceeding  five  hundred  thou- 
sand pounds.  Its  charter  had  no  limitations  as  to  its  contin- 
uance ;  and  for  several  years  it  was  the  only  incorporated 
banking  company  in  the  state,  yielding  to  its  stockholders 
very  great  profits.  Since  then  more  than  two  hundred  banks 
have  been  incorporated  in  Massachusetts  ;  but  the  first  char- 
tered bank  still  survives.^     The  "  Massachusetts  Mint "  was 


*  The  delegates  from  Massachusetts  and  its  connection  with  the  national 

voted  against  the  incorporation  of  this  treasury  ceased.     It  was  located  in 

bank.     Jour,  of  Cong.  ;  Felt  on  the  Pennsylvania,    and    had    obtained   a 

Currency,  193.  charter  from  that  state.    Pitkin's  Sta- 

'  Peiatiah  Webster's  Essays  on  tistics  of  the  U.  S.  41(3;  Uildreth's 
Banking,  Philad.  1790  ;  Carey's  De-  U.  S.  2d  series,  i.  260  et  seq. 
bates,  ^c,  of  the  Assembly  of  Penn-  ^  The  Path  to  Riches,  &-c.,  by  ajZIit- 
sylvania,  1786  ;  Gouge's"  Hist,  of  izen  of  Massachusetts,  Boston,  1792, 
Banking,  12-14,  ed.  1835;  Felt  on  47  et  seq.;  Gouge's  Hist,  of  Bauk- 
the  Currency,  193,  197;  Pitkin's  Sta-  ing;  Felt  on  the  Currency,  199; 
tistics  of  the  U.  S.  415,  416,  et  seq.,  Bradford,  ii.  216.  The  General  Court, 
and  Hist.  U.  S.  ii.  348,  349  ;  Bradford,  in  their  session  of  the  winter  of_1792, 
ii.  216,  and  Hist.  Fed.  Gov.  36,  37.  became  alarmed  at  the  ojieration  of 
It  should  be  observed  that  the  Bank  this  bank,  and  sent  a  committee,  who 
of  North  America,  on  receiving  its  inquired,  but  never  explicitly  report- 
second  charter,  became  a  state  insti-  ed  upon  its  debts  and  credits.  "  It 
tution,  on  the  retii'ement  of  Morris,  seemed  to  be  imderstood  in  the  House 


186  MASSACHUSETTS   MINT. 

CHAP,  established  in  1786  ;  but  only  seventy  thousand  dollars,  in 
^3l^  cent  and  half  cent  pieces,  were  coined  ;  and,  after  the  adop- 
1786.    tion  of  the  federal  constitution,  the  mint  was  discontinued.     It 
1788.    had  been  proposed  by  the  legislature  to  have  gold  and  silver 
^°^'^^'  coined  ;   but   Congress  advised  against  the  measure,  on  the 
ground  that  coining  money  was  properly  the  prerogative  of  the 
national  government,  and  that  a  uniform  currency  was  neces- 
sary for  the  convenience  of  the  people  in  all  parts  of  the 
country.^ 

The  election  of  Mr.  Hancock  as  governor  of  the  state  was 
carried  for  several  years  without  much  opposition  ;  and  he 
filled  the  office  to  which  he  was  chosen  to  the  acceptance  of 
the  public.  The  character  of  this  gentleman  has  been  vari- 
ously estimated,  and  differently  by  the  same  persons  at  differ- 
ent times.  That  he  was  a  man  of  wealth,  fond  of  display,  and 
withal  somewhat  vain,  as  well  as  ambitious,  are  facts  which 
few  will  dispute.  But  when  it  is  insinuated  that  his  patri- 
otism was  selfish,  and  that  his  devotion  to  the  interests  of 
his  country  was  insincere,  it  is  only  necessary  to  point  to  his 
correspondence,  both  public  and  private,  and  to  his  conduct  in 


of  Representatives  that  it  was  a  mat-  with  the  word  "  Massachusetts ; "  and 
ter  which  oufi;ht  not  to  he  spoken  up-  at  the  bottom  were  the  figures  "  1787," 
on  ;  and  a  bill  was  jiassed  limiting  the  the  date  of  emission.  On  the  obverse 
issues  of  their  credits  to  double  their  side  was  an  Indian,  grasping  with  his 
capital."  Path  to  Riches,  50.  right  hand  a  bow,  one  end  of  which 
'  Bradford,  ii.  328 ;  Felt  on  the  rested  on  the  ground,  and  with  his 
CuiTcnc)',  205-207.  Joshua  Witherel  left  an  arrow,  with  the  barb  pointing 
was  empowered  by  the  General  Com-t  to  the  earth.  Near  his  forehead  is  a 
to  have  the  needed  buildings  erected  single  star,  and  on  the  edge  is  circum- 
for  the  mint  in  Massachusetts,  and  scribed  the  Mord  "  Commonwealth." 
suitiible  machuiery  provided  ;  and  A.  few  of  the.se  coins  are  still  in  exist- 
from  the  works  erected  on  the  Neck  ence,  but  they  are  not  very  common, 
and  at  Dedham  cents  were  issued,  in  For  a  description  of  the  early  United 
1787,  which  bore  on  one  face  a  rep-  States  coins,  see  Felt  on  the  Curren- 
resentation  of  an  eagle  grasping- in  the  cy,  205,  206,  note.  An  "act  for  in- 
right  talon  a  bundle  of  seven  arrows  troducing  the  dollar  and  its  parts  as 
and  in  the  left  an  olive  branch  —  the  the  money  of  account  in  this  com- 
emblems  respectively  of  defence  and  monwealth  "  was  passed  Februaiy  25, 
peace.  On  the  breast  of  the  eagle  1795  ;  and  the  United  States,  about 
was  a  shield,  in  the  centre  of  which  the  same  time,  adojjted  a  similar-  law. 
the  word  "cent"  was  inscribed;  the  Mass.  Laws  for  1794-5,  chap.  xlL; 
outer  edge  of  the  piece  was  encircled  Hildreth's  U.  S. 


CHARACTER    OP  GOVERNOR  HANCOCK. 


187 


every  emergency  to  disprove  the  charge  ;  and  when  the  arts  chap. 
of  the  demagogue  and  of  the  adventurer  are  ascribed  to  him,     ^* 
it  is  only  necessary  to  say  that,  judged  by  the  same  rule,  a    178O 
like  charge  may  with  equal,  if  not  greater,  force  be  brought    1784. 
against  his  accusers.     Whoever,  indeed,  expects  to  find  in 
political  life  an  entire  exemption  from  the  frailties  of  human- 
ity, may  with  perfect  propriety  engage  in  the  search  for  the 
philosopher's  stone,  and  with  a  like  prospect  of  success.     All 
have  their  failings ;  and  faultless  characters  are  exceedingly 
rare.     A  man  must  be  judged  by  his  aims  and  his  deeds, 
rather   than  by  his  failures  or   his  idiosyncrasies.     On    this 
ground,  few,  it  is  believed,  will  hesitate  to   concede  to  Gov- 
ernor Hancock  the  praise  of  meaning  and  doing  well,  of  amply 
atoning  for  his  errors  when  known,  and  of  meriting  richly  the 
approval  of  posterity  by  his  manifold  sacrifices  and  his  gener- 
ous devotion  to  the  interests  of  his  country.^ 


'  Comp.  Quincv's  Hist.  H.  Coll.  ; 
Bradford,  ii.  234,  331 ;  iii.  27  ;  Allen's 
Biog.  Diet.  art.  Hancock;  Loring's 
Hundred  Orators.  Mr.  Hancock  was 
governor  of  Massachusetts,  in  all, 
eleven  years,  viz.,  from  October,  1780, 
to  February,  17S5,  and  from  1787  to 
1793.  He  died  October  8,  1793,  aged 
56  years.  John  Adams,  whose  chai- 
acter  has  also  been  the  subject  of 
much  illiberal  comment,  bears  noble 
testimony  to  the  worth  of  Governor 
Hancock.  "  You  never  profoundly 
admired  Mr.  Hancock,"  he  wrote  to 
William  Tudor.  "  He  had  vanity  and 
caprice.  I  can  say  with  truth  that  I 
profoundly  admired  him,  and  more 
profoundly  loved  him.  If  he  had 
vanity  and  caprice,  so  had  I.  And  if 
his  vanity  and  caj)rice  made  me  some- 
times sputter,  as  you  know  they  often 
did,  mine,  I  well  know,  had  often  a 
similar  eifect  upon  him.  But  these 
little  flickerings  of  little  passions  de- 
termine nothing  concerning  essential 
characters.  I  knew  Mr.  Hancock 
from  his  cradle  to  his  grave.  He 
was  radically  generous  and  benevo- 
lent.    .     .     .     Though   I   never  in- 


jured or  justly  offended  him,  and 
tiiough  I  spent  much  of  my  time  and 
suffered  unknown  anxiety  in  defend- 
ing his  property,  reputation,  and  lib- 
erty from  persecution,  I  cannot  but 
reflect  upon  myself  for  not  paying 
him  more  respect  than  I  did  in  his 
lii'etime.  His  life  will,  however,  not 
ever  be  written.  But  if  statues,  obe- 
lisks, pyramids,  or  divine  honors  were 
ever  merited,  by  men,  of  cities  or  na- 
tions, James  Otis,  Samuel  Adams, 
and  John  Hancock  deserved  these 
from  the  town  of  Boston  and  the 
United  States.  .  .  .  Mr.  Han- 
cock had  a  delicate  constitution.  He 
was  very  infirm ;  a  great  part  of  his 
life  was  passed  in  acute  pain.  .  .  . 
Yet  it  was  astonishing  with  what  pa- 
tience, perseverance,  and  j)unctuahty 
he  attended  to  business  to  the  last. 
Nor  were  his  talents  or  attainments 
inconsiderable.  They  were  far  supe- 
rior to  many  who  have  been  much 
more  celebrated.  He  had  a  great 
deal  of  political  sagacity  and  penetra- 
tion into  men.  He  was  by  no  means 
a  contemptible  scholar  or  orator." 
Adams's  Cor.  in  Works,  x.  2u9-261. 


188  THE   QUESTION    OF    SLAVERY   DISCUSSED. 

The  question  of  slavery  had  for  many  years  attracted  the 
attention  of  patriots  and  philanthropists,  and  pamphlets  and 
1780    essays  had  been  published  to  discourage  the  holding  tlie  black 

to 

1784.  race  in  bondage.  The  odious  traffic  in  human  beings,  indeed, 
was  never  sanctioned  in  Massachusetts  ;  and,  under  the  colo- 
nial and  the  provincial  chartei'S,  the  slave  trade  was  deprecated 

J^^'''-  as  a  disgrace  to  humanity.^  Hence,  when,  in  1645,  two  Afri- 
cans, supposed  to  liave  been  kidnapped,  were  brought  into  the 
colony  by  "  Captain  Smith,"  to  be  sold  as  slaves,  they  were 

Nov.  4.  ordered  to  be  liberated  ;  and  a  law  was  passed  prohibiting 
the  buying  and  selling  of  slaves,  "  except  those  taken  in  law- 
ful war,  or  reduced  to  servitude  for  their  crimes."  ^  Yet 
slaves  were  owned  by  the  wealthier  class  until  the  opening  of 
the  revolution  ;  ^  but  the  General  Court  continued  to  express 
their  abhorrence  of  the  slave  trade,  and  endeavored  to  dis- 
countenance the  practice  of  liolding  slaves.  In  conventions, 
also,  the  subject  was  agitated  ;  and  the  convention  at  Worces- 

Jun.  14.  t®^'  resolved  "  that  we  abhor  the  enslaving  of  any  of  the  hu- 
'  man  race,  and  particularly  of  the  negroes  in  this  country  ; 
and  that,  whenever  there  shall  be  a  door  opened,  or  opportu- 
nity presented,  for  any  thing  to  be  done  towards  the  emanci- 
pation of  the  negroes,  we  will  use  our  influence  and  endeavor 
that  such  a  tiling  may  be  brought  about."  ^     At  the  opening 

00^17  °^  ^^*®  revolution,  likewise,  the  people  of  Massachusetts  de- 
clared their  intention  to  "  take  into  consideration  the  state 
and  circumstances  of  the  negro  slaves  in  this  province ; "  ^ 


1  Belknap,    in   1  M.  H.  Coll.    iv.         "  Lincoln's  Hist.  Worcester,  110. 
196,  201.  «  See  vol.  ii.  496,  and  comp.  Jour. 

'^  Mass.  Rec's,  ii.  168 ;  iii.  46 ;  Sav-  Prov.   Cong.   29.     In   many  of    the 

age's   Winthrop,   ii.   298—300,   462 ;  towns,  votes  were  passed  against  sla- 

1  M.  H.  Coll.  iv.  195.  very  ;  and  a  number  of  blacks  enlist- 

^  In  the  wills  of  the  wealthy,  slaves  ed  in  the  army,  and  chd  good  ser\ice 

are  fi-equently  named,  and  they  were  during  the  war.      1  M.   H.  Coll.    iv. 

bequeathed  as  legacies  to  children  or  203 ;  Lincoln's  Hist.  Worcester,  1 10. 

friends.     For  the  statistics  of  slavery  An  able  "  Address  to  the  Inhal^itants 

in  Massachusetts  before  and  after  the  of  the  British  Settlements  in  Amen- 

revolution,  see  1  M.  H.  Coll.  iv.  198,  ca  upon  Slave  Keejjing"  was  printed 

199 ;  Annals  Am.  Statist.  Association,  at  Pliiladelphia,  and  reprinted  at  Bos- 


ABOLIITION   OF   SLAVERY   IN   MASSACHUSETTS.  189 

and,  in  the  fall  of  1776,  when  several  blacks  were  brought  chap. 
into  Salem,  who  were  found  on  board  a  British  prize  ship  ^J^^^^ 
from  Jamaica,  and  were  advertised  to  be  sold,  the  legislature    1776. 

Q  1  Q 

interfered,  and  ordered  them  to  be  liberated.^     And  the  new    ^^' 
constitution,  in  the  first  article  of  the  declaration  of  rights,    178O. 
based  upon  the  noted  axiom  of  the  Declaration  of  Independ- 
ence, declared  that  "  all  men  are  born  free  and  equal  "  —  a 
clause  which  was  inserted  by  Judge  Lowell,  with  special  refer- 
ence to  the  subject  of  slavery. 

Under  these  circumstances,  a  public  expression  of  opinion 
could  not  be  long  delayed  ;  and,  in  1783,  a  judgment  of  the    1783. 
Supreme  Judicial   Court  given  in  the  county  of  Worcester 
was  a  final  decision  unfavorable  to  the  existence  of  slavery  in 
Massachusetts.     The  case  then  decided  originated  some  time 
before,  and  was  occasioned  by  a  citizen's  beating  and  imprison-    1781. 
ing  his  negro  servant,  whom  he  claimed  as  his  slave.     This 
offence  the  public  would  not  overlook  ;  and  the  defendant  was 
adjudged  guilty  of  an  assault,  and  was  sentenced  to  pay  a 
fine  of  forty  shillings.^     The  abolition  of  slavery  was  thus 
virtually  effected.     The  slave  trade  was  prohibited  in  1788  ;  ]yj^^|g 
and,  though  many  who  had  been  held  in  bondage  continued  as 
servants  in  the  families  of  their  masters  during  their  lives, 
at  the  opening  of  the  nineteenth  century  there  were  few  such 
left,  and  the  institution  died  a  natural  death. ^ 

ton  in  1773  ;  and  a  second  edition  was  and  of  the  progress  of  _  emancipation, 
printed  at  Philadelphia  in  the  same  see  Kent's  Commentaries,  ii.  317,  and 
year.  Author,  l)r.  Benjamin  Hush,  compare  Bancroft's  U.  S.  i.  chap.  5, 
"  A  Forensic  ]3ispute  on  the  Legali-  and  Walsh's  Appeal,  306-424. 
ty  of  enslaving  the  Africans,  held  at  '  Jom-.  H.  of  R.  for  Sept.  13, 1776 ; 
tiie  pubhe  Commencement  in  Cam-  Felt's  Salem,  ii.  417  ;  Bradford,  ii. 
bridge,  N.  E.,  July  21,  1773,  by  124.  On  the  9th  of  June,  1777,  a 
two  Candidates  for  the  Bachelor's  De-  bill  was  reported  in  the  House  of 
gi-ee,"— Theophilus Parsons  and Eliph-  Representatives  "for  preventing  the 
alet  Pearson,  —  was  printed  at  Bos-  practice  of  holding  persons  in  slave- 
ton  in  1773.  The  argument  in  the  ry."  Jour.  H.  of  K.  for  June  9,  1777. 
case  of  James  Somersett,  a  negro,  *  1  M.  11.  Coll.  v.  203 ;  Bradlbrd, 
before  the  Court  of  King's  Bench,  ii.  226.  For  an  account  of  a  suit  in 
was  reprinted  in  Boston  in  1774.  For  1770,  which  also  terminated  in  favor 
John  Adams's  ojnnion  on  slavery,  see  of  the  slave,  see  1  M.  H.  Coll,  iv. 
Works,  k.  92.  For  a  condensed  his-  202,  and  Coffin's  Newbury, 
tory  of  slavery  in  the  United  States,  ^  Bradlbrd,   ii.  329 ;  Belknap,  in 


190 


CENSUS    OF   THE    STATE. 


The  census  of  the  state,  taken  in  the  sj3ring  of  1784,  showed 
an  aggregate  population  of  three  hundred  and  fifty-eight  thou- 
1784.  sand  souls,  of  whom  four  thousand  three  hundred  and  seventy- 
1776.  seven  were  blacks.  The  census  of  ITTC)  gave  three  hundred 
and  forty-nine  thousand  inhabitants  ;  and  this  small  increase 
in  the  period  of  eight  years  is  doubtless  to  be  attributed  partly 
to  the  removal  of  many  families  to  Vermont  and  New  York, 
but  principally  to  the  losses  sustained  in  the  war,  during  which 
thousands  of  the  citizens  of  Massachusetts  perished.^ 

The  health  of  Mr.  Hancock,  which  was  never  firm,  had  been 
failing  for  some  time,  in  consequence  of  his  cares  and  his 
manner  of  living.  Hence,  in  the  winter  of  1784-5,  he  de- 
clined a  reelection  to  the  chair  of  the  chief  magistracy  ;  and, 
in  the  following  spring,  James  Bowdoin,  though  failing  to 
May.  receive  a  majority  vote,  was  chosen  by  the  legislature  to  fill 
his  place.     Mr.  Bowdoin  belonged  to  one  of  the  first  families 


1785 
Jan. 


1  M.  H.  Coll.  iv.  197,  205.  For  an 
account  of  the  attempt  to  discourage 
the  slave  trade,  see  ibid.  201  et  seq.  ; 
and  for  an  elaborate  note  on  slavery 
in  Essex  county,  see  Coffin's  New- 
bury, 334-350.  See  also  Jackson's 
Newton,  87-98.  An  action  was  tried 
in  1791,  in  the  county  of  Bristol, 
•which  manifested  the  feeHngs  of  the 
people  relative  to  the  slave  trade. 
See  Bradford,  iii.  31.  A  valuable 
essay  "  On  the  Slavery  and  Com- 
merce of  the  Human  Species,"  &c., 
was  read  before  the  University  of 
Cambridge,  England,  printed  in  Lon- 
don, and  reprinted  in  Philadeljjhia, 
in  1786.  Clarkson's  Essay  on  the 
Impolicy  of  the  African  Slave  Trade, 
and  Brissot  de  Warville's  Oration 
on  the  At)olition  of  the  African  Slave 
Trade,  were  also  reprinted  at  I'hil- 
adelphia  in  1788.  The  Pennsyl- 
vania Abolition  Society,  begun  in 
1774,  and  enlarged  in  1787,  printed 
their  Constitution,  with  the  Acts  of 
the  Pennsylvania  Assembly,  in  the 
same  year.  St.  George  Tucker's  Dis- 
sertation on  Slavery,  and  Proposals 


for  its  Abolition  in  Virginia,  was  pub- 
lished at  Philadel))hia  in  1796.  The 
memorials  of  several  of  the  states  for 
the  abohtion  of  slavery  were  sent  to 
Congi'ess,  and  jjrinted  in  1792.  The 
Proceedings  of  the  Convention  at 
Philadelphia  were  published  in  1795. 
Noah  Webster,  Jun.,Esq.,  of  the  Con- 
necticut Society  for  the  Promotion  of 
Freedom,  pubhshed  a  pamphlet  on 
the  Eflects  of  Slavery  on  Morals  and 
Industry,  at  Hartford,  in  1792.  The 
discussions  u])on  slavery  in  the  Con- 
gress of  the  United  States  trom  1790 
to  1792  were  quite  exciting.  Comp. 
Hildreth's  U.  S.  2d  series,  vols.  i.  and 
ii.  Numerous  pamphlets  on  slavery 
were  published  in  England  from  1784 
to  1796. 

'  Pitkin's  Statistics  of  the  U.  S. 
583  ;  Bradford,  ii.  228.  The  popu- 
lation in  17  90  gave  for  Massachusetts 
478,000  souls,  of  whom  100,000  were 
m  the  District  of  Maine,  and  378,000 
in  ]\Iassachusetts  proper.  Not  a  sin- 
gle slave  was  then  returned  from  Mas- 
sachusetts.    Bradibrd,  iii.  30. 


CHARACTER   OF   GOVERNOR   BOWDOIN.  191 

in  the  state,  and  was  eminent  for  his  dignity,  his  integrity,  chap. 
and  the  amiableness  of  his  character.^  His  political  oppo-  .^„J^^ 
nents,  of  course,  were  numerous ;  nor  did  they  fail  to  intimate  1785. 
doubts  of  his  loyalty  to  the  principles  of  freedom.  But  his 
whole  life  had  been  a  continuous  proof  of  his  sympathy  for 
liberty  ;  and,  if  he  was  "  less  ardent  in  his  disposition,  and  less 
desirous  of  conforming  to  merely  popular  sentiments,  than  many 
others,  who  became  therefor  the  greater  favorites  of  the  com- 
mon people,"  there  are  not  a  few,  probably,  who  will  esteem 
this  a  venial  offence,  more  tlian  counterbalanced  by  that  cor- 
rectness of  judgment  and  prudence  of  conduct  which  seldom 
fail  to  command  respect,  and  which  are,  indeed,  among  the 
best  and  noblest  qualifications  for  the  serious  duties  of  public 
life.  He  who  seeks  the  permanent  welfare  of  tlie  people  by 
"  reminding  them  of  their  obligations,  and  by  giving  them  in 
his  own  person  an  example  of  all  the  social  virtues,"  it  should 
seem,  is  quite  as  worthy  of  confidence  and  support  as  he  who 
builds  upon  more  showy  qualities.^ 

During   the  administration  of  Governor  Bowdoin,  a  con- 

*  Mr.  Bowdoin,  who  was  born  in  ways  active  in  the  ser\'ice  of  his  na- 
Boston,  August  7,  1726,  and  graduat-  tive  land,  and  devoted  himseU',  heart 
ed  at  Harvard  College  in  1745,  was  a  and  soul,  to  the  promotion  of  its  in- 
deseendmt  of  Pierre  Baudouin,  tlie  terests.  For  sixteen  years  previous 
Huguenot  exile,  who  settled  on  the  to  the  opening  of  the  revolution,  he 
high  road  from  Portland  to  Vaughan's  was  a  member  of  the  Council  of  Mas- 
Bridge  in  1687,  and  who  in  1690  re-  sachusetts. 

moved  to  Boston.  "  He  was  of  that  ^  Bradford,  ii.  236,  237.  "  The 
same  noble  stock,"  observes  Mr.  best  security  of  a  governor,"  says  the 
Winthrop,  Addresses  and  Sj)eeches,  author  of  Cato's  Letters,  "  is  the  af- 
92,  "  which  gave  three  pi-esidents  out  fections  of  the  peojjle,  which  he  may 
of  nine  to  the  old  Congress  of  the  always  gain  by  making  their  interests 
Confederation ;  which  gave  her  Lau-  his  own.  The>'  will  then,  as  they  love 
reuses  and  Marions,  her  Hugers  and  themselves,  love  him,  and  defend  him 
Manigaults,  her  Prioleaus  and  Gail-  who  dei'ends  them.  This  is  tlie  nat- 
lards,  and  Legares  to  South  Carolina ;  ural  basis  of  superiority  and  distinc- 
wliich  gave  hor  Jays  to  New  York,  tion."  Such  were  the  views  of  Gov- 
her  Boudinots  to  New  Jersey,  her  ernor  Bowdoin.  For  a  valuable  sketch 
Brimmers,  her  Dexters,  and  her  Pe-  of  the  life  and  services  of  tliis  distin- 
ter  Faneuil,  with  the  Cradle  of  Lib-  guished  patriot,  see  the  able  address 
erty,  to  Massachusetts."  The  j)ublic  of  Hon.  R.  C.  Winthrop  before  the 
life  of  Governor  Bowdoin  extended  Me.  Hist.  Soc.  Sejit.  o,  1849,  in  Win- 
over  a  jicriod  of  more  than  thirty  throp's  Adth-esses  and  Speeches,  90- 
years,  during  which  time  he  was  al-  137. 


192  CONVENTION    AT   PORTLAND, 

CHAP,  vention  was  held  in  Falmouth,  now  Portland,  to  discuss  the 

^_^3l^  propriety  of  forming  into  a  separate  state  the  District  of 
1785.  Maine.  The  want  of  a  separate  government  had  long  been 
felt  in  those  parts ;  and.  as  a  number  of  persons  of  probity 
and  wealth  were  desirous  of  a  separation,  they  had  prevailed 
with  otliers  to  meet  and  consider  the  expediency  of  the  meas- 
ure.^    But  their  proceedings  were  believed  to  be  "  irregular  ;  " 

Oct.  20.  and  the  governor,  in  his  speech  to  the  General  Court,  referred 
to  the  call  of  the  convention,  and  represented  the  course  taken 
by  its  friends  as  having  "  an  evil  tendency  towards  dismem- 
bering the  commonwealth."  The  House,  in  their  reply,  con- 
curred in  these  views,  censured  the  "  attempts  by  individuals 
or  bodies  of  men  to  dismember  the  state,"  which,  in  their  esti- 
mation, were  "  fraught  with  improprieties  and  danger,"  and,  in 
conclusion,  observed  that  the  "  social  compact,  solemnly  entered 
into  by  the  people  of  this  commonwealth,  ought  to  be  guarded 
with  the  utmost  care  ;  and  it  will,"  they  added,  "  ever  be  the 
aim  of  the  legislature  to  prevent  all  infractions  of  it,  and  to 
preserve  the  constitution  entire." 

Jarf^4  ^^*'  notwithstanding  these  declarations,  the  convention  met 
a  second  time,  and  chose  a  committee  of  nine  to  prepare  a 
statement  of  evils  and  grievances,  and  an  estimate  of  the  ex- 
pense of  a  separate  government.^    Their  report  was  presented 

Jan.  5.  on  the  following  day  ;  and,  after  it  had  been  ordered  to  be 
signed  by  the  president,  and  sent  to  every  town  in  the 
district,^  a  third  convention  was  appointed  to  be  holden  on 

'  The  Falmouth  Gazette,  the  only  1,  1785;  but  only  thn-ty  persons  were 

paper  then  published  in  ]\Iaine,  was  present,  from  diti'erent  towns  in  the 

crowded  with  addresses  to  the  people  disti-ict.  Comp.  1  M.  H.  Coll.  iv.  27, 35. 

on  this  subject;  and  clergymen,  phy-  ^  This  convention  consisted  of  thir- 

sicians,  lawyers,  and  farmers  seemed  ty-three  members  from  twenty  of  the 

engaged   in   accelerating   the   event,  towns  in  the  district,  and  was  organ- 

"  They  all  em])loyed  botli  their  pens  ized  by  the  choice  of  Hon.  William 

and  their  ])rivate  influence  in  convin-  Gorham    as   president,  and   Stephen 

cing  their  iellow-citizens  of  the  pro-  Longfellow,  Jun.,  as  secretary.    1  M. 

priety  and  advantages  of  liecoming  a  H.  Coll.  iv.  27,  28. 

distinct  member  of  the  Union."    The  '  For  this  report,  see  1  M.  H.  ColL 

notification  for  a  meeting  was  published  iv.  36-38. 
in  the  Gazettes  for  Sept.  17  and  Oct. 


PROJECT    OF   A    SEPARATE    GOVERNMENT.  193 

the  first  Wednesday  in  September.     This  convention,  which  chap. 
consisted  of  thirty-one  persons,  from   the  counties  of  York,  .^J!^ 
Cumberland,   and   Lincoln,   renewed   the   complaints   of  the    1786. 
former  assembly,  and  appointed  a  committee  to  petition  the   ^^  ' 
General  Court  for  a  separation,  after  which  it  was  adjourned  Sept.  8. 
to  the  following  January.^     In  the  mean  time,  the  opposition 
began    to    be   formidable,   and   remonstrances   were   sent   in 
against  the  petition.     But  this  did  not  discourage  the  friends 
of  the  measure  ;  and,  on  the  reassembling  of  the  convention,  ~r^'^%\ 
though  only  about  a  third  of  the  towns  were  represented,  it 
was  found  that,  of  the  whole  number  of  votes  cast,  amounting 
to  nine  hundred  and  seventy,  six  hundred  and  eighteen  were 
in  favor  of  a  separation,  and  three  hundred  and  fifty-two  were 
opposed  ;  or,  reckoning  by  towns,  of  the  thirty-two  out  of 
ninety-three  which  were  represented,  twenty-four  voted  in  the 
affirmative,  and  eight  in  the  negative.^     The  motion,  however, 
that  the  petition  for  a  separation  should  be  sent  to  the  legisla-    * 
ture,  was  unexpectedly  negatived  ;  and,  though  the  vote  was 
reconsidered  by  a  majority  of  two,  and  the  subject  was  kept 
alive  by  adjournment  for  more  than  a  year,  in  the  end  it  was 
dropped,  or  "  rocked  into  a  slumber,"  from  which  it  was  not 
aroused  for  several  years.^ 

In  the  midst  of  these  difficulties,  the  General  Court,  "  always 
disposed  to  administer  justice  towards  the  eastern  people  in  a 
spirit  of  conciliatory  generosity  and  affection,"  devised  meas- 
ures to  "  cool  and  abate  the  high  separation  fever."  To  this 
end,  wild  lands  were  exempted  from  taxation  for  the  period 


^  There  were  two  conTentions  as-  the  affirmative.     He  also   says  that 

sembled  at  this  time,  but  a  "  coales-  this  meeting  was  held  on  the   3d  of 

cence  "  was  effected,  and  they  acted  January,  whereas,  ti'om  the  statement 

in  conjunction.     1  M.  H.  Coll.  iv.  30.  in  1  M.  H.  Coll.  iv.  32,  it  appears  that 

The   petition  to   the    General  Court,  the  former  convention  was  adjourned 

with   the    accompanying   adckess,  is  to   the   last  Wednesday  in  January, 

in  ibid.  38-40.  which  was  the  31st  of  the  month. 

=  1  M.  H.  Coll.  iv.  32.      William-  _  '  1  M.  H.  Coll.  iv.  25 ;  Bradford, 

son,  Hist.  Me.  ii.  531,  says  there  were  ii.  249;  Williamson's  Maine,  ii.  521- 

994  votes  cast,  of  which  645  were  in  532. 

VOL.    III.  13 


194  RE-ELECTION   OF  GOVERNOR   BOWDOIN. 

CHAP,  of  ten  years  frorn  the  date  of  the  execution  of  the  state's  deed 
^^^^^  to  grantees  ;  the  fee  bill  was  revised  ;  the  law  for  the  relief 
1787.  of  poor  debtors  was  amended  ;  roads  were  laid  out  at  the 
public  expense ;  a  term  of  the  Supreme  Court,  and  an  addi- 
tional term  of  the  Common  Pleas  and  Sessions,  were  estab- 
lished at  Pownalborough  ;  the  laws  of  the  state  were  ordered 
to  be  published  in  the  Falmouth  Gazette ;  permanent  inhabit- 
ants, settled  upon  the  public  lands  prior  to  1784,  were  quieted 
by  a  deed  of  one  hundred  acres,  on  the  payment  of  five  dol- 
lars ;  a  college  was  established  and  patronized  in  the  District ; 
and  every  thing  was  done  that  could  be  to  evince  a  willing- 
ness to  treat  the  people  with  suitable  liberality. ^ 
1786,  Upon  his  reelection  to  the  chief  magistracy,  in  1786,  by  the 
vote  of  three  fourths  of  the  people  of  the  state.  Governor 
June  2.  Bowdoin,  in  his  annual  message,  took  occasion  to  refer  to  the 
interests  of  education,  and  urged  upon  the  legislature  special 
attention  to  the  wants  of  the  time-honored  college  at  Cam- 
bridge. Alluding  to  the  article  in  the  constitution  which 
required  the  General  Court  to  provide  for  its  support  and 
prosperity,  and  to  the  difficulties  under  which  it  had  labored, 
he  proposed  that  the  grants  of  land  which  had  been  made  for 
its  benefit  should  be  fully  secured,  and,  in  addition,  that  a 
portion  in  the  new  township  should  be  reserved  for  its  use. 
He  reminded  them  that  this  institution  had  been  dear  to  their 
fathers,  and  had  been  held  in  esteem  by  the  English  gov- 
ernment, and  expressed  his  confidence  that  a  republican  legis- 
lature could  not  neglect  the  interests  of  science.  Nor  was 
this  appeal  without  effect ;  and  the  action  of  the  General 
Court  furnishes  satisfactory  proof  that  a  liberal  spirit  still 
guided  its  counsels,  and  that  piety  and  learning  were  still 
esteemed  by  the  people  of  New  England.^ 


'  Address  to  Inhabitants  of  Maine,         ^  Worcester  Mag.  No.  1 1,  for  June, 
Portland,  1791 ;  WiUiamson's  Maine,     1786;  Bradford,  ii.  254,  255. 
ii.  532,  533. 


PEOGRESS   OF   MANUFACTURES.  195 

Domestic  manufactures,  amidst  the  bustle  of  war,  had  fallen  chap. 
into  decay  ;  and  the  people,  unable  to  attend  to  their  improve-  ^^J^^ 
ment,  .liad  become  accustomed  to  depend  for  their  supplies  1786. 
upon  imports  from  Europe.  A  heavy  debt  was  thus  incurred, 
of  the  burden  of  which  all  classes  complained.  Hence,  to 
remedy  this  evil,  and  at  the  same  time  to  give  a  new  stimulus 
to  industry  in  the  state,  an  agreement  was  entered  into  by  a 
number  of  the  wealthiest  and  most  respectable  citizens,  to  dis- 
courage the  use  and  importation  of  foreign  goods  by  wearing 
homespun  clothes.  The  governor  himself  subscribed  to  this 
agreement,  with  Lieutenant  Governor  Gushing,  and  a  number 
of  members  of  the  Council  and  Senate  ;  and,  influenced  by 
their  example,  in  the  most  fashionable  circles  it  was  the  pride 
of  those  who  wished  to  be  thought  patriotic  to  appear  in  gar- 
ments of  American  fabrics  ;  and  the  spinning  wheel  and  loom 
were  busily  plied  in  all  parts  of  the  state.^ 

It  was,  however,  at  a  later  date,  and  after  Governor  Han- 
cock had  resumed  the  chair,  that  the  legislature  of  Massachu- 
setts acted  officially,  and,  by  special  enactments,  gave  public 
encouragement  to  such  branches  of  industry  as  promised  to  be 


^  Bradford,  ii.  270.  Comp.  Wil-  the  state  of  manufactures  in  Massa- 
liamson's  Maine,  ii.  533.  President  chusetts,  see  the  Messages  of  Gov. 
Washington,  it  is  said,  on  delivering  Eowdoin,  and  comp.  VVinthrop's  Ad- 
his  speecli  to  Congress,  in  January,  dress  on  the  Life  and  Services  of 
1790,  was  dressed  in  a  suit  of  broad-  James  Bowdoin,  in  Addresses  and 
cloth  from  the  woallen  factory  of  Speeches,  119-122,  and  the  Mem.  of 
Colonel  Jeremiah  Wadsworth,  recent-  Slater.  On  the  20th  of  August,  17 88, 
ly  estabhshed  in  Hartford,  Connecti-  the  tradesmen  and  manutacturers  of 
cut.  Pitkin's  Statistics  of  the  U.  S.  Boston  issued  a  circular  letter  to 
469.  For  an  account  of  the  "  spin-  "  their  brethren  in  the  several  sea- 
ning  match"  in  Xewliury,  x\pril  4,  jiorts  in  the  Union,"  which  was  pub- 
1787,  see  Cofhn's  Newbury,  261,  and  lished  in  Carey's  American  Museum, 
the  Essex  Journal  for  April  4,  1787.  iv.  347.  The  same  work  also  con- 
The  Kov.  Mr.  Murray,  at  whose  house  tains  several  valuable  articles  on  Amer- 
the  "  match  "  took  ]ilace,  dehvered  a  ican  manufactures,  esjjecially  of  cot- 
discourse  u]X)u  the  occasion,  selecting  ton,  and  on  the  introduction  of  the 
as  his  text  the  words  recorded  in  Ex-  culture  of  cotton  into  the  United 
odus  XXXV.  25  :  "  And  all  the  women  States,  which  had  not  then  been  com- 
that  were  wise-hearted  did  spin  with  menced,  but  which  has  since  revolu- 
their  hands."  Doubtless  similar  scenes  tionized  the  history  of  the  Southern 
■were  witnessed  in  many  parts  of  the  States,  and  proved  one  of  the  strong- 
state.   For  valuable  information  upon  est  bulwarks  of  slavery. 


196 


PEOGRESS    OF   MANUFACTURES. 


CHAP,  useful,  and  for  the  prosecution  of  which  the  requisite  materials 
^*     could  be  procured.     Hence  a  duck  manufactory  was  estab- 

1789.  lished  in  "  Frog  Lane,"  in  Boston,  and  a  cotton  manufactpry  in 

1790.  Beverly,  both  of  which  received  pecuniary  aid  from  the  General 
Court  —  the  former  in  the  way  of  a  bounty  upon  the  duck 
manufactured,  and  the  latter  by  a  grant  of  eastern  lands.^ 
The  manufacture  of  pot  and  pearl  ashes  was  likewise  increased 
in  the  interior  of  the  state,  and  the  two  hundred  and  forty 
establishments  which  sprang  up  supplied  those  who  traded  to 
England  with  a  valuable  article  for  exportation.^  Nails  were 
also  manufactured  in  large  quantities  ;  and  it  is  said  that,  in 
many  dwellings,  small  forges  were  erected,  at  which  even 
boys  worked  with  their  fathers,  in  the  long  winter  evenings  — 
thus  contributing  an  appreciable  quota  to  the  income  of  the 
family.^ 


'  Mass.  Laws  for  1789,  chap.  xlii. ; 
1  M.  H.  Coll.  iii.  279 ;  Bradford,  ii. 
329.  Comp.  Abbe  Robin's  New 
Travels,  16.  So  early  as  1780,  an  as- 
sociation was  formed  in  Worcester 
for  the  piu'pose  of  sjjinning  and 
weaving  cotton;  a  subscription  was 
raised  for  defi~aying  the  expense  of 
a  jenny ;  on  the  30th  of  April,  it 
was  announced  in  the  Spy  that  "  on 
Tuesday  last  the  first  piece  of  cor- 
diu*oy  made  in  the  manufactory  in 
this  town  was  taken  from  the  loom  ;  " 
and,  in  1790,  fustians,  jeans,  cordu- 
roys, and  "  federal  rib  and  cotton " 
were  advertised  for  sale  by  Samuel 
Brazier.  The  site  of  the  lii'st  mill  was 
on  the  stream  below  the  Court  Mills. 
Lmcoln's  Hist.  Worcester,  321.  For 
an  account  of  the  exertions  of  Mr. 
Orr,  of  Bridgewater,  in  introducing 
the  cotton  manufacture  into  the  Old 
Colony,  see  Mitchell's  Bridgewater, 
59,  and  1  M.  H.  Coll.  ix.  266.  The 
fii'st  cotton  factoiy  in  America  is  said 
to  have  been  estiblished  at  North 
ProAidence,  R.  I.,  under  the  auspices 
of  Almy  and  Brown,  b}-  Samuel  Sla- 
ter, the  father  of  this  branch  of  busi- 
ness in  the  United  States ;  and  his 


old  mill  is  yet  standing.  Mem.  of 
Slater ;  Pitldn's  Statistics  of  the  U.  S. 
468.  On  the  factory  in  Beverly  es- 
tablished in  1789  or  1790,  see  Stone's 
Beverly,  Felt's  Salem,  ii.  162,  and 
Pitldn's  Statistics  of  the  U.  S.  468. 
On  the  manufacture  of  lace,  of  thread, 
and  silk,  in  1790,  see  Felt's  Ipswich, 
101.  On  the  manufacture  of  wool  cards 
in  Boston,  see  1  M.  H.  Coll.  iii.  279, 
and  Mass.  Mag.  for  May,  1791. 

^  Mass.  Laws  for  June,  1791,  chap, 
ix. ;  Bradford,  ii.  329 ;  Lincoln's  Hist. 
Worcester,  321.  For  valuable  hints 
on  the  manufactm-es  of  Massachusetts, 
see  1  M.  H.  CoU.  iii.  276-286.  On 
the  general  commerce  of  Massachu- 
setts before  the  year  1800,  see  Pit- 
kin's Statistics,  passim  ;  Abbe  Robin's 
New  Travels,  15-17. 

^  Mass.  Laws  for  1790,  1791,  and 
1794;  Bradford,  ii.  329.  The  statis- 
tics of  the  iron  manufacture  in  Massa- 
chusetts previous  to  1790  are  quite 
imperfect.  It  is  known,  however,  that 
a  number  of  furnaces  and  forges  hau 
been  established  both  in  the  Old  Col- 
ony and  in  the  Massachusetts  Bay  — 
the  principal  esfciblishments  being  at 
Norton,  Easton,  Dighton,  Wejinouth, 


BETTLEMENT   OF   THE   MASSACHUSETTS   AND    NEW   YORK    CLAIM.         197 

The  settleDient  of  the  claim  between  Massachusetts  and  chap: 
New  York  was  amicably  effected  during  the  administration  ^„J.^ 
of  Governor  Bowdoin.     Tliis  claim  was  to  a  part  of  tlie  ter-    1784. 
ritory  to  the  west  of  the  Hudson  River  ;  but  it  was  resisted 
by  New  York ;  and  the  subject  was  referred  to  tlie  General 
Congress  by  the  authorized  agents  of  both  the  states,  and 
commissioners   were   appointed    to    settle    the    controversy. 
These  commissioners  held  several  meetings,  but  without  arriv- 
ing at  a  satisfactory  conclusion  ;  and  tlie  agents  of  tlic  two 
states  met  at  Hartford,  where  it  was  agreed  that  Massachusetts    ^786. 
should  have  the  preemptive  riglit  to  two  large  tracts  of  land, 
containing   about   five   millions   of  acres,  within  the  bounds 
claimed,  a  portion  of  which  was  situated  near  the  centre  of 
the  state,  and  the  rest  to  the  westward,  bordering  on  Lake 
Erie.     The  jurisdiction  over  these  lands,  however,  was  contin- 
ued in  New  York  ;  and  Massacliusetts,  on  her  part,  relinquished 
forever  the  residue  of  her  claim,  excepting  the  most  western 
part,  which  had  been  previously  granted  and  ceded  to   Con- 
gress, and  which  formed  a  part  of  the  northern  and  western 
territory  bordering  upon  the  British  possessions.     The  boun- 
dary line  of  the  two  states,  which  was  likewise  in  dispute,  was    1787. 
adjusted  by  skilful  mathematicians  and  the  geographer  of  the 
United  States,  who  were  employed  with  the  consent  of  the 
General  Congress.^ 

Hanover,  Briclgewater,  Lynn,  &c.  The  opening  of  the  revohitioji ;  and,  dn.r- 
"  Federal  Fm-nace,"  m  Carver,  was  ing  the  war,  the  same  gentleman  was 
established  in  1794.  Hugh  Orr,  Esq.,  employed  in  casting  cannon  and  lialla. 
a  native  of  Scotland,  m'Sls  one  of  the  Hobart's  Abington,  90.  John  Noyes 
earliest  edge  tool  manufacturers  in  is  alluded  to  in  tiie  messages  of  Gov- 
Massachusetts.  He  also  manufactiu-ed  ernor  Bowdoin  as  a  person  interested 
foearms  and  cannon  for  the  United  in  the  iron  manutacture,  wlio,  in  con- 
States  during  the  revolution.  The  junction  with  Paul  Revere,  his  part- 
ehovel  fSctory  at  Easton  was  estab-  ncr,  offered  to  erect  works  in  tliis 
lished  quite  early,  and,  under  the  con-  state,  if  they  could  obtain  sutiicient 
duct  of  the  Messrs.  Ames,  is  at  pres-  encouragement  from  the  legislature. 
ent  one  of  the  most  extensive  manu-  The  manufacture  of  axes,  hoes,  and 
factories  in  the  United  States.  1  M.  other  industrial  implements,  bad  also 
H.  Coll.  ix.  264 ;  Mitchell's  Bridge-  been  introduced.  1  M.  H.  Coll.  iii. 
water,  58.  Meeting-house  bells  are  282.  On  the  manuiiicture  of  glass, 
said  to  have  been  cast  in  Abington,  see  Mass.  Laws  for  1793,  chaj).  iii. 
by  Colonel  Aaron  Hobart,  before  the         '  Case  of  the  Prov.  of  Mass.  Bay 


198  MANNERS  AND    CUSTOMS. 

Of  the  manners  and  customs  of  the  people  it  is  proper  that 
something  should  be  said  in  this  place,  in  order  to  show  the 
1781.  state  of  society  at  the  close  of  the  revolution,  and  the  prog- 
ress which  had  been  made  within  a  few  years.  It  is  to  be 
regretted  that  our  statistics  are  so  imperfect,  since  the  labor 
of  collecting  information  is  thus  greatly  increased.  To  be 
obliged  to  rely  upon  detached  hints  and  occasional  allusions 
is  exceedingly  annoying  ;  yet,  as  the  field  has  never  been 
fully  explored,  there  is  no  alternative  but  to  follow  such  guides, 
however  inadequate,  until  better  can  be  found.  Boston  is 
described  by  a  French  traveller,  in  1T81,  as  presenting  "a 
magnificent  prospect  of  houses,  built  on  a  curved  line,  and 
extending  afterwards  into  a  semicircle  above  half  a  league." 
"  These  edifices,"  he  adds,  "  which  were  lofty  and  regular,  with 
spires  and  cupolas  intermixed  at  proper  distances,  did  not 
seem  to  us  a  modern  settlement  so  much  as  an  ancient  city, 
enjoying  all  the  embellishments  and  population  that  never  fail 
to  attend  on  commerce  and  the  arts." 

"  The  inside  of  the  town,"  he  continues,  "  does  not  at  all 
lessen  the  idea  that  is  formed  by  an  exterior  prospect.  A 
superb  wharf  has  been  carried  out  above  two  thousand  feet 


and  N.  Y.  fol.  1764;  Bradford,  ii.  283  men  of  business  —  testified  their  af- 
-285,  iii.  32,  33.  A  portion  of  these  fection  and  respect  by  joining  in  the 
New  York  bnds  was  sold  in  178",  solemn  pi'ocession ;  and  crowds  of 
and  brought  into  the  treasm-y  of  the  spectators  lined  the  streets  through 
state  the  respectable  sum  of  a  million  which  it  passed,  whilst  an  uncommon 
of  dollars ;  and  the  balance  was  sold  silence  and  order  every  where  marked 
in  1791  for  8100,000.  The  death  of  the  deepness  of  their 'sorrow."  Win- 
Governor  Bowdoin,  which  took  place  throp's  Addresses  and  Sj^eeciies.  1 30. 
on  the  6th  of  November,  1790,  less  "It  may  be  said,"  observes  Judge 
than  seven  months  after  the  death  of  Lowell,  in  his  Eulogy  on  Bowdoin, 
the  illustrious  Franklin,  between  whom  "  that  our  country-  has  produced  many 
and  Bowdoin  a  long  and  genial  friend-  men  of  as  much  genius,  many  men  of 
shi])  had  existed,  should  not  pass  un-  as  much  learning  and  knowledge, 
noticed  here.  "  Great  and  respecta-  many  of  as  much  zeal  for  the  liber- 
ble,"  we  are  told,  "  was  the  concoiu-se  ties  of  theii*  country,  and  many  of  as 
wliich  attended  his  funeral  ;  every  great  jiiety  and  \irtue ;  but  is  it  not 
species  of  occupation  was  susj)ended ;  rare  indeed  to  find  those  in  whom  they 
all  ranks  and  orders  of  men  —  the  have  all  been  combined,  and  been 
clergy  and  the  lait}-,  the  magistrate  adorned  with  liis  other  accompHsh- 
and  the  citizen,  men  of  leisme  and  meuts  ?  " 


MANNERS   AND    CUSTOMS. 


199 


into  the  sea,  and  is  broad  enough  for  stores  and  workshops  chap. 
through  the  whole  of  its  extent.^  It  communicates  at  right  ^' 
angles  with  the  principal  street  of  the  town,  which  is  both  1781. 
large  and  spacious,  and  bends  in  a  curve  parallel  to  the  har- 
bor.2  This  street  is  ornamented  with  elegant  buildings,  for 
the  most  part  two  or  three  stories  high  ;  and  many  other 
streets  terminate  in  this,  communicating  with  it  on  each  side. 
The  form  and  construction  of  the  houses  would  surprise  an 
European  e^'C.  They  are  built  of  brick  and  wood  —  not  in 
the  clumsy  and  melancholy  taste  of  our  ancient  European 
towns,  but  regularly,  and  well  provided  with  windows  and 
doors.  The  woodwork,  or  frame,  is  liglit,  covered  on  the 
outside  with  thin  boards,  well  planed,  and  lapped  over  each 
other,  as  we  do  tiles  on  our  roofs  in  France.*'  These  build- 
ings are  generally  painted  with  a  pale  white  color,  which 
renders  the  prospect  much  more  pleasing  than  it  would  other- 
wise be.     The  roofs  are  set  off  with  balconies,  doubtless  for 


'  Long  Wharf  is  here  referred  to, 
which  was  1743  feet  in  length,  and 
144  feet  in  breadth.  In  1794,  it  is 
said,  there  were  eighty  wharves  and 
quays,  chiefly  on  the  east  side  of  the 
town.  For  an  account  of  these,  see 
Description  of  IJoston,  in  1  M.  H. 
Coll.  iii.  248,  249. 

^  Washington  Street  is  doubtless 
meant,  a  ])ortion  of  which  was  then 
called  Marlborough  Street.  The  enu- 
meration in  1794  gave  97  streets,  36 
lanes,  26  alleys,  18  courts,  a  few 
squares,  and  some  short  passages 
from  wharves,  and  from  one  street  to 
another.  These  streets  were  paved 
Avith  beach  stones,  and  were  "mostly 
irregular."  See  1  M.  H.  Coll.  iii.  248. 
Glass  lamps  were  then  placed  in  the 
principal  streets,  wb.ich  were  lighted 
at  dark.  The  lam])  lighters  were  ap- 
pointed by  the  selectmen ;  and  the 
lamps,  oil,  and  attendance  were  paid 
for  liy  the  town. 

^  Called  "  clajiboards,"  or  "  weath- 
er boards,"  at  the  present  day.  Many 


of  the  early-framed  houses  at  the  west 
had  no  other  external  covering  tlian 
these  "  weather  boards,"  sawed,  or 
roughly  split  from  the  log,  and  nailed 
upon  the  studding.  New  England 
houses,  however,  were  more  substan- 
tially built,  and  had  not  only  an  out- 
ward covering  of  lioards  and  clip- 
boards, but  the  walls  were  often  lined 
with  brick  between  the  studding, 
which  made  the  building  warmer  in 
the  winter  and  cooler  in  the  summer. 
The  small,  lozenge-sha])ed  panes  of 
glass,  once  f  ishionable  in  the  windows 
of  country  dwellings,  are  not  alluded 
to  by  this  author.  Here  and  there 
one  of  these  old-foshioned  buildings 
may  be  found  standing,  off  from  the 
main  road,  in  some  by  and  neglected 
path,  in  a  dila])idated  condition,  and 
with  nearly  all  the  glass  broken,  l)ut 
with  a  few  panes  left  in  the  gable  win- 
dow, set  in  a  leaden  sash,  which  the 
stones  thrown  by  mischie\ous  l)oys 
have  not  succeeded  in  demolishing. 
Comp.  Felt's  Hist.  Salem,  i.  408-416 


200 


MANNERS    AND    CUSTOMS. 


CHAP,  tlie  more  ready  extinguishing  of  fire.     The  whole  is  supported 
^-     by  a  wall  about  a  foot  high.     It  is  easy  to  see  how  great  an 
1781.    advantage  these  houses  have  over  ours  in  point  of  neatness 
and  salubrity.^ 

"  Their  household  furniture  is  simple,  but  made  of  choice 
wood,  after  the  English  fashion,  which  renders  its  appearance 
less  gay.  Their  floors  are  covered  with  handsome  carpets  or 
painted  cloths  ;  but  others  sprinkle  them  with  fine  sand.  The 
city  is  supposed  to  contain  about  six  thousand  houses,  and 
thirty  thousand  inhabitants.^  There  are  nineteen  churches  for 
the  several  sects  here,^  all  of  them  convenient,  and  several 
finished  with  taste  and  elegance  —  especially  those  of  the 
Presbyterians  and  the  Church  of  England.  Their  form  is 
generally  a  long  square,  ornamented  with  a  pulpit,  and  fur- 
nished with  pews  of  a  similar  fabrication  throughout.  The 
poor  as  well  as  the  rich  hear  the  word  of  God  in  these  places, 
in  a  convenient  and  decent  posture  of  body. 


■  "AH  the  parts  of  these  build- 
ings," he  adds,  "  are  so  well  joined, 
and  their  weight  is  so  equally  divided, 
and  pro])ortionate  to  their  bulk,  that 
thev  mav  be  removed  from  place  to 
place  with  little  difficulty.  I  have 
seen  one  of  two  stories  high  removed 
a  quarter  of  a  mile,  if  not  more, 
from  its  original  situation;  and  the 
whole  French  army  have  seen  the 
same  thing  done  at  Newport.  What 
they  tell  us  of  the  travelling  habita- 
tions of  the  Scythians  is  far  less  won- 
derful." Many  houses  in  the  country 
were  jjainted  red,  and  many  were  un- 
painted,  save  by  the  storms,  which 
had  stained  the  walls  of  a  dark,  gray- 
ish hue. 

^  On  the  map  of  Boston  published 
in  1769,  the  number  of  houses  in  the 
town  is  set  down  at  about  4000.  and 
the  pojnilation  at  20,000.  Comp. 
Drake's  Boston,  772.  For  an  enu- 
meration of  the  buildings  in  Boston 
in  1789,  see  2  M.  H.  Coll.  ix.  204- 
222.     The  number  was  2639,  in  all. 


both  public  and  private.  The  census 
of  1791  gave  2376  dwelling  houses, 
and  18,038  inhabitants.  Comp.  1  M. 
H.  Coll.  iii.  249-254,  for  a  fuller  de- 
scri])tion  of  the  public  and  private 
buildings  in  Boston. 

'  For  statistics  of  the  churches  of 
Boston,  see  1  M.  H.  Coll.  iii.  256  et 
seq. ;  Snow's  Hist.  Boston,  337  et 
seq.  ;  Drake's  Boston.  The  nineteen 
alluded  to  in  the  text  were,  ]3robably, 
the  First,  which  then  stood  on  Wash- 
ington Street;  that  in  Brattle  Street; 
the  Old  South  ;  the  First  and  Second 
Baptist ;  the  church  in  Federal  Street; 
the  New  Brick  Church,  with  which 
the  Old  North  had  been  recently  unit- 
ed ;  Christ  Church  ;  King's  Cha])el ; 
Trinity  Church;  the  Roman  Catho- 
lic ;  the  New  North,  and  New  South ; 
the  Methodist  Church  ;  the  First  Uni- 
versalist ;  that  in  HoUis  Street ;  the 
Sandemanian ;  the  Quaker  or  Friends' 
meeting  houf^e  ;  and  the  West  Church. 
Tlie  Old  North  was  destroyed  by  the 
British  in  1775. 


MANNERS   AND    CUSTOMS.  201 

"  Sunday  is  observed  with  the  utmost  strictness.     All  busi-  chap. 
ness,  how  important  soever,  is  then  totally  at  a  stand,  and  the     ^" 
most  innocent  recreations  and  pleasures  are  prohibited.     Bos-    1731. 
ton,  that  populous  town,  where  at  other  times  there  is  such  a 
hurry  of  business,  is  on  this  day  a  mere  desert.     You  may 
walk  the  streets  without  meeting  a  single  person  ;  or  if,  by 
chance,  you  meet  one,  you  scarcely  dare  to  stop  and  talk  with 
him.^     Upon  this   day  of  melancholy,  you  cannot  go  into  a 
house  but  you  find  the  whole  family  employed  in  reading  the 
Bible  ;  and,  indeed,  it  is  an  affecting  sight  to  see  the  father  of 
a  family,  surrounded  by  his  household,  explaining  to  them  the 
sublime  truths  of  this  sacred  volume. 

"  Nobody  fails  here  of  going  to  the  place  of  worship  appro- 
priated to  his  sect.  In  these  places  there  reigns  a  profound 
silence  ;  an  order  and  respect  are  also  observable  which 
have  not  been  seen  for  a  long  time  in  our  Catholic  churches. 
Their  psalmody  is  grave  and  majestic  ;  and  the  harmony 
of  the  poetry,  in  their  national  tongile,  adds  a  grace  to  the 
music,  and  contributes  greatly  towards  keeping  up  the  atten- 
tion of  the  worshippers.^ 


*  "  A  Frenchman  that  lodged  with  ing  schools  were  also  established  ;  and 

me  took  it  into  his  head  to  play  on  the  chiu-ches  in  Boston,  Roxbury,  J)or- 

the  flute  on  Sundays  for  his  amuse-  Chester,  Cambridge,  Taunton,  Bridge- 

ment.     The  people,  upon  hearing  it,  water,    Churlestown,    Ij)swich,   New- 

were    greatly   enraged,   collected   in  bury,  and  Bradford  were  among  the 

crowds  round  the  doors,  and  would  first  to  reform  and  improve  their  mu- 

have  carried  matters  to  extremity  in  sic.     The  first  American  organ,  it  is 

a  short  time  with  the  musician,  had  said,  was  built  by  Edward  Bromheld, 

not  the   landlord  given  him  warning  .liui.,  of  Boston,  in  174>j.     Dr.  Fr.mk- 

of  his  danger,  and  forced  him  to  de-  lin,  in  1741,  jiublished  an  edition  of 

sist."  Dr.  Watts's  Hymns  in  I'hiladelj)]iia  ; 

'  On  the  history  of  church  music  and,  the  same  year,  an  edition  of  the 

in  New   England,  see  the    excellent  Psalms  was  pubhshed  in  Boston,  for 

manual  of  George  Hood,  entitled  A  J.  Edwards.     Tate   and  Brady's  vei'- 

History  of  Music  in   New  England,  sion  was  introduced  about  the  same 

&c.,  Boston,  1846,  and  comp.  Felt's  date;  and  from  this  book  the  jjsalms 

Hist.  Salem,  i.  497-505.     The  "  re-  used    in    the    Protestant    Episcopal 

fomi "  in  singing  was  commenced  in  Church   in    the    United    States  were 

1720,  and  was  advocated  by  the  cler-  taken.     Barnard's  Psalms  were  jnib- 

gy  with   great    spirit — calling  forth  lished  in  17.32.  and  a  revised  edition 

essays  and  discourses  from  Symmes,  of  the  Bay  Psalm  Book,  by  Thomas 

Walter,  Chauncy,  and  others.     Sing-  Prince,  in  1758.     "  Urania,  a  Collec- 


202"  MANNERS  AND   CUSTOMS. 

CHAP.  "  All  these  churches  are  destitute  of  ornaments.  No  ad- 
___3l^  dresses  are  made  to  the  heart  and  the  imagination.  There  is 
1781.  no  visible  object  to  suggest  to  the  mind  for  what  purpose  a 
man  comes  into  these  places,  who  he  is,  and  what  he  will 
shortly  be.  Neither  painting  nor  sculpture  represent  those 
great  events  which  ought  to  recall  him  to  his  duty,  and  awaken 
his  gratitude  ;  nor  are  those  heroes  in  piety  brought  into  view 
whom  it  is  his  duty  to  admire  and  endeavor  to  imitate.^  The 
pomp  of  ceremony  is  here  wanting  to  shadow  out  the  great- 
ness of  the  Being  he  goes  to  worship.  There  are  no  proces- 
sions to  testify  the  homage  we  owe  to  him,  that  great  Spirit 
of  the  universe,  by  whose  will  nature  itself  exists,  and  through 
whom  the  fields  are  covered  with  harvests,  and  the  trees  are 
loaded  with  fruits. 

"  Piety,  however,  is  not  the  only  motive  that  brings  the 
American  ladies  in  crowds  to  the  various  places  of  worship. 
Deprived  of  all  shows  and  public  diversions  whatever,  the 
church  is  the  grand  theatre  where  they  attend  to  display  their 
extravagance  and  finery.  There  they  come,  dressed  ofi'  in  the 
finest  silks,  and  overshadowed  with  a  profusion  of  the  finest 
plumes.  The  hair  of  the  head  is  raised  and  supported  on 
cushions  to  an  extravagant  height,  somewhat  resembling  the 
manner  in  which  the  French  ladies  wore  their  hair  some  years 
ago.2     Instead  of  powdering,  they  often  wash  the  head,  which 


tion  of  Psalm  Tunes,  &c.,"  was  pub-  from  the  Catholic  standpoint.  How 
Hshed  in,  1761,  in  Philadelphia,  and  far  Protestants  have  erred  in  the  re- 
Flags's  Collection  of  Church  Music  spects  named  in  the  text,  chfferent 
in  Boston,  in  1764.  The  celebrated  opinions  would  ])robably  be  enter- 
Billings  published  his  American  Chor-  tained.  Simplicity  in  worship  is 
ister  in  1770.  The  author's  grand-  doubtless  preferal)le  to  pomp  and  pa- 
father  was  Billings's  teacher.  From  rade,  and  is  more  in  accordance  with 
this  date  to  the  year  1800,  a  large  the  genius  of  Christianit}',  as  well  as 
number  of  books  were  published,  and  more  serviceable  to  the  cause  of  true 
great  improvements  were  made  in  and  unfeigned  ])iety. 
singing  and  in  the  character  of  chiu-ch  -  An  idea  of  this  style  of  head 
music.  dress  ma}-  be  gathered  from  the  splen- 
'  The  writer,  it  will  be  observed,  did  engraving  representing  Franklin 
speaks  here  as  a  CathoUc,  and  looks  at  the  court  of  France,  surrounded  by 
at  the    churches   of  New  England  a  bevy  of  beautiful  ladies,  and  crowned 


MANNERS  AND    CUSTOMS.  203 

answers  the  purpose  well  enough,  as  their  hair  is  commonly  chap. 
of  an  agreeable  light  color  ;  but  the  more  fashionable  among  _J^^ 
them  begin  now  to  adopt  the  present  European  method  of  i7si. 
setting  off  the  head  to  the  best  advantage.  They  are  of  a 
large  size  and  well  proportioned  ;  their  features  generally 
regular,  and  their  complexion  fair,  without  ruddiness.  They 
have  less  cheerfulness  and  ease  of  behavior  tlian  the  ladies  of 
France,  but  more  of  greatness  and  dignity.  I  liave  even 
imagined  that  I  have  seen  something  in  them  that  answers  to 
the  ideas  of  beauty  we  gain  from  the  masterpieces  of  those 
artists  of  antiquity  which  are  yet  extant  in  our  days.  The 
stature  of  the  men  is  tall,  and  their  carriage  erect ;  but  the 
make  is  rather  slim,  and  the  color  inclining  to  pale.  They 
are  not  so  curious  in  their  dress  as  the  women  ;  Ijut  e^'ery 
thing  about  them  is  neat  and  proper.  At  twenty-five  years 
of  age,  tlie  women  begin  to  lose  the  freshness  and  bloom  of 
youth  ;  and  at  thirty-five  their  beauty  is  gone.^  The  decay  of 
the  men  is  equally  premature  ;  and  I  am  inclined  to  tiiink  that 
life  is  here  proportionably  short.  I  visited  all  the  burying 
grounds  in  Boston,  where  it  is  usual  to  inscribe  upon  the  stone 
over  each  grave  the  name  and  age  of  the  deceased,  and  found 


"with  a  laurel  ^\Teath  by  the  hands  of  hands,  and  stamping  their  feet,  during 
one  of  their  number.  It  is  said  to  the  intervals  of  the  ser\ice,  and  at 
have  been  the  custom,  before  the  open-  ])auses  or  breaks  in  the  good  jjastor's 
ing  of  the  revolutionary  war,  for  fe-  discourse.  Some  old  ladies  took  small 
males  to  sit  in  meeting  covered ;  but,  footstoves  with  them,  filled  with  coals 
on  the  2oth  of  May,  1775,  the  good  fj'om  a  neighboring  house, 
people  of  Abington  seem  to  have  '  The  style  of  dress  recently  in- 
been  struck  with  the  impropriety  of  troduced,  which  gives  such  a  peculiar 
this  custom,  and  voted  "  that  it  was  rotundity  to  the  fashionable  lady,  was 
an  indecent  waj'  that  the  female  sex  not  unkno^\^l  iji  those  dajs,  and  is, 
do  sit  in  their  hats  and  bonnets  to  indeed,  but  a  revival  of  the  famous 
worsliip  God  in  his  house,  and  of-  "  hooped  petticoats,"  which  were  such 
fensive  to  many  of  the  good  peojjle  an  abomination  in  the  eyes  of  the  Pu- 
of  tliis  town."  Hobart's  Abington,  ritans.  I  have  met  with  some  lines 
135.  In  the  winter  season,  meeting  in  an  old  paper,  published  in  1781, 
houses  were  not  warmed  by  wood  "  On  seeing  a  young  lady  with  very 
fires  in  huge  iron  stoves  ;  but  the  short  stays,  and  a  wide  hoop  ; "  but 
worship])ers  managed  to  keep  ft-om  it  would  hardly  be  proper  to  insert 
freezing  by  threshing  theii"  arms  and  them  here. 


204  MANNERS  AND    CUSTOMS. 

CHAP,  that  few  who  had  arrived  to  a  state  of  manhood  ever  advanced 
^___J^  beyond  their  fortieth  year,  fewer  still  to  seventy,  and  beyond 
1781.    that  scarcely  any."  ' 

Of  the  residents  in  the  country  our  author  speaks  on  this 
wise  :  "  Scattered  about  among  the  forests,  the  inhabitants 
have  little  intercourse  with  each  other  except  when  they  go 
to  churcli.  Their  dwelling  houses  are  spacious,  proper,  airy, 
and  built  of  wood,  and  are  at  least  one  story  in  height ;  and 
herein  they  keep  all  their  furniture  and  substance.  In  all  of 
them  that  I  have  seen  I  never  failed  to  discover  traces  of 
their  active  and  inventive  genius.  They  all  know  how  to 
read  ;  and  the  greater  part  of  them  take  the  gazette  printed 
in  their  village,  which  they  often  dignify  with  the  name  of 
town  or  city.  I  do  not  remember  ever  to  have  entered  a  sin- 
gle house  without  seeing  a  large  family  Bible,  out  of  which 
they  read,  on  evenings  and  Sundays,  to  their  household. 
They  are  of  a  cold,  slow,  and  indolent  disposition,  and  averse 
to  labor  ^ — the  soil,  with  a  moderate  tillage,  supplying  them 
with  considerably  more  than  they  consume.  They  go  and 
return  from  their  fields  on  horseback  ;  and  in  all  this  country 
you  will  scarcely  see  a  traveller  on  foot.     The  mildness  of 


'  Contrary  to  the  idea  which  gen-  the  bulk  of  the  people  more  die  from 

erally  prevails,  that  the  ])roportion  of  care  than  from  either  of  these  causes, 

those  who  live  to  old  age  in  the  nine-  The   many  sudden  deaths   of  active 

teenth   century  is  less   than   that  of  business  men  may  doubtless  be  ascrib- 

those  who   lived   in    the  eighteenth  ed  to  this  cause  —  over-eagerness  and 

century,  I  am  satisfied,  from  a  careful  over-anxiety. 

survey  of  the  statistical  tables  of  dif-         ^  This   remark   is   incoiTect,  as   a 

ferent  periods,  that  a  larger  jjropor-  more  active  and  industrious  race  can 

tion  now  live  beyond  the  bounds  of  scarcely  be  found  than  the  yeomanry 

"  threescore  years  and  ten "  than  at-  of  New  England.     It  is  only  to  be 

tained  to  that  age  a  century  ago.    Of  regretted   that   the   fault    of  former 

the  native  j)opulation,  less  die  in  in-  days    should   still    prevail   in    many 

fancy  now  than  then,  and  more  sur-  places — a  want  of  enterprise  and  of 

vive  the  ti-ying  crises  of  life.     Exces-  a  desire  for  improvement  in  the  mat- 

sive  devoti(«i  to  business  and  exces-  ter  of  farm  management.     The  agri- 

sive  mental  anxiety  are  the  two  great-  cultural  societies  of  the  stiite,  howev- 

est   foes   to    longevity ;   and   though  er,   are  rajndly  remedying  this  evil, 

there  are  doubtless   many  who   dig  and  infusing  a  spmt  of  emulation  into 

their   graves    with    their    teeth,    and  the  young, 
many  who  are  slain  by  theu"  lusts,  of 


MANNERS   AND    CUSTOMS.  205 

their  character  is  as  mucli  owing  to  climate  as  to  tlieir  cus-  chap. 
toms  and  manners  ;  for  you  find  the  same  softness  of  disposi-  ^^^J^^ 
tion  even  in  the  animals  of  the  country.  I78i. 

"  The  Americans  of  these  parts  arc  very  hospitable.  They 
have  commonly  but  one  bed  in  the  house  ;  and  the  chaste 
spouse,  although  she  were  alone,  would  divide  it  with  her  guest 
without  hesitation  or  fear.  What  history  relates  of  the  vir- 
tues of  the  young  Lacedemonian  women  is  far  less  extraordi- 
nary. There  is  here  such  a  confidence  in  the  public  virtue, 
that,  from  Boston  to  Providence,  I  have  often  met  young 
women  travelling  alone,  on  horseback  or  in  small  riding 
chairs,  through  the  woods,  even  when  the  day  was  far  upon 
the  decline.  1  In  these  fortunate  retreats,  the  father  of  a  fam- 
ily sees  his  happiness  and  importance  increasing  with  the 
number  of  his  children.  He  is  not  tormented  with  the  ambi- 
tious desire  of  placing  them  in  a  rank,  of  life  in  which  they 
might  blush  to  own  him  for  a  father.  Bred  up  under  his  eye, 
and  formed  by  his  example,  they  will  not  cover  his  old  age 
with  sliame,  nor  bring  those  cares  and  vexations  upon  him 
that  would  sink  his  gray  hairs  with  sorrow  to  tlie  tomb.  He 
no  more  fears  this  than  he  would  a  fancied  indigence  that 
might  one  day  come  upon  him,  wound  his  paternal  feelings, 
and  make  the  tender  partner  of  his  bed  repent  that  she  was 
ever  the  mother  of  his  children.  Like  him,  they  will  bound 
their  cares,  their  pleasures,  and  even  their  ambition,  to  the 
sweet  toils  of  a  rural  life  —  to  the  raising  and  multiplying 
their  herds,  and  the  cultivating  and  enlarging  their  fields  and 
orchards.  These  American  husbandmen,  more  simple  in  tlieir 
manners  than  our  peasants,  have  also  less  of  their  roughness 


^  This  trait  of  New  England  char-  dresses  them.  If  one  of  the  other 
acter  is  still  preserved,  to  a  great  ex-  sex  passes  by,  he  passes  in  silence,  or 
tent,  in  many  of  the  inland  settle-  with  the  greeting  of  "  Good  even- 
ments.  There,  women  seldom  fear  to  ing,"  uttered  in  a  pleasant  and  re- 
return  alone,  in  the  evening  and  at  a  sj)ectful  tone.  Long  may  this  con- 
late  hour,  from  a  ^'isit  to  a  neighbor,  tinue  to  be  the  case. 
No  one  molests  themj  no  one  ad- 


206  MANNERS   AND    CUSTOMS. 

CHAP,  and  rusticity.  More  enlightened,  they  possess  neither  their 
^_J^J^^  low  cunning  nor  dissimulation.  Farther  removed  from  luxu- 
1781.  rious  arts,  and  less  laborious,  they  are  not  so  much  attached 
to  ancient  usages,  but  are  far  more  dexterous  in  inventing  and 
perfecting  whatever  tends  to  the  conveniency  and  comfort  of 
life.  Pulse,  Indian  corn,  and  milk  are  their  most  common 
kinds  of  food.  They  also  use  much  tea  ;  and  this  sober  infu- 
sion constitutes  the  chief  pleasure  of  their  lives.  There  is  not 
a  single  person  to  be  found  who  does  not  drink  it  out  of  china 
cups  and  saucers  ;  and,  upon  your  entering  a  house,  the  great- 
est mark  of  civility  and  welcome  they  can  show  you  is  to 
invite  you  to  drink  it  with  them."  ^ 

"What  a  spectacle,"  he  continues,  "do  these  settlements 
even  now  already  exhibit  to  our  view,  considering  that  they 
are  of  but  little  more  than  a  century  standing,  and  have  been 
constantly  under  the  control  of  Englisli  policy,  —  always  sus- 
picious and  tyrannical,  —  which  seized  the  fruits  of  their 
industry,  and  rendered  itself  the  sole  possessor  of  their  com- 
merce !  Spacious  and  level  roads  already  traverse  the  vastly- 
extended  forests  of  this  country.  Large  and  costlv  buildings 
have  been  raised,  either  for  the  meeting  of  the  representatives 
of  the  states,  for  an  asylum  to  the  defenders  of  their  country 
in  distress,  or  for  the  convenience  of  instructing  young  citizens 


'  The  "  china  cups  and  saucers  "  re-  rials  of  the  past.     The  author  from 

ferred  to  in  the  text  \vere  quite  differ-  whom  I  quote  seems  to  be  of  opinion 

ent  in  ap])earance,  as  well  as  in  size,  that  the  use  of  tea  is  prejudicial  to 

from    the  articles    known    by    those  health,  and  says,  "  The  loss  of  theii" 

names  at  the  present  day.   Both  cups  teeth  is  also  attributed  to  the  too  fre- 

and  saucers  were  venj  smnll,  scarcely  quent  use  of  tea.     The  women,  who 

holding  half  as  much  as  our  modern  are   commonly   very   handsome,  are 

cups ;    the  "  sugar   bowl,"    "  teapot,"  often,  at  eighteen  or  twenty  years  of 

and  "  cream  jjitcher  "  were  all  on  the  age,  entirely  deprived  of   this  most 

same  diminutive  scale ;  and  even  the  precious    ornament  ;    though   I   am 

*'  china    tea    plates "    were    of  quite  of  o])inion  this  ]nTmature  decay  may 

moderate  size.    Very  few  relics  of  the  be  rather  the  effect  of  warm  l)read  ; 

"  tea  ser\'ices  "  of  our  grandmothers  for  the  English,  the  Flemish,  and  the 

have  been  ])reserved,  and  these    few  Dutch,  who  are  great  tea  drinkers, 

are  rajjidly  disapjjeaiing.     S])ecimens  preserve   their   teeth   somid   a   long 

should  be  collected  before  they  en-  time." 
tii-ely  vanish,  and  preserved  as  memo- 


MANNERS   AND    CUSTOMS.  207 

in  language,  arts,  and  science.  These  last,  which  are,  for  the  chap. 
most  part,  endowed  with  considerable  possessions  and  reve-  .^J^^ 
nues,  are  also  furnished  with  libraries,  and  are  under  the  1781. 
direction  of  able  masters,  invited  hither  from  different  parts 
of  Europe.  Sliip  yards  are  established  in  all  their  ports,  and 
they  already  rival  the  best  artists  of  the  old  world  in  point 
of  naval  architecture.^  Numerous  mines  have  been  opened  ;2 
and  they  have  now  several  founderics  for  casting  cannon, 
which  are  in  no  respect  inferior  to  our  own.  And  if  the 
height  of  the  architect's  skill  has  not  yet  covered  their  waters 
with  those  prodigious  bridges  which  are  wont  to  be  extended 
over  the  waves,  and  unite  the  opposite  shores  of  large  rivers, 
as  with  us,  still  industry  and  perseverance  have  supplied  the 
want  thereof.  Planks,  laid  upon  beams,  lashed  together  with 
stout  rings,  and  which  may  be  taken  apart  at  the  pleasure  of 
their  builders,  are,  by  their  buoyancy,  as  solid  and  useful  as 
our  firmest  works  designed  for  the  same  end.  In  other  places, 
where  a  river  is  too  deep  for  fixing  the  foundation  of  a  bridge 
on  its  bottom,  a  stout  mass  of  timber  work  is  thrown  over, 
in  a  curved  line,  supported   only  at  the  extremities  —  the 


'  The  French  early  predicted  the  more  perfectly  equi])ped,  furnished, 
maritime  greatness  of  the  United  or  armed."  J.  Adams's  Corresp.  in 
States  ;  and  Mons.  Thevenard  ob-  Works,  x.  25-27.  For  hints  on  ship 
served  to  John  Adams,  in  June,  1779,  building  in  Massachusetts  previous  to 
"  Your  country  is  about  to  become  the  o])ening  of  the  ])resent  century, 
the  first  naval  power  in  the  world."  see  Abbe  liobin's  New  Travels,  16 ; 
The  Count  de  Sade  likewise  remarked,  Brooks's  Hist.  Medford,  357-381 ; 
"  Your  Congress  will  soon  become  Deane's  Scituate,  27,  28 ;  Barry's 
one  of  the  great  maritime  powers.  Hanover,  156-16G ;  Winsor's  Dux- 
You  have  the  best  of  timber  for  the  bury,  349-351  ;  Felt's  Salem,  ii.,  &c. 
hulks  of  ships,  and  best  masts  and  On  the  trade  and  navigation  of  Bos- 
spars  ;  you  have  pitch,  tar,  and  tur-  ton  in  1794,  see  1  M.  H.  Coll.  iii.  286 
pentine ;  you  have  iron  plenty ;  and  I  -288. 

am  informed  you  grow  hemp;  you  ^  "  The  Province  of  the  Massachu- 
have  skilful  shi]j  builders.  Whixt  is  setts  Bay,"  says  the  Abbe,  Kobin, 
wanting  ?  "  See  also  the  compliment  "has  mines  of  u'on  and  coj)per.  The 
of  an  English  captain,  in  l77S,on  one  ii-on  is  of  a  superior  quality  to  any 
of  the  American  frigates  :  "  lie  had  other  in  the  w-orld,  and  will  bear  ham- 
never  seen  a  completer  ship ;  there  mering  to  a  surprising  degree."  New 
was  not  a  frigate  in  the  royal  navy  Travels,  17.  Comp.  also  1  M.  H. 
better  built,  of  better  materials,  or  Coll.  ix.  253  et  seq. 


208 


MANNERS    AND    CUSTOMS. 


CHAP,  internal  strength  of  the  structure  supporting  it  in  every  other 

.^Zl^  part.* 
1781.  "  Every  house  and  dwelling  contains  within  itself  almost 
all  the  original  and  most  necessary  arts.  The  hand  that 
traces  out  the  furrow  knows  also  how  to  give  the  shapeless 
block  of  wood  what  form  it  pleases  ;  how  to  prepare  the 
hides  of  cattle  for  use,  and  extract  spirit  from  the  juice  of 
fruits.  The  young  rural  maiden,  whose  charming  complexion 
has  not  been  turned  tawny  by  the  burning  rays  of  the  sun, 
or  withered  by  blasting  winds,  —  upon  whom  pale  misery 
has  never  stamped  its  hateful  impressions,  —  knows  how  to 
spin  wool,  cotton,  flax,  and  afterwards  weave  them  into 
cloth." 2 

Such  is  the  picture  of  Massachusetts  and  America  given  by 
a  foreigner  three  fourths  of  a  century  ago.^     The  sprightli- 


*  These  "  floating  bridges,"  as  they 
were  called,  were  once  quite  common 
in  Massachusetts,  but  are  now  rarely 
seen.  The  first  pier  of  the  Charles 
River  bridge,  from  Boston  to  Charles- 
town,  Avas  laid  June  14,  1785  ;  and 
June  17,  1786,  the  bridge  was  opened 
for  public  travel  with  great  parade. 
The  proprietors  of  the  West  Boston 
or  Cambridge  bridge  were  incor])o- 
rated  March  9,  1792  ;  and  the 
bridge  was  ojjened  in  November,  1793. 
1  M;  H.  Coll.  iii.  2id  ;  Boston  Ga- 
zette for  1786:  Snow's  Hist.  Boston, 
316-318;  Worcester  Mag.  for  1786. 

■■*  "  You  have  hitherto,"  he  justly 
observes  in  another  place,  "  seen  the 
Americans  acting  rather  fi-om  an  im- 
pulse of  cool  reason  than  sentiment  — 
better  pleased  with  reflecting  than 
thinlung,  and  taken  up  wth  uselul  rath- 
er than  agreeable  things.  And  for  this 
reason,  legislation,  politics,  natural  and 
mechanical  philosophy  may  make  con- 
siderable progress  among  them,  while 
the  fine  arts  remain  unkno\ATi,  and 
while  even  poetry,  which  in  all  other 
nations  has  preceded  the  sciences,  for- 
bears to  raise  her  lofty  and  animated 


trived 
where 
happy 


strains.  Their  towns,  their  villages, 
their  places  of  abode  may  afford  ease, 
health,  and  regularity,  but  will  pre- 
sent nothing  that  interests  and  re- 
fi-eshes  the  imagination.  Here  are 
no  trees  ])lanted  through  the  country 
in  straight  lines,  or  bent  into  bowers, 
to  refresh  the  traveller  with  their 
shade.  Here  are  no  gardens,  con- 
with  ingenious  arrangements, 
a  })leasant  symmetrj'  and  a 
mixtm'e  of  flowers  inebriate 
the  senses  and  enchant  the  soul.  Nei- 
ther have  they  any  theatrical  shows 
or  dances,  or  those  jjublic  exhibitions 
which  might  give  us  an  idea  of  their 
fehcity  and  cheerful  dis])osition." 

^  The  extracts  in  the  text  are  from 
a  scarce  tract,  rarely  seen  or  quoted, 
entitled  "  New  Travels  through  North 
America,  in  a  Series  of  Letters,  ex- 
hibiting the  History  of  the  Victorious 
Campaign  of  the  Allied  Armies,  un- 
der his  Excellency  General  Washing- 
ton and  the  Count  de  Rochamheau, 
in  the  year  1781.  Translated  from 
the  Original  of  the  Abbe  Robin,  one 
of  the  Chaplains  to  the  French  Army 
m  America.     Boston  :  prmted  by  E. 


MANNERS   AND    CUSTOMS.  209 

ness  of  the  narrative  is  not  more  pleasing  than  the  good  chap. 
sense  of  the  writer ;  and  rarely  does  a  stranger  give  so  just  ^' 
and  glowing  a  description  of  manners  and  customs  which  may  178I. 
strike  him  by  their  novelty,  but  which,  from  their  dissimilarity 
to  those  with  which  he  has  been  familiar,  he  is  often  inclined 
to  look  upon  with  contempt.  Pleasing,  however,  as  this  pic- 
ture is,  it  has  its  defects  ;  and  many  points  of  interest  are 
touched  but  slightly.  Travelling  by  stage  coaches  was  a 
recent  improvement,  though  pleasure  carriages  had  been  in 
use  among  the  wealthy  for  nearly  a  century.  The  stage  routes 
were  not  very  numerous ;  and  the  arrival  of  a  coach  at  dif- 
ferent points  was  quite  an  incident  in  the  history  of  the  day. 
The  driver  was  a  noted  character,  and  was  looked  up  to  as  a 
man  of  no  little  importance.  His  appearance  upon  the  scene 
was  usually  preceded  by  sonorous  blasts  from  a  "  horn  "  which 
ho  sported,  closely  resembling  the  "fish  horn"  of  the  present 
day ;  and,  as  he  descended  the  hill,  and  rounded  up  to  the 
tavern  door,  with  a  smart  crack  of  his  whip,  and  with  his  horses 
at  a  gallop,  the  loungers  of  the  bar  room  regarded  him  with 
amazement.  He  who  could  drive  his  "  four  in  hand  "  was 
quite  a  genius  —  the  envy  of  those  who  had  never  attempted 
so  wonderful  a  feat.^ 

The  departure  of  the  coaches  was  duly  announced  in  the 
papers  of  the  day,  and  in  terms  which  excited  the  curiosity 
of  many.^  Post  offices  were  likewise  established  in  the  prin- 
cipal towns ;  and  the  mails  were  conveyed  by  persons  called 


Powars   and  N.  Willis,  for  E.  Bat-  Drake's  Boston,  664,  758. 
telle,  and  to  be   sold  by  him  at  his         ^  See  the  volumes  of  the  Boston 

Book  Store,  State  Street.     M.D.CC.  Gazette  for  1780  et  seq. ;  also,  the 

LXXXIV."     pp.  96.  Mass.  Spy  and  Essex  Gazette.     Sev- 

'  Comp.  Felt's  Hist.  Salem,  i.  316  eral  advertisements  ap])eared  in  the 

-319,  and  Kidder  and  Govdd's  liist.  Worcester  Mag.  for   1786,  of  a  line 

N.  Ipswich,   N.  H.     A  stage  coach  of»stages  from  Portsmouth,  in  New 

began  to  run  regularly  from  Boston  Hampshire,  to  Savannah,  in  Georgia, 

to   Portsmouth   in    1761    or    1763  ;  The  charge  for  passengers  was  three- 

and  in  1769,  a  stage,  afterwards  dis-  jsence  a  mile,  with  Uberty  to  caiTy  14 

continued,   commenced   running   be-  lbs.  of  baggage, 
tween     Boston     and     Marblehead. 

VOL.  III.  14 


210  MANNERS   AND    CUSTOMS. 

CHAP.  "  post  riders."  The  Provincial  Congress  settled  this  plan  in 
^*  1775,  and  it  was  now  in  successful  operation.^  The  rates 
1781.  charged  were  much  higher  than  at  present.  On  single  letters, 
for  any  distance  not  exceeding  sixty  miles,  the  charge  was 
five  pence  one  farthing  ;  upwards  of  sixty,  and  not  exceeding 
one  hundred  miles,  the  charge  was  eight  pence  ;  and  for  a 
letter  conveyed  one  thousand  miles  the  charge  was  two  shil- 
lings and  eight  pence.  Double  letters  were  double  these 
rates  ;  treble  letters  were  treble  ;  and  for  every  ounce  weight, 
four  times  as  much  was  charged  as  for  a  single  letter .^ 

Newspapers  had  become  quite  numerous ;  but  they  were 
usually  printed  upon  coarse  paper  and  with  poor  ink,  so  as  in 
many  cases  to  be  nearly  illegible.  All  the  paper,  indeed,  man- 
ufactured in  Massachusetts,  was  coarse,  but  strong  ;  and  very 
little,  even  of  the  best,  was  of  a  snowy  whiteness.^  That  upon 
which  books  and  pamphlets  were  printed  was  equally  rough  ; 
thougli  there  were  occasional  specimens  of  typography  quite 
creditable  to  the  publishers.  The  art  of  engraving  was  still 
in  its  infancy  ;  and  the  woodcuts  which  embellished  the  heads 


•  On  the  subject  of  mails  and  post  from  PhTnouth  on  Friday  at  four 
offices,  see  1  M.  H.  Coll.  iii.  276,  and  o'clock,  P.  M.,  and  leave  his  letters 
Felt's  Salem,  i.  326-332.  The  fol-  with  Mr.  James  Winthrop,  postmas- 
lowns^  was  the  plan  from  Cambridge  ter  in  Cambridge,  on  Satm-day  even- 
to  Falmouth,  in  the  county  of  Barn-  ing."  Thacher's  Plymouth,  336.  On 
stable  :  "  To  set  off  from  Cambridge  the  post  route  to  Portsmouth,  N.  H., 
every  ^londay  noon,  and  leave  his  see  Felt's  Ipswich,  64  ;  and  for  a  de- 
letters  Avith  Wilham  Watson,  Esq.,  scription  of  the  "  mail  Img  "  then  used, 
postmaster  at  Plvmouth,  Tuesdav,  at  see  Felt's  Salem,  i.  327. 
four  o'clock,  P.  M.  To  set  off  from  ^  Thacher's  Plymouth,  336. 
Plymouth  Wednesday,  A.  M.,  at  nine  ^  The  first  paper  mill  at  Water- 
o'clock,  and  leave  his  letters  with  Air.  town  was  built  by  Da\id  Bemis,  about 
Joseph  Nye,  3d,  postmaster  in  Sand-  the  year  1760 ;  and  the  first  at  New- 
wich,  Wednesday,  at  two  o'clock,  P.  ton  Lower  Falls  Avas  built  about  the 
M.  To  set  ofi"  from  Sandwich  at  four  year  1790.  Jackson's  Hist.  Newton, 
o'clock,  and  leave  his  letters  with  Mr.  105.  The  first  paper  mill  in  Ando- 
Moses  Swift,  postmaster  at  Falmouth,  ver  was  built  by  Hon.  S.  Phillips,  in 
Thursday,  A.  M.,  at  eight  o'clock.  1788.  Abbott's  Andover,  195.  On 
To  set  off  on  his  return  Thursday  the  paper  mills  at  Milton,  see  1  M.  H. 
noon,  and  reach  Sandwich  at  five  Coll.  iii.  282.  There  are  said  to  have 
o'clock ;  and  set  off  from  thence  at  been  twelve  pa])er  mills  in  operation 
six  o'clock  on  Friday  A.  M.,  and  in  Massachusetts  in  1794. 
reach  Plymouth  at  noon.     To  set  off 


MANNERS   AND    CUSTOMS.  211 

of  newspapers  and  the  title  pages  of  pamphlets  were  exceed-  chap. 
ingly  rude.     Some  good  specimens  of  copper  plate  engraving     ^^- 
have  been  preserved  ;  and  Paul  Revere,  of  Boston,  was  noted    1781. 
for  the  general   excellence   of  his  productions.     It  must  be 
remembered,  however,  that  the  progress  of  the  fine  arts  in  a 
new  country  is  necessarily  slow  ;  and  it  is  only  as  a  people 
have   leisure   and  moans   to   devote   to   such   purposes   that 
improvements  are  made,  and  a  stimulus  is  given  to  native 
genius.^ 

In  the  department  of  general  literature,  we  may  not,  per- 
haps, be  able  to  point  to  many  great  names  in  the  galaxy  of 
American  writers  previous  to  the  opening  of  the  nineteenth 
century.  A  cultivated  literature,  in  every  nation,  is  the  fruit 
of  its  mature  age,  rather  than  of  its  infancy.  Thus  has  it 
been  in  all  times  and  among  all  people.  Before  literary  talent 
is  liberally  patronized,  a  country  must  have  reached  the  posi- 
tion which  admits  of  leisure  to  appreciate  the  productions  of 
genius,  and  of  wealth  to  extend  to  them  the  hand  of  encour- 
agement. Yet  the  genius  of  New  England  was  never  inac- 
tive ;  and,  though  it  is  not  claimed  that  our  writers  excelled 
the  writers  of  England,  of  Germany,  or  of  France,  their  pro- 
ductions will  not  suffer  in  the  comparison  with  those  of  other 
lands,  especially  in  comprehensiveness,  in  effectiveness,  and 
power.     Because  the  "New  England  Primer"  was   used  in 


'  The   engravings,   by  S.  Hill,  in  might   be   gleaned   from    the    early 

the   Massachusetts    Magazine,   com-  magazines    and    jjeriodicals    of   the 

menced  in    1789,  and  continued  for  country.     Dunlap's  History  of  Amer- 

several  years,  were  quite  respectable ;  ican  Artists   is  an   interesting   work, 

and  some  of  them,  indeed,  were  in  and  contains  much  valuable  matter, 

excellent   taste.     The  old  American  Who  were  the  early  painters  in  ^Nlas- 

Magazine,  pubhshed  forty  years  ear-  sachusetts  before  Smil)ert  came  ?  We 

lier,  had  also  some  good  engravings,  have  excellent  jDorlraits  of  the  emi- 

Nathaniel  Hurd  has  been  named  as  nent  men  of  the  i)ast ;  but  most  of 

the    first    engraver   in   America,   in  them  were  j^ainted  by  English  artists. 

1764  ;  but  this  is  doubtful.  See  Felt's  Yet  there  are  some  which  were  taken 

Hist.  Salem,  ii.  81,82.     We  are  in  in  the  state  before  the  year  1700.   Dr. 

want  of  an  elaborate  history  of  the  A])pleton,  the   sub-librarian   of    the 

fine  arts  in  America ;  and  many  cu-  ^Massachusetts  Historical  Society,  in- 

rious   facts   relating   to   the   subject  forms  me  he  has  such  in  his  possession. 


212  MANNERS   AND    CUSTOMS. 

CHAP,  every  school,  and  "  Mother  Goose's  Melodies  "  were  read  by 
^_^3l^  every  child,  it  must  not  be  inferred  that  these  were  our  clas- 
1781.  sics,  that  there  were  no  text  books  of  a  higher  order,  or  that 
poetry  in  Massachusetts  was  wholly  neglected.^  If  there  was 
a  large  share  of  talent  which  was  not  much  above  mediocrity, 
there  were  also  men  of  varied  endowments  and  of  liberal  cul- 
ture, who  gave  tone  to  the  manners  of  society,  and  fostered  a 
love  of  the  arts  and  the  sciences.  Hence,  from  the  close  of  the 
French  war  to  the  year  1800,  the  march  of  improvement  was 
steady  and  sure.^ 

Domestic  habits  were,  for  the  most  part,  such  as  had  been 
handed  down  from  father  to  son.  It  was  a  complaint,  indeed^ 
against  the  first  settlers  of  New  England,  that  they  were 
morose  and  bigoted,  and  condemned  indiscriminately  all  forms 
of  amusement. 

*'  These  teach  that  Dancing  is  a  Jezabell, 
And  BarUy-hreak  the  ready  way  to  Hell ; 
The  Morrice  idols,  Whitsun-ales,  can  be 
But  prophane  reliques  of  a  Jubilee. 


*  For  an  account  of  early  school  of  Canaan,'  by  Mr.  Dwight ;  '  M'Fin- 

books   in  New  England,  see   Felt's  gal,'  supposed  by  Mr.  Trumbull ;  the 

Hist.  Salem,  i.  436  et  seq.     Of*he  Tragedy  of  the   Patriot  Chief;    the 

New  England  Primer  he  says,  "  In  Poems  of  Arouet,  and  a  collection  of 

one  form  or  another,  it  was  })robabIy  twenty-four  poems  just  published  in 

used  in  the  primary  schools  of  New  the    Southern    States,   are   instimces 

England  from  its  first  settlement  till  Avhich  prove  the  prophetic  observa- 

within  half  a  century."  IntheWorces-  tion  of  the  Bishop  of  Cloyne  to  be 

ter  Magazine  for  May,  1786,  appeared  other  than  Utopian,"  &c.    Some  idea 

an  article  on  "  American  Literature,"  of  the  popular  poetry  of  those  days 

which  contiiins  a  few  hints  on  its  prog-  may  be  gathered  from  the  recently 

ress.      "  The    original    performances  published  work  entitled  "  Songs  and 

wliich   have   lately  appeared   in   the  Ballads  of  the  American  Revolution," 

United  States,"  it  says,  "  are  deserv-  by  Frank  Moore.     These  were  the 

ing  of  notice,  and  are  such  as  must  camp  songs  smig  by  the  soldiers, 

excite  very  pleasing  emotions  in  eve-  ^  Valuable    ai'ticles    on   American 

ry   philanthropic   breast.      The   IVIe-  language    and   literatm-e   were    pub- 

moirs  of  the  Academy  of  Ai'ts  and  lished  in  the  N.  A.  Kev.  for  Sept,  and 

Sciences  do  great  honor  to  the  gen-  Nov.   1815    and  for  July  and  Dec. 

tlemen  who  compose  it,  and  to  the  1818. 


taste  of  om-  countiy.     The  '  Conquest 


1781. 


MANNERS   AND   CUSTOMS.  213 

These,  in  a  zeal  t'  exj^resse  how  much  they  do 
The  Organs  hate,  have  silenc'd  Bagpipes  too  ; 
And  harmless  May  poles  all  are  rail'd  upon, 
As  if  they  were  the  Tow'rs  of  Babylon."  ' 

As  "  honest  old  Stowe  "  has  observed,  however,  "  if  open  pas- 
times are  supprest  in  youth,  worse  practices  within  doors  are 
to  be  feared."  2  "  The  common  people,"  says  Brand,  "  confined 
by  daily  labor,  seem  to  require  their  proper  intervals  of  relax- 
ation ;  perhaps  it  is  of  the  highest  political  utility  to  encour- 
age innocent  sports  and  games  among  them."  ^  Hence,  if  the 
Puritans  erred  in  carrying  to  an  excess  their  zeal  against  pop- 
ular amusements.  Nature  would  sometimes  have  her  way,  and 
the  children  would  secretly  practise  what  the  fathers  openly 
condemned. 

Theatrical  exhibitions  were  for  a  long  time  prohibited,  and 
all  attempts  to  introduce  them  were  strenuously  resisted.  The 
legislature  of  the  province  not  only  refused  to  license  such 
performances,  but  the  clergy  preached  against  them,  as  tend- 
ing to  looseness  and  immorality.  It  was  not,  therefore,  until 
after  the  revolution  that  the  friends  of  the  drama  so  far  suc- 
ceeded in  conquering  this  prejudice  as  to  venture  openly  to 
patronize  the  theatre  ;  nor  was  there  a  "  play  house  "  erected 
in  Boston  until  1794.^     Dancing  was  regarded  with  similar 


'  Randolph's  Poems,  1646.  Theatre,"  was  printed  at  Boston  in 

^  Survey  of  London,  ed.  1604.  1792.     Author,  William  Haliburton. 

'  Popular  Antiquities,  ed.  1777.  The  pamphlet  is  curious,  and  would 

*  Minot's  Hist.  Mass.  i.  142  ;  Brad-  provoke  many  a  smile  if  issued  at  the 

ford,  iii.  30.     Comp.  Felt's  Hist.  Sa-  present  day.     Another  pamphlet,  en- 

lem,  ii.  41-45  ;  1  M.  H.  Coll.  iii.  255  ;  titled  "  The  Bights  of  the  Drama," 

Drake's  Hist.  Boston,  612,  031,  754,  &-c.,  was  also  published  in  the  same 

804  ;  Snow's  Hist.  Boston,  333.   This  year,  by  "  Pliilo  Dramatis."  Tlie  first 

theatre  stood  at  the  comer  of  Federal  play,  by  an  American  author,  I  have 

and  Franklin  Streets.    It  was  burned  met   with,  was   called   "  Julwin  and 

in  1798,  and  rebuilt  in  the  same  year.  Angelina,  or  the  Banditti,  an  Opera, 

The  Haymarket  Theatre  was  built  in  in  three  Acts,"  by  E.  H.  Smith,  of 

1796.     A  ])amphlet  entitled  "  Eftects  Connecticut,  printed  at  New  York,  in 

of  the  Stage  on  the  Manners  of  a  1796.      Probably  there  were  earlier 

People,  and  the  Proj)riety  of  encour-  plays.     The  views  of  the  legislature 

eging   and   estabhshing    a  Virtuous  of  Massachusetts  on  the  sulyect  of 


214 


MANNERS  AND   CUSTOMS. 


CHAP,  abhorrence ;  but  the  young  of  both  sexes,  in  the  country 
^'  towns,  would,  at  "  husking  parties,"  in  spite  of  the  frowns  of 
1781.  careful  guardians,  spend  an  hour  or  two  in  tripping  to  the 
music  of  the  "fiddle  and  flute."  ^  Nor  was  it  possible  to  re- 
press in  adventurous  boys  that  love  of  sport  which  is  as  nat- 
ural as  to  breathe.  Old-fashioned  games,  played  in  England 
before  the  settlement  of  this  country,  found  their  way  across 
the  waters,  and  still  survive.  Indeed,  a  very  large  number  of 
the  popular  observances  of  the  old  world  became  incorporated 
with  the  customs  of  the  new,  far  more  than  many  would  be 
apt  to  imagine  ;  and  the  antiquitates  vulgares  of  New  England 
so  strikingly  resemble  those  of  Old  England  as  to  leave  no 
doubt  of  their  common  origin.^ 


theatres,  &c. ,  may  be  gathered  from  the 
report  of  a  committee,  Jan.  12, 1779, 
"  that  a  bill  ought  to  be  brought  in 
for  suppressing  theatrical  entertain- 
ments, horse  racing,  gaming,  and  such 
other  diversions  as  are  productive  of 
idleness,  dissipation,  and  a  general 
dejjravity  of  manners,  agreeable  to  a 
resolve  of  Congress  of  October  12, 
1778,  recommencUng  the  same."  Mr. 
Phillips,  of  Boston,  Mr.  Sumner,  and 
Judge  Sullivan  \\-ere  appointed  for 
that  purpose,  who  reported  a  bill, 
Febniar)'  10,  which  was  read  a  sec- 
ond time  February  11,  and  recom- 
mitted February  12.  The  proposi- 
tion for  a  theatre,  in  1791,  was  op- 
posed, in  Boston,  by  Samuel  Ad- 
ams, Benjamin  Austin,  Jun.,  Thomas 
Dawes,  Jun.,  and  H.  G.  Otis,  and 
supported  by  Wilham  Tudor,  Charles 
Jarvis,  Perez  Morton,  and  others. 
Bradford,  iii.  31.  The  "  Boston  Mu- 
seum "  should  not  be  forgotten,  in  this 
connection  — the  legitimate  successor 
of  the  Columbian  Museum,  first  es- 
tablished in  1791,  of  the  New  Eng- 
land Museum,  in  which  this  was 
merged,  and  of  the  Boston  ^luseum, 
opened  in  1804,  and  afterwards  trans- 
ferred to  the  New  England  ]SIuseum. 
See  SnoM-'s  Hist.  Boston.  335,  336. 
'  "  An  address  to  Persons  of  Fash- 


ion, containing  some  particulars  re- 
lating to  Balls,  and  a  few  occasional 
hints  concerning  Play  Houses,  Card 
Tables,  &c.,"  was  printed  in  Boston, 
in  1767.  For  fiirther  remarks  on 
dancing,  see  Felt's  Hist.  Salem,  i.  505, 
506.  Concert  Hall  is  said  to  have 
been  erected  in  Boston  in  1756,  and 
is  still  standing  at  the  corner  of  Coml 
and  Hanover  Streets.  This  building 
was  erected  by  Mr.  Stephen  Deblois, 
for  the  pm-poses  of  concerts,  dojicing, 
and  other  entertainments.  1  M.  H. 
Coll.  iii.  253 ;  Snow's  Hist.  Boston, 
333. 

^  Whoever  ^nshes  to  investigate 
tills  curious  subject  would  do  well  to 
consult  Brand's  Observations  on  Pop- 
ular Antiquities,  and  Strutt's  and 
Aiken's  Sj)orts  of  Great  Britain.  The 
coral  given  to  teething  children ;  the 
games  of  "  blind  man's  buff,"  "  see- 
saw," "  hand  ball,"  "  hunt  the  slip- 
per," "  tag,"  and  a  variety  of  others  ; 
diraiations  with  "  apple  parings," 
"  lady  bugs,"  the  "  true  love  knot," 
&c. ;  the  use  of  "  pancakes  "  on  "  fast 
day  ;  "  "  bride  favors  "  and  "  bride 
cakes  ; "  the  suj^erstitions  on  "  s])ill- 
ing  salt,"  "  sneezing,"  "  letters  at  the 
candle,"  the  "  death  watch,"  &c. ;  the 
observance  of  "  April,"  or  "  all  fools' 
day ; "  many  even  of  om*  funeral  cus- 


MANNERS  AND   CUSTOMS.  215 

With  regard  to  dress,  it  is  said  that  "  gentlemen,  in  those  chap. 
days,  wore  hats  with  broad  brims,  turned  up  into  three  cor-  ,_j!j^^ 
ners,  with  loops  at  the  sides ;  long  coats,  with  large  pocket    178I. 
folds  and  cuffs,  and  without  collars.     The  buttons  were  com- 
monly plated,  but  sometimes  of  silver,  often  as  large  as  a  half 
dollar. ,  Shirts  had  bosom  and  wrist  ruffles  ;  and  all  wore  gold 
or  silver  shirt  buttons  at  the  wrist,  united  by  a  link.     The 
waistcoat  was  long,  with  large  pockets  ;  and  the  neckcloth,  or 
scarf,  was  of  fine  white  linen,  or  figured  stuff,  broidered,  and 
the  ends  hung  loosely  upon  the  breast.     The  breeches  were 
usually  close,  with  silver   buckles   at   the   knee.      The   legs 
were  covered  with  long  gray  stockings,  which,  on  holidays, 
were  exchanged  for  black  or  white  silk.     Boots  with  broad 
white  tops,  or  shoes  with  straps  and  large  silver  buckles,  com- 
pleted the  equipment. 

"  Ladies  wore  caps,  long,  stiff  stays,  and  high-heeled  shoes. 
Their  bonnets  were  of  silk  or  satin,  and  usually  black.  Gowns 
were  extremely  long-waisted,  with  tight  sleeves.  Another 
fashion  was,  very  short  sleeves,  with  an  immense  frill  at  the 
elbow,  leaving  the  rest  of  the  arm  naked.  A  large,  flexible 
hoop,  three  or  four  feet  in  diameter,  was,  for  some  time,  quilted 
into  the  hem  of  the  gown,  making  an  immense  display  of  the 
lower  person.  A  long,  round  cushion,  stuffed  with  cotton  or 
hair,  and  covered  with  black  crape,  was  laid  across  the  head, 
over  which  the  hair  was  combed  back  and  fastened.  It  was 
almost  the  universal  custom,  also,  for  women  to  wear  gold 
beads  —  thirty-nine  little  hollow  globes,  about  the  size  of  a 


toms,  as  tolling  the  bell  on  the  death  giving  clay,"  borrowed  from  the  "  har- 
of  a  neighbor ;  the  use  of  black  in  vest  su])i)er ;  "  the  custom  of  "  drink- 
mourning  ;  strewing  flowers  over  the  ing  healths,"  or  "  pledge,  I'll  jiledge 
graves  of  friends,  and  decking  their  you ;  "  the  "  ha])py  new  year,"  the 
coffins  with  the  same  ;  the  "  bonfires,"  '"'  merry  Christmas,"  et  id  omne  genus, 
or  "  bonefires,"  so  common  in  revo-  were  all  derived  i'rom  om-  English 
lutlonary  days  ;  the  ringing  of  bells  ancestors,  with  many  more  modern 
at  nine  o'clock,  P.  M.,  an  imitation  of  customs,  which  have  become  quite 
the  "  curfew  ; "  the  "  weather  cocks  "  fashionable.  Comp.  Felt's  Hist.  Sa- 
on   chm-ch  steeples ;    om*   "  thanks-  lem,  i.  362,  o63. 


216 


MANNERS   AND    CUSTOMS. 


CHAP,  pea,  hung  on  a  thread,  and  tied  round  the  neck.  Sometimes 
^-  this  string  would  prove  false  to  its  trust,  —  at  an  assembly, 
1781.  perhaps,  —  and  then,  0,  such  a  time  to  gather  them  up  before 
they  should  be  trampled  on  and  ruined !  Working  women 
wore  petticoats  and  half  gowns,  drawn  with  a  cord  round  the 
waist,  and  neat's  leather  shoes. ^  "Women  did  not  go  a-shop- 
ping  every  day  then ;  there  were  few  shops  to  go  to,  and 
those  contained  only  such  articles  as  were  indispensable,  and 
in  very  limited  variety."  ^ 

Such  is  a  crude  and  somewhat  imperfect  picture  of  Massa- 
chusetts as  it  was  three  fourths  of  a  century  ago.^     Great 


^  The  shoe  manufacture  was  early 
introduced  into  Lynn ;  and  it  is  said 
that,  in  1794,  170",000  pair  of  men's 
shoes  were  made  annualh.  Tanners 
and  curriers  were  quite  numerous, 
and  large  quantities  of  leather  were 
manufactured  by  them.  1  M.  H. 
Coll.  iii.  282  ;  Lewis's  L^■nn. 

"  Lewis's  Lynn,  220,221. 

^  A  brief  accoimt  of  several  socie- 
ties and  institutions  not  specifically  re- 
fen-ed  to  m  the  text,  may  be  accept- 
able here.  The  Grand  Lodge  of  Free 
and  Accepted  Masons  in  Massachu- 
setts was  organized  April  19,  1792, 
by  a  coalition  of  the  late  St.  John's 
and  Massachusetts  Grand  Lodges. 
The  names  of  the  several  lodges  were 
the  First  and  Second  St.  John's  Lodg- 
es, Risino"  Sun,  St.  Andi-ew's,  Royal 
Arch,  Rising  States,  Massachusetts, 
and  the  African,  composed  of  blacks, 
or  people  of  color.  The  institution 
of  masonry  is  said  to  have  originated 
in  America  in  1733,  and  on  the  30th 
of  July  of  that  year  the  first  lodge  in 
Boston  was  held.  The  first  Grand 
Master  had  power  from  Lord  Mon- 
tague, Grand  Master  of  England,  to 
constitute  lodges  of  Free  and  Ac- 
cepted Masons.  The  progi-ess  of 
masonry  was  for  many  years  rapid ; 
a  large  number  of  the  most  respecta- 
ble citizens  were  connected  with  the 
lodges;  and  a  spirit  of  union  and 
brotherly    love   generally    prevailed. 


Since  the  antimasonic  excitement  of 
a  quarter  of  a  century  ago,  masonry 
has  revived,  and  is  now  flourishing 
with  new  \igor  in  all  ])arts  of  the 
United  States.  The  Massachusetts 
Historical  Society  was  incorporated 
Febi-uary  19,  1794,  and  its  first  pres- 
ident was  James  Sullivan,  afterwards 
governor  of  Massachusetts.  This  so- 
ciety, the  oldest  for  historical  pur- 
poses in  the  United  States,  is  now  in 
the  64th  year  of  its  age,  and  its  pros- 
pects were  never  more  flattering  than 
at  present.  Its  invaluable  collections 
number  32  vols.,  and  contain  a  mass 
of  important  documents  illustrating 
the  early  history  of  New  England. 
Its  librar}',  with  the  addition  of  the 
recent  munificent  bequest  of  Thomas 
Dowse,  Esq.,  of  Cambridge,  numbers 
at  least  10,000  vols.  ;  its  rooms, 
Avhich  are  ojien  to  the  public  at  all 
times,  are  fitted  up  neatly ;  and  every 
l)ossil)le  facility,  under  the  rules,  is 
afforded  to  those  who  wish  to  avail 
themselves  of  the  privilege  of  access 
to  its  treasures.  The  officers  of  the 
society  have  been  among  our  most 
distinguished  citizens ;  and  its  efforts 
to  preserve  the  fadmg  memorials  of 
the  past  will  ever  entitle  it  to  a  grate- 
ful remembrance.  The  Lish  Cliari- 
table  Society  was  instituted  in  1737  ; 
the  Massachusetts  Marine  Society  in 
17i)4  ;  the  Massachusetts  Charitable 
Society  in   1779  j    the   Medical   So- 


MANNERS   AND    CUSTOMS.  217 

changes  have  since  been  made ;  Lut  of  these  due  notice  will  chap. 
be  taken  hereafter.    There  is  a  disposition  in  all  to  look  back  ^^.J.^^ 
to  the  past,  and  invest  it  with  the  garb  of  fiction  and  romance.    i78i. 
Its  manners  are  portrayed  as  of  artless  simplicity  ;  its  customs 
are  described  as  peculiarly  pleasing.     Thus  has  it  been  from 
the  time  of  Solomon,  whose  advice  is,  "  Say  not  thou,  What  is 
the  cause  that  the  former  days  were  better  than  these  ?  for  thou 
dost  not  inquire  wisely  concerning  this."     It  is  no  mark  of  Ecci. 7: 
wisdom  to  underrate  the  present ;  and  it  should  be  the  aim  of 
those  who  wish  to  form  just  views  to  look  at  the  world,  not 
from  the  deceptive  position  with  which  the  imagination  is  ever 
inclined  to  invest  the  past,  but  from  that  broader  standpoint 
which  looks  at  man,  not  as  a  beast  of  burden  alone,  having  a 
body  to  feed  and  a  back  to  clothe,  but  as  an  intellectual  and  a 
moral  being,  capable  of  unlimited  advancement  in  the  exalted 
career  which  God  has  marked  out  for  him,  and  of  making  con- 
tinued improvements  tending  not  only  to  increase  his  physical 
comforts,  but  to  open  the  way  for  nobler  pursuits  and  purer 
joys,  in  the  expansion  of  the  intellect  and  the  culture  of  the 
heart. 


ciety  in    1781 ;    the    Society  of  the  tural  Society  in   1792 ;    the    Boston 

Cincinnati  in  1783 ;  the  Boston  E pis-  Librai-y    Society   in    1794;  and  the 

copal    Charitable    Society  in    1784 ;  Massachusetts  Charitable  Fire  Socie- 

the  Humane    Society  in  1785  ;    the  ty  in  1794.     Most  of  these  societies 

Scotch  Charitable  Society  in    1786;  are  still  in  existence.    See  Mass.  I,aws 

the     Massachusetts     Congregational  for  1789,  1794,  1795 ;   1  M.  H.  Coll. 

Society   in    1787;    the    Society   for  iii.  273-275;    Snow's  Hist.  Boston; 

Propagating  the  Gospel  among  the  Drake's  Hist.  Boston  ;   Hiaxl's  Hist. 

Indians  and  others  in  North  America,  St.  Andrew's  Lodge,  and  the  publica- 

in  1787  J  the  Massachusetts  Agricul-  tions  of  the  different  societies. 


CHAPTER    YI. 

SHAYS'S  REBELLION. 

Six  years  after  the  inauguration  of  the  ne-w  government, 
and  three  years  from  the  settlement  of  the  preliminaries  of 

1786.  peace,  civil  disturbances  broke  out  in  Massachusetts,  which 
threatened  for  a  time  the  utter  subversion  of  law  and  order, 
and  which  were  quieted  only  by  the  firmness  of  the  chief 
magistrate  and  the  hearty  cooperation  of  the  friends  of  free- 
dom. The  history  of  tiiese  disturbances  tends  to  show  that, 
in  popular  tumults,  reason  is  often  dethroned,  and  that  the 
passions  of  the  multitude,  when  highly  exasperated,  overleap 
the  barriers  of  outward  restraint,  and  riot  in  suicidal  and  hid- 
eous excesses.  The  vast  expenses  incurred  during  the  war  ; 
the  depreciation  of  the  currency,  which  had  long  been  increas- 
ing ;  the  heavy  taxation  to  which  all  classes  had  been  subject- 
ed ;  the  extent  of  public  and  private  indebtedness  ;  and  the 
legal  efforts  made  for  the  collection  of  claims,'  were  the  pre- 
disposing causes  of  the  outbreak  referred  to  ;  and  the  spirit 
of  discord,  feeble  in  its  beginnings,  was  nurtured  by  dema- 
gogues, until  it  ripened  into  a  sturdy  and  disgraceful  rebellion. 

1781.  So  early  as  1781,  conventions  of  delegates  from  different 
towns  began  to  be  held  in  the  sparsely  settled  western  coun- 
ties, to  consult  upon  public  grievances,  and  seek  their  redress. 
"  Persons  inimical  to  American  independence "  are  said  to 


1  In  1784,  more  than  2000  actions  1700.  Lincoln's  Hist.  Worcester,  131 ; 
were  entered  in  the  county  of  "\Vor-  Ward's  Shrewsbury,  91.  See  also 
cester  alone;    and  in    1785,  about    Pitkin's  Statistics  of  the  U,  S.,  31. 

(218) 


GATHERING   AT  NORTHAMPTON.  219 

have  been  the  instigators  and  abettors  of  tliese  movements  —  chap. 
secret  foes  of  the  liberties  of  their  country,  whose  object  it  _,^_1^ 
was  to  weaken  the  government,  and  spread  abroad  anarchy    1782. 
and  confusion  in  the  state. ^     But  a  more  charitable  construc- 
tion of  their  motives  and  conduct  might  induce  the  opinion 
that  the  hardships  incident  to  all  new  settlements,  and  the 
extraordinary  embarrassments  under  which  they  were  labor- 
ing, had   created  an  unusual  restlessness  and  jealousy,  and 
awakened  suspicious  that  an  unequal  share  of  the  expenses  of 
the  war  would  be  assessed  upon  them  in  their  poverty,  and 
that  the  claims  of  their  creditors  would  be  pressed  beyond 
reasonable   bounds   while   they   were   unable   to   meet  their 
demands. 

If,  however,  an  apology  of  this  kind  may  be  pleaded  with 
justice  for  a  portion  of  the  disaifected,  for  others  no  valid 
excuse  can  be  offered.  Among  the  latter  was  Samuel  Ely,  a 
disappointed  clergyman,  lacking  in  judgment  as  well  as  in 
principle,  who  had  been  compelled  to  relinquish  the  functions 
of  tlie  ministry,  and  who  abounded  in  hypocritical  professions 
of  piety .2  This  naan  assumed  to  be  the  ringleader  of  the 
malcontents ;  and,  through  his  misrepresentations,  a  large 
number  of  citizens  were  persuaded  to  league  with  him  to  ob- 
struct the  regular  course  of  justice. 

Their  first  attempt  was  made  at  Northampton  ;  and  for  his  April, 
connection  with  this  affair,  Ely  was  arrested  and  lodged  in 
jail.     A  rescue  was   attempted  by  his  misguided  followers, 
which  proved  successful ;  but  three  of  the  rioters  were  seized 
and  imprisoned.3     A  mob  next  gathered  for  their  release,  who 


'Address    to    the  People,    1786,  fications.     Bradford,   ii.   211;     Hol- 

4;     Bradford,    ii.     203;     Holland's  laud's  Western  Mass.  i.  230,  231. 
Western  Mass.  i.  230.  ^  These    were     Capt.    Daismore, 

-  He  had  been  settled  for  some  Lieut.    Paul    King-,   and   Lieut.    P. 

years  in  Somers,  Coim.,  but  was  (lis-  Bardwell.     Holland's  Western  ^lass. 

missed  by  a  council,  who  pronounced  i.  231.     For  an  account  of  the  Con- 

him  unfit  for  liis  calling,  on  account  vention  at  Worcester,  April  14,  1782, 

of  his   literai-y  and  moral  disquali-  see  Lincoln's  Hist.  AVorcester,  132. 


220  GATHERING    AT   HATFIELD. 

CHAP,  assembled  in  Hatfield  to  the  number  of  three  hundred.  The 
,^_^^  militia,  to  the  number  of  twelve  hundred,  were  called  out  for 
1782.  the  protection  of  the  jail ;  but  General  Porter,  who  com- 
manded this  force,  unwisely  yielded  to  the  demands  of  the 
rioters,  and  the  prisoners  were  released  on  their  parole  of 
honor  —  agreeing  to  deliver  up  the  body  of  Ely  to  the  sheriff, 
or,  in  default  thereof,  their  own  bodies,  on  the  order  of  the 
General  Court.'  This  conduct  of  General  Porter  was  cen- 
sured by  the  prudent ;  and  it  admits  of  little  doubt  that  the 
Nov.  leniency  of  the  .Court  in  pardoning  the  rioters,  which  they  did 
shortly  after,  was  the  proximate  cause  of  the  difficulties  which 
followed,  by  emboldening  the  lawless  to  place  upon  that  le- 
niency the  construction  of  weakness,  which  it  seemed  to  war- 
rant.^ Clemency  is,  indeed,  the  best  policy  in  a  free  govern- 
ment ;  and  though  it  does  not  invariably  follow  that  "  the 
certainty  of  punishment  is  the  truest  security  against  crimes,"  ^ 
there  are  cases  in  which  decision  and  energy  are  imperatively 
demanded.  Unfortunately  for  the  community,  however,  there 
were  some  who  feared  that  the  grounds  of  complaint  would 
be  increased  by  asserting  too  strictly  the  supremacy  of  the 
laws ;  and  a  difference  of  opinion  existed  even  in  the  legis- 
lature relative  to  the  measures  it  would  be  safest  to  adopt. 
There  was,  likewise,  a  feeling  that  the  taxes  were  indeed 
heavy,  and  that  it  was  difficult  for  many  in  the  rural  districts, 
"whose  resources  were  limited,  and  who  had  little  to  spare,  to 
meet  the  demands  made  upon  their  purses.  Hence  it  was 
thought  best  to  satisfy  the  citizens,  if  possible,  that  their  rulers 
■were  disposed  to  afford  them  relief ;  and  the  legislature 
ordered  the  treasurer  of  the  commonwealth  to  suspend  for  a 
time  the  executions  against  collectors.^ 


^  Minot's  Hist,  of  the  Insurrection,  tm"e  of"  Lucius  Junius  Brutus,"  in  the 

16  ;  Holland's  Western  Mass.  i.  232.  Independent  Chi-onicle  for  Oct.    12, 

*  Minot's  Hist,  of  the  Insurrection,  1786,  and  AVorks,  p.  3,  ed.  1809. 

17 ;  Holland's  Western  Mass.  i.  232.  *  Bradford,  ii.  212,  257. 

^  Fisher  Ames,  under  the  signa- 


CONVENTION   AT  DEEEFIELD.  221 

This,  however,  was  but  a  temporary  check  ;  for,  the  very  chap. 
next  year,  a  mob  assembled  in   the  town  of  Springfield,  to  ,^,J;^ 
prevent  the  sessions  of  the  County  Court,  and,  after  carousing    1783. 
at  a  neighboring  tavern,  and  resolving  themselves  into  a  gen- 
eral convention,  adjourned  to  an  elm  tree  near  the  court  house, 
armed  with  bludgeons.^     The  bell  rang  for  the  assembling  of 
the  court ;  but  when  the  judges  appeared,  headed  by  the  sher- 
iff, they  were  opposed  as  they  endeavored  to  enter  the  build- 
ing.    The  sheriff  remonstrated,  but  without  effect ;  and  it  was 
only  by  the  intervention  of  the  friends  of  order  that  the  riot- 
ers were  repulsed.^ 

The  convention  at  Deerfield,  in  the  fall  of  this  year,  was  a  Sep.  29. 
more  peaceful  gathering.  Delegates  from  seven  of  the  towns 
assembled,  to  "  take  into  consideration  the  deplorable  state  of 
the  county  and  commonwealth  ; "  and,  professing  apprehen- 
sions of  a  general  bankruptcy,  but  without  presuming  to  show 
how  it  might  be  prevented,  they  demanded  relief  by  a  division 
of  the  county,  or  the  removal  of  the  courts  from  Springfield 
to  Northampton.  There  were  others,  however,  entitled  to  be 
heard  on  these  points  ;  and  at  a  subsequent  convention,  held  Oct.  20. 
in  Hatfield,  represented  by  delegates  from  twenty-seven  towns, 
the  subject  of  the  state  and  national  debts  was  discussed,  and, 
while  the  people  of  the  county  were  recommended  to  acquire 
by  honest  industry  the  requisite  money  for  the  payment  of 
their  debts,  the  opinion  was  expressed  that  it  would  be  impos- 
sible to  do  so  while  the  claims  of  the  government  were  so 
imperious,  and  the  demands  for  an  immediate  revenue  so 
urgent.^ 


'to^ 


1 


Holland's  Western  Mass.  i.  232.  majority;  but  no  judicial  proceedings 
No  Probate  Courts  had  been  held  in  were  had  until  1780.  J-Iist.  Berk- 
Berkshire  from  1774  to  1778;  from  shii-e,  125,  126;  Holland's  Western 
1776  to  1778,  no  deeds  were  record-  Mass.  i.  243. 

ed ;  and  in  the  last-named  year  the         =*  Holland's  Western  Mass.  i.  232. 

towns,  by  a  large  majority,  negatived  Several   of  the   most   forward  were 

a  proi)Osition  for  the  reopening  of  the  seized,  and  afterwards  examuied  and 

Courts   of    Common    Pleas   and   of  bound  over  for  trial. 
Quarter  Sessions.     In  1779,  however,         *  Holland's  Western  Mass.  i.  233, 
this  decision  was  reversed  by  a  small 


222  STATE    OF    AFFAIRS    AT   THE    CLOSE    OF   THE   WAR. 

Such  was  the  posture  of  affairs  at  the  close  of  the  revolu- 
tion.    The  private  debt  of  the  state  amounted  to  the  consid- 

1783,  erahle  sum  of  one  million  three  hundred  thousand  pounds, 
besides  two  hundred  and  fifty  thousand  pounds  due  to  officers 
and  soldiers  in  the  army  ;  and  the  proportion  of  the  national 
debt  amounted  to  the  further  sum  of  a  million  and  a  half  of 
pounds.^  The  interest  on  these  debts,  which  was  to  be  paid 
in  specie,  was  by  no  means  small  ;  and  when  it  is  considered 
that  the  credit  of  the  state  was  pledged  for  their  cancelment, 
that  the  ordinary  expenses  of  government  were  to  be  met,  and 
that  each  family  had  its  private  debts  and  expenses,  while 
towns  were  embarrassed  by  advances  to  the  soldiers,  the  mar- 
kets for  produce  were  closed  or  lessened,  and  the  various 
branches  of  industry  were  cramped,  it  will  be  perceived  that 
the  questions,  how  these  difficulties  could  be  successfully  sur- 
mounted, and  how  these  claims  could  be  satisfactorily  adjust- 
ed, were  difficult  to  answer,  especially  for  men  who  were 
inexperienced  in  the  management  of  financial  affairs,  except 
on  a  limited  scale,  and  who  were  but  slightly  acquainted  with 
political  economy.  It  is  not  surprising,  therefore,  that  the 
timid  should  have  been  seized  with  trembling  and  dismay,  and 
that  the  wisest  should  have  been  filled  with  anxious  solici- 
tude. It  was  a  state  of  affairs  which  no  one  had  anticipated, 
the  product  of  circumstances  over  which  the  people  had  little 
control.  And  to  punish  them  because  they  were  reduced  to 
such  straits,  or  because  their  views  were  crude  and  impracti- 
cable, it  was  thought,  would  only  aggravate  the  public  distress, 
and  strengthen  the  spirit  of  discontent. 

Besides  these,  however,  'there  were  other  causes  of  com- 

Juf^'s  P^^^^t-     The  "tender  act"  of  1782,  passed  for  the  benefit  of 
private  debtors,  and  which  made  neat  cattle  and  other  articles 


^  Address  to  the  People,  1786,  5-     em   Mass.  i.   233 ;   Curtis's  Hist,  of 
17 ;   Minot's   Hist,  of  the   InsiuTee-     the  Const,  i.  266,  267. 
tion;  Bi-ddford,  ii. ;  Holland's  "\^^est- 


CAUSES    OF    COMPLAINT.  223 

a  legal  tender  for  debts,  by  its  retrospective  operation  served  chap. 
only  to  suspend  lawsuits  for  the  space  of  a  twelvemonth  ;  and,  ^_^1^ 
as  it  was  obnoxious  to  constitutional  as  well  as  to  equitable    1782. 
objections,  in  the  end  it  increased  the  evil  it  was  designed  to 
obviate,  and  was  the  lirst  signal  for  hostilities  between  the 
rich  and  the  poor,  the  few  and  the  many.'     The  "pay  act"  of 
the  same  year,  passed  by  Congress,  commuting  the  half  pay  Mar.  22, 
promised  to  officers  for  life  to  full  pay  for  five  years,  was  also 
censured  ;  and  objections  were  made  to  it  on  the  ground  that 
the  discrimination  was  unjust,  and  the  officers  were  to  be  paid 
"  at  the  expense  of  the  sufferings  of  their  fellow-citizens."  ^ 
The  costs  in  civil  suits  had  likewise  increased ;  and  it  was 
claimed  that  the  lawyers,  who  had  greatly  multiplied,  had  an 
undue  influence,  and  were  growing   rich  at  the  expense  of 
their  clients.*^     Some  even  objected  to  the  Courts  of  Common 
Pleas  as  an  unnecessary  burden.     The  prevalence  of  luxury, 
consequent  upon  habits  acquired  in  war,  and  the  importation 
of  British  goods,  for  which  specie  was  paid,  were  also  cen- 
sured as  a  check  upon  home  manufactures,  and  the  encourage- 
ment of  extravagance,  which  could  benefit  only  the  merchant, 


'  Minot's  Hist,  of  the  Insurrection,  service.     It  was  a  part  of  theii*  hire. 

15 ;    Bradford,   ii. ;    Curtis's   Hist,  of  I  may  be  allowed  to  say,  it  was  the 

the  Const,  i.   268;  Holland's  West-  price  of  their  blood,  and  of  your  in- 

ern  Mass.  i.  234.  de])eudency  ;    it   is,   therefore,   more 

^  Minot's  Hist,  of  the  Insurrection,  than  a  common  debt  —  it  is  a  debt  of 

18,  27  ;  Bradford,  ii.  219,  225;  Aus-  honor;  it  can  never  be  considered  as 

tin's  Life  of  Gerry,  i.  395-398 ;  Hoi-  a  jjension  or  f^ratuity,  nor  be  cancelled 

land's  Western  Mass.  i.  234.     Comp.  until  it  is  fairly  discharged." 

the  Boston  Gazette  for  Oct.  20,  1783,  ^  Minot's  Hist,  of  the  Insurrection, 

and  Writings  of  Washington,  viii.  448,  29  ;  Bradford,  ii.  258  ;  Jackson's  Hist. 

551-566.    "  As  to  the  idea,"  says  the  Newton,  208,  209  ;  Abbot's  Andovcr, 

latter,  "  that  the  half  pay  and  com-  64,  65.     The  papers  of  "  Honestus," 

mutation  are  to  be  regarded  merely  published  in  the  pa])ers  of  the  day, 

in  the  light  of  an  odious  ])ension,  it  Avere    the     principal    instruments    in 

ought  to  be  ex])loded  forever.     That  directing  jealousy  towards  the  judicial 

provision  should  be  viewed,  as  it  really  tribunals,   and  the  anathemas  thun- 

was,   a  reasonable  compensation  ot-  dered   against   lawyers   led  to  their 

fered  by  Congress  at  a  lime  wlien  they  exclusion,  by  the  popidar  voice,  from 

had  nothing  else  to  give  the  officers  the  House  and  the  Senate.     Lincoln's 

of  the  army  for  services  then  to  be  Worcester,  131 ;  Ward's  Shrewsbui-y, 

performed.     It  was  the  only  means  91 ;  Holland's  Western  Mass.  i.  236. 
to  prevent  a  total  dereliction  of  the 


224  CONDUCT    OP   THE   SEDITIOUS. 

CHAP,  while  it  impoverished  the  artisan.'     Objections  were  likewise 
^J!^^^  made  to  the  constitution  of  the  state ;  and  the  Senate  was 
1782.    declared  to  be  superfluous,  or  worse.^ 

Without  doubt,  the  excitement  created  by  this  levelling 
spirit  was  confined,  at  first,  chiefly  to  those  who  were  ignorant 
of  the  principles  of  civil  government,  and  to  demagogues,  who 
endeavored  to  persuade  the  people  that  they  had  a  right,  even 
in  irregular  conventions  and  by  force,  to  throw  off  the  re- 
straints of  burdensome  laws.  A  majority  of  the  citizens, — 
at  least,  of  the  intelligent,  —  it  should  seem,  were  too  well 
informed  and  too  patriotic  to  resist  the  operation  of  necessary 
laws  ;  but  when  the  infatuated  resorted  to  arms,  and  refused 
to  pay  the  price  of  their  privileges,  nothing  but  vigilance  could 
oppose  their  fury,  and  quell  the  tumult  created  by  their  mis- 
conduct.^ 

The  machinery  resorted  to  by  the  seditious  to  accomplish 
their  ends  was  artfully  calculated  to  impose  upon  the  weak. 
It  was  contended  that  the  ri^ht  to  assemble  in  conventions  to 
consult  upon  the  common  good  was  recognized  distinctly  in 
the  constitution  itself;  and,  construing  this  right  with  the 
utmost  latitude,  and  forgetting  the  restrictions  which  good 
sense  imposes,  and  that  the  sovereignty  which  had  been  dele- 
gated by  the  whole  people  could  not  be  resumed  at  the  option 
of  a  part,  advantage  was  taken  of  the  present  opportunity  to 
inflame  the  passions  and  prejudices  of  the  dissatisfied,  by 
holding  irregular  and  tumultuous  gatherings.  At  first,  indeed, 
the  conventions  were  respectable,  and  disclaimed  all  connec- 
tion with  mobs ;  but  the  mob,  in  a  short  time,  acquired  the 


*  Minot's  Hist,  of  the  Insurrection,  lions  ;  leaving  a  balance  of  2 1  mil- 

10,  12  ;  Bradford,  ii.  234  ;  Hildreth's  lions  against  the  U.  States.     Comp. 

U.  S.  iii.  466.     Comp.  also  Franklin's  Pitkin's  SUitistics  of  the  U.  S.  30,  ed. 

Works,  vili.  327.     The  imports  from  1835. 

Great   Britain,  in    1784   and    178o,  -  Bradford,  ii.  258. 

amounted,  in  value,  to  30   milHons  ^  Bradford,  ii.  259;  Butler's  Groton 

of  dollars,  while  the  exports  to  the  and  Shirley,  132. 
same  country  did  not  exceed  9  mil- 


CONVENTION   AT   WORCESTER.  225 

ascendency,  and  the  conventions  became  the  abettors  of  vio-  chap, 
lence.     In  this  state  of  things,  as  the  conventions  increased,  _J^^ 
the  evils  resulting  from  them  likewise  increased  ;  the  respecta-    1786. 
ble  were  mixed  up  and  incorporated  with  the  mob  ;  and  at 
length  they  stood  on  even  ground,  and  acted  together  to  over- 
awe others.^ 

The  first  symptoms  of  the  rising  storm  appeared  at  the  con- 
vention in  the  county  of  Worcester.  This  convention,  which  Aug.is. 
met  at  Leicester,  was  composed  of  delegates  from  thirty-seven 
towns,  who  voted,  at  tlie  outset,  that  the  body  was  "  lawful 
and  constitutional,"  and  then  proceeded  to  discuss  the  causes 
of  the  public  discontent.  These,  as  enumerated  in  their  pub- 
lished memorial,  were,  "  1.  The  sitting  of  the  General  Court 
in  Boston  ;  2.  The  want  of  a  circulating  medium  ;  3.  The 
abuses  in  the  practice  of  the  law,  and  the  exorbitance  of  the 
fee  table ;  4.  The  existence  of  the  Courts  of  Common  Pleas 
in  their  present  mode  of  administration  ;  5.  The  appropriat- 
ing the  revenues  arising  from  the  impost  and  excise  to  the 
payment  of  the  interest  of  the  state  securities  ;  6.  The  unrea- 
sonable and  unnecessary  grants  made  by  the  General  Court  to 
the  attorney  general  and  others  ;  7.  The  servants  of  the  gov- 
ernment being  too  numerous,  and  having  too  great  salaries  ; 
and,  8.  This  commonwealth  granting  aid  or  paying  moneys  to 
Congress,  while  our  public  accounts  remain  unsettled."  ^ 

The  tendency  of  such  measures,  it  was  seen  by  the  discern- 
ing, would  be  to  distract  the  public  councils,  and  foster  the 
evils  it  was  desired  to  redress.  For,  out  of  the  convention, 
there  were  not  wanting  many  who  viewed  things  in  a  diflefent 
light,  and  who  insisted  with  eqilal   confidence   that  the  evils 


'  Bradford,     ii.    260 ;     Holland's  were   present.     The   insurrection   in 

Western  Mass.  i.  235.  N.  Hampshire  was  contemporaneous 

"^  Lincoln's   Hist.  Worcester,   133,  with  that  in  Massachusetts,  and  origi- 

134  ;  Ward's  Shrewsbury,  94 ;  Hoi-  nated  from   similar  causes.     An  ac- 

land's    Western   Mass.    i.    236.       A  count  of  the  same  is   given  in   the 

previous  meeting  was  held  in  May,  Worcester  Mag.  for  Sept.  1786,  and 

at  which  delegates  from  but  17  towns  in  Barstow's  Hist,  of  N.  H. 


VOL.    III.  15 


226  CONVENTION    AT    HATFIELD. 

CHAP,  complained  of  were  mostly  imaginary,  and  that  the  real  cause 
^^'  of  the  public  distress  must  be  attributed  to  the  luxurious  hab- 
1786.  its  of  the  people  and  the  large  consumption  of  British  fabrics, 
the  dangers  of  which  could  not  well  be  over-estimated. ^  Hence 
the  discussion  in  the  papers  took  a  wide  range  ;  and  the  pro- 
ceedings of  the  remonstrants  were  not  only  satirized,  but  the 
knavery  of  their  leaders  was  freely  exposed.^ 

Aug.22.  The  convention  at  Worcester  was  followed,  a  week  later, 
by  another  at  Hatfield,  in  the  county  of  Hampshire,  of  dele- 
gates from  fifty  towns,  which  continued  in  session  three  days. 
The  list  of  grievances  put  forth  by  this  body  was  swollen  to 
a  catalogue  of  seventeen  articles ;  among  which  were,  the 
existence  of  the  Senate,  the  mode  of  representation,  the  inde- 
pendence of  officers  on  the  people  for  their  salaries,  the  embar- 
rassments of  the  press,  and  the  neglect  of  the  settlement  of 
important  matters  between  the  commonwealth  and  Congress 
relative  to  moneys  and  averages,^  The  passage  of  such  reso- 
lutions, as  may  well  be  supposed,  was  exactly  calculated  to 
encourage  the  lawless  ;  and,  four  days  after  the  rising  of  the 

Aug.29.  convention,  a  mob  of  several  hundreds,"*  some  of  them  armed 
with  guns  and  swords,  and  others  with  bludgeons,  assembled 
in  Northampton,  at  the  time  appointed  for  the  sitting  of  the 


*  "J^uper  divitift  avaritiam,"  says  be  viewed  with  abhorrence  and  dis- 

Livy,  "  et  abundantis  voluplntis  de-  gust.      Conip.   Hildreth's  U.    S.    iii. 

siderium.  per  luxitm  ntque  libidintm  466,  467. 

peremidi,    perdendique   omnia  invi-  ^  Worcester  Mag.  No.  25,  for  Sept. 

dere."  1786  ;  Minot's  Hist,  of  the  Insurrec- 

^  See  the  MS.  Letter  of  Gen.  Lin-  tion,  34-37  ;  Bradford,  ii.  260-262 ; 

coin  to  Gen.  Washington,  66, 67  ;  and  Holland's  Western  Mass.  i.  237,  238. 

compare   Holland's    Western    Mass.  For  an  account  of  the  convention  in 

i.  236,  237.     Without  doubt  the  con-  Middlesex,   held   in    Concord,   Aug. 

duct  of  speculators,  who  availed  them-  23,  see  Shattuck's  Hist.  Concord,  130. 

selves  of  the  necessities  of  others  to  Ten  articles  of  grievance  were  adopted 

purchase,   at   a  great  discount,  vast  by  this  convention,  and  an  address  to 

quantities  of  paper  monevj  and  who  the  public  was  ordered  and  pubhshed. 

were  disposed  to  ])ress  then-  claims  to  •*  The  newspapers  of  the  day  esti- 

the  utmost,  was  a  grievance  felt  deep-  mated  their  number  at  400  or  500;  but 

ly  by  the  subjects  of  their  operations  ;  Minot,  Hist,  of  the   Insurrection,  39, 

and  their  measures,  not  always  of  the  and   Bradford,  ii.  263,  estimate  their 

most  honorable  kind,  could  not  but  number  to  have  been  nearly  1500. 


PEOCEEDINGS   IN   WORCESTER    COUNTY.  227 

Court  of  Common  Pleas,  fully  determined  to  prevent  its  ses-  chap. 
sions,  and  to  suspend  the  regular  processes  of  law.     Tidings  ^^^^ 
of  this  outbreak  were  forwarded  to  Boston  ;  and  a  proclama-    1786. 
tion  was  issued  by  Governor  Bowdoin  forbidding  all  assem- 
blies of  the  people  for  unlawful  purposes,  and  calling  upon  the 
ofl&cers  of  the  government,  civil  and  judicial,  and  the  citizens 
generally,  to  aid  in  suppressing  such  treasonable  proceedings, 
and  in  restoring  the  community  to  its  usual  tranquillity.^ 

This  proclamation,  however,  had  but  little  effect,  though  the 
newspapers  of  the  neighborhood,  and  the  clergy  to  a  man 
nearly,  sided  with  the  government  in  opposing  sedition.  The 
flame,  which  was  burning  in  Worcester  and  Hampshire,  spread 
into  other  counties.  In  Middlesex,  Bristol,  and  Berkshire, 
conventions  were  held  and  votes  were  passed  ;  and  the  tumult 
was  so  threatening  that,  in  the  apprehension  of  many,  the 
safety  of  the  state  was  endangered.^ 

The  success  of  the  insurgents  in  the  county  of  Hampshire 
emboldened  their  associates  in  the  county  of  Worcester ;  and  sept.  5. 
the  sessions  of  the  court  were  prevented  by  a  mob  of  two 
hundred  persons,  who  posted  themselves  around  the  court 
house,  with  bayonets  fixed,  and  debarred  the  entrance  of  the 
judges.  General  Ward,  the  chief  justice,  remonstrated  with 
them  on  the  madness  of  their  conduct,  and,  in  a  speech  of  two 
hours'  length,  warned  them  of  the  consequences  which  must 
inevitably  ensue  ;  but  they  were  equally  deaf  to  remonstrance 
and  warning,  and  no  alternative  was  left  but  to  adjourn.^ 


^  Worcester  Mag.  No.  23,  for  Sept.  Western  Mass.  i.  242;    Hist.  Berk- 

1786;  Minot's  Hist,  of  the  Insurrcc-  shire,  127  ;  Lincoln's  Worcester,  135; 

tion,    39;    Bradford,    ii.    263;    Hoi-  Ward's    Shrewsbury,    9j-99.       The 

land's  Western  Mass.  i.  240.  mob    at   Worcester   was   under   the 

^  The  Worcester  Magazine  con-  command  of  Captain  Adam  Wheeler, 
tained  many  articles  on  the  disturb-  of  Hubbardston,  and  his  heutenant 
ances.  See  also  Minot!s  Hist,  of  the  was  Benjamin  Converse,  of  Hard- 
Insurrection,  39 ;  Holland's  Western  wick ;  but  Captain  Wheeler,  when 
Mass.  i.  241.  charged  with  being  their  leader,  dis- 

^  Worcester  Mag.  No.  23,  for  Sept.  claimed  })oth  the  office  and  the  re- 

17.S6;  Minot's  Hist,  of  the  Insurrec-  .sponsibiHty.    Only  100  of  the  men  had 

tion,  39;  Bradford,  ii.  263;  Holland's  guns;  the  rest  carried  bludgeons. 


228  PROCEEDINGS   IN   MIDDLESEX    COUNTY. 

The  next  attempt  was  at  Concord,  in  the  county  of  Middle- 
sex. The  insurgents  at  this  place,  about  one  hundred  in 
1786.  number,  were  chiefly  from  Groton  and  its  immediate  neiglibor- 
'  hood,  and  were  under  the  command  of  Captains  Job  Shattuck, 
of  Groton,  and  Nathan  and  Sylvanus  Smith,  of  Shirley.^  The 
first  night  they  lodged  in  the  court  house,  and  in  barns,  or 
such  other  shelter  as  could  best  be  obtained ;  and  on  the  fol- 

Sep.  13.  lowing  day  they  took  possession  of  the  grounds  in  front  of 
the  court  house,  and  marked  out  their  lines.  Here  they  were 
joined  by  a  party  from  Worcester,  about  ninety  strong,  under 
Wheeler,  of  Hubbardston,  and  Converse,  of  Hardwick  ;  so 
that  the  whole  body  numbered  about  two  hundred.  But  the 
citizens  of  Concord  had  not  been  idle  ;  and  not  only  did  they, 

Sept.  9.  at  a  special  meeting,  "  seriously  and  deliberately  "  discuss  the 
measures  which  had  been  adopted  in  other  counties,  but  de- 
clared their  "  utter  disapprobation  of  such  disorderly  proceed- 
ings." ^     The  governor,  likewise,  apprehending   disturbances, 

Sept.  8.  had  ordered  the  artillery  companies  of  Roxbury  and  Dorches- 
ter to  hold  themselves  in  readiness  to  march  to  Concord,  under 
the  command  of  General  Brooks,  with  such  other  companies 
from  the  county  of  Suffolk  as  the  exigencies  might  require  ;  ^ 
but  these  orders  were  countermanded,  in  consequence  of  the 
spirited  conduct  of  the  town. 

The  appearance  of  the  mob,  in  less  troublesome  times,  would 
have  excited  the  derision  of  every  beholder.  As  a  general 
thing,  they  "  looked  wretchedly  ; "  their  muskets  were  thor- 
oughly drenched  with  rain  ;  and  the  "  rank-scented  many  " 
were  redolent  of  rum,  which  they  had  poured  down  in  large 
quantities  to  keep  up  their  courage.  But,  while  they  were 
swaggering  and  vaporing  in  the  streets,  trolling  catches  of 

'  Worcester  Mag.  No.  25,  for  Sept.         ^  Worcester  Mag.  No.  24,  for  Sept. 

1786;  Butler's  Hist,  of  Groton  and  1786;  Shattuck's  Concord,  1 3 1 . 
Shirley ;  Shattuck's  Concord,  134.    A         ^  Worcester  Mag.  No.  24,  for  Sept. 

majority  of  the  legal  voters  of  Groton  1786;  Minot's  Hist,  of  the  Insurrec- 

are  said  to  have  concurred  in  resist-  tion,  42;  Shattuck's  Concord,  131. 
ing  the  government. 


DISTURBANCES   AT  TAUNTON.  229 

popular  songs,  and  making  the  air  unwholesome  with  their  chap. 
breath,  the  more  sober  citizens,  after  joining  in  prayer,  ap-  ^^^ 
pointed  a  committee  to  confer  with  their  leaders,  and  another  1786. 
to  confer  with  the  justices  of  the  courts.  The  reply  of  Shat- 
tuck  was  at  first  quite  insolent ;  and  he  declared  that  tlie 
courts  should  not  sit  until  the  grievances  of  the  people  were 
suitably  redressed  ;  but,  two  hours  later,  he  altered  his  tone, 
and  consented  that  the  Court  of  Sessions  might  open,  and  ad- 
journ to  the  last  Tuesday  in  November,  without  entering  the 
court  house. ^  Smith,  however,  was  much  more  refractory  ; 
and,  "  splitting  the  air  with  noise,"  he  beat  round  for  volun- 
teers, declaring  that  any  one  who  refused  to  join  his  standard 
and  follow  his  drum  should  be  "  drove  out  of  town  at  the  point 
of  the  bayonet."  "  I  will  lay  down  my  life,"  said  he,  "  to  sup- 
press the  government  from  all  triannical  oppression  ;  and  you, 
"who  are  willing  to  join  us  in  this  here  aifair,  may  fall  into  our 
ranks."  ^  This  illiterate  philippic,  with  its  accompanying  pro- 
fanity, was  offensive  even  to  his  own  party  ;  and  the  more 
respectable  were  heartily  ashamed  of  the  cause  they  had 
espoused.  The  judges,  in  the  mean  time,  deeming  it  useless 
to  proceed  to  business,  decided,  after  consultation,  to  suspend 
their  sessions  ;  and,  at  a  late  hour  in  the  afternoon,  they  left 
the  town,  and  the  insurgents  dispersed. ^ 

The  disturbance  at  Taunton,  in  the  county  of  Bristol,  was 
quelled  by  the  exertions  of  General  Cobb,  the  chief  justice  of 
the  Court  of  Common  Pleas,  and  a  military  officer  of  undaunt- 
ed courage.  Discretionary  orders  had  been  given  by  the  gov- 
ernor to  call  out  the  militia  in  case  of  necessity  ;  but,  in  the 
absence  of  the  Council,  which  was  not  then  in  session,  no  pos- 
itive instructions  could  be  issued  by  his  excellency.  General 
Cobb,  therefore,  who  had  reason  to  apprehend  that  violence 


>  Shattuck's  Concord,  135.  1786;  Shattuck's  Concord,  135,  136; 

•  Shattuck's  Concord,  135.  Butler's  Groton  and  Shirley,  133. 

'  Worcester  Mag.  No.  25,  for  Sept. 


230  PROCEEDINGS  IN  BERKSHIRE  COUNTY. 

CHAP,  would  be  attempted,  assumed  the  responsibility  of  ordering 

^^*     several  companies  to  appear,  at  Taunton,  on  the  morning  of 

1786.    the  day  the  court  was  to  meet,  and  took  possession  of  the 

court  house  "  with  a  field  piece  and  thirty  gentlemen  volun- 

Sep.  12.  teers."  By  this  seasonable  precaution  the  insurgents  were 
intimidated  ;  and,  although  they  appeared  in  considerable 
numbers,  they  were  assured  by  the  chief  justice  that  he  would 
"  sit  as  a  judge  or  die  as  a  general  ;  "  and,  knowing  from  his 
character  that  he  would  be  as  good  as  his  word,  the  malcon- 
tents separated  without  preventing  the  sitting  of  the  court. 
Yet  it  was  deemed  advisable,  here  as  elsewhere,  to  adjourn 
the  sessions  to  a  future  day.i 

In  the  county  of  Berkshire,  the  insurgents  were  equally 
Aug.  active.^  The  convention  at  Lenox,  held  soon  after  the  con- 
vention at  Hatfield,  was  composed  as  well  of  the  friends  of 
government  as  of  the  disaffected  ;  and  their  proceedings,  at 
first,  were  temperate  and  judicious,  though  the  general  rage 
for  reformation  was  displayed.  Some  of  the  acts  of  the  ad- 
ministration were  condemned  ;  but,  in  general,  a  respectful 
regard  for  authority  was  observed,  and  the  members  in  the 


'  Worcester  ^lag.  Xo.  25,  for  Sept.  brinsjing  of  personal  actions  for  tres- 

1786;  Mhiot's  Hist,  of  the  Insurrec-  passes  against  property  in  said  county, 

tion,  44  ;  Bradford,  ii.  26o,  266  ;  Mai-  Mliich  may  have  been  committed  in 

shall's  Washington,  x.  112,  note.  consequence  of  the  order,  resolve,  or 

^  Distm'bances  in  Berkshu-e  seem  vote,  eitlier  of  any  legal  town  meeting, 
to  have  commenced  at  a  quite  early  selectmen,  or  committee  of  inspection, 
date;  for  in  Felniiary,  1779,  the  re-  correspondence,&c.,  unless  leave  shall 
port  of  a  committee  of  the  General  be  first  had  and  obtiiined  of  the  Gen- 
Court  was  ])resented  relative  to  these  eral  Court.  And  that  it  is  nec-essary 
matters,  "  that  they  have  heard  the  for  the  peace  and  good  order  of  the 
members  of  the  General  Court  who  county  of  Berkshire,  that  there  should 
belong  to  the  county  of  Berkshire  be  justices  of  the  Inferior  Court  of 
upon  the  subject,  and  are  of  opinion  Common  Pleas  there  appointed,  and 
that  it  is  necessary  to  pass  an  act  of  justices  fbr  the  Court  of  General  Ses- 
pardon  and  indemnification  to  all  sions  of  the  Peace,  and  that  tliey  be 
riots,  routs,  and  all  assaults,  batteries,  directed  to  hold  their  respective  courts 
false  imprisoimients,  and  trespasses  as  by  law  a])pointed  ;  and  fmther,  that 
against  the  jjerson  of  a  subject,  com-  there  be  an  act  passed  for  holding  a 
niitted  and  done  within  the  county  of  Superior  Court  of  Judicature  in  said 
Berkshire  before  the  ])assmg  such  act ;  county  annually,  which  is  submitted." 
and  also  for  suspending  the  right  of  Jom-.  House  of  Rep.  for  Feb.  6,  1779. 


.      POSITION   OF   THE   CITIZENS   OF    BOSTON.  231 

most  solemn  manner  pledged  themselves,  as  a  body,  to  use  chap. 
their  influence  to  support  the  courts  in  the  exercise  of  their  ^,_^^ 
legal  powers,  and  to  quiet  the  agitated  spirits  of  tlic  people.^    1786. 
But  the  insurgents  were  not  satisfied  with  this ;  and,  at  the 
opening  of  the  Court  of  Common  Pleas  at  Great  Harrington, 
a  mob,  consisting  of  about  eight  hundred  persons,  abused  the 
judges,  succeeded  in  preventing  the  sessions  of  the  court,  and 
broke  open  the  jail  and  liberated  the  prisoners.^ 

The  excitement  was  now  general.  In  some  parts,  indeed, 
the  people  were  quiet ;  and  in  Boston,  in  particular,  an  address 
was  prepared,  and  sent  to  the  governor,  declaring  in  the  most  Sep.  11. 
explicit  terms  their  unvaried  determination  to  cooperate  in 
support  of  constitutional  government.  A  circular  letter  was 
also  sent  abroad,  addressed  to  the  inhabitants  of  every  town, 
reciting  the  dangers  which  had  been  mutual  during  the  war, 
and  contrasting  the  state  of  the  country  at  present  with  what 
it  would  have  been  had  their  enemies  conquered.  The  pledges 
which  had  been  made  in  defence  of  their  liberties  were  also 
alluded  to ;  and  they  conjured  their  brethren  in  the  most  feel- 
ing manner  not  to  gratify  the  malice  of  their  common  enemies 
in  seeking  a  redress  of  supposed  grievances  by  other  means 
than  those  which  their  social  compact  had  amply  provided. ^ 

The  address  to  the  governor  was  favorably  received,  and 
as  favorably  answered  ;    and  the  replies  to  the  circular  ad-  Sep.  13. 
dressed   to   the   towns,    though   varying   in   character,   were 
accordant  in  spirit,  and  evinced  a  pleasing  union  of  sentiment 
and  a  readiness  to   aid  in   upholding   the   laws."*      But  the 


*  Minot's  Hist,  of  the  Insurrection,  the  addresses  were  prepared  by  him 

44;  Holland's  Hist.  Western  Mass.  and  by  James  Sullivan,  Dr.  Charles 

i.  244.  Jarvis,  Stephen   Higginson,   Edward 

=*  Minot's  Hist,  of  the  InsuiTection,  Paine,  Jonathan  Jackson,  and  Jona- 

45  ;  Holland's  Hist.  Western  Mass.  than  L.  Austin,  who  were  appointed 

i.  244;  Hist.  Berkshire,  127,  128.  for  that  purpose. 

3  Worcester  Mag.  No.  25,  for  Sept.  *  The  answer  of  the  town  of  Rox- 

1786 ;  Minot's  Hist,  of  the  Insurrec-  bury  is  given  in  the  Worcester  Mag- 

tion,  46.     Samuel  Adams  was  mod-  azine,  No.  27,  for  Oct.  1786. 
erator  of  the  meetuig  in  Boston ;  and 


232  DISTURBANCES    AT   SPRINGFIELD. 

CHAP,  action  of  the  government   itself  was   called   for,  to   render 
^J^^Z^  effective  the  wishes  of  the  prudent ;  and,  as  the  General  Court 

I 

1786.  had  been  adjourned  from  the  eighth  of  July  to  the  last  of  the 
following  January,  it  was  deemed  advisable  to  convene  it  at 
an  earlier  date,  and  a  proclamation  was  issued  for  calling  it 
together  on  the  eighteenth  of  October  ;  but  the  pressure  of 
circumstances  required  that  a  still  earlier  date  should  be  fixed, 

Sep.  27.  and  the  twenty-seventh  of  September  was  assigned  by  the 
governor.^  In  the  midst  of  this  business  fresh  difficulties 
arose.  Hitherto  the  outbreaks  had  been  confined  almost 
entirely  to  the  sessions  of  the  Courts  of  Common  Pleas  and 
the  Courts  of  General  Sessions  of  the  Peace.  The  Supreme 
Judicial  Courts  had  not  been  molested.  But  these  courts,  it 
was  well  known,  were  properly  cognizant  of  acts  of  rebellion  ; 
and,  though  it  was  treasonable  to  disturb  them,  as  it  was 
feared  by  the  insurgents  that  indictments  might  be  presented 
against  the  more  froward,  it  was  determined,  if  possible,  to 
prevent  their  sessions.     The  sessions  at  Springfield  were  to  be 

Sep.  26.  holden  in  September ;  and  the  insurgents  prepared  to  obstruct 
their  proceedings.  To  defeat  their  designs,  and  at  the  same 
time  to  preserve  order,  a  body  of  six  or  eight  hundred  of  the 
militia,  under  General  Shepard,  of  Westfield,  was  detached  to 
the  court  house,  to  hold  possession  of  it  against  all  intruders.^ 
On  the  appointed  day,  the  troops  were  posted,  and  the  jus- 
tices assembled,  prepared  to  attend  to  the  duties  of  their  office ; 
but  the  insurgents  appeared  in  equal,  if  not  superior,  numbers, 
under  the  leadership  of  Daniel  Shays,  formerly  a  captain  in 
the  arm}'  of  the  revolution,  who  had  resigned  his  commission 
from  causes  not  known,  and  who  was  the  principal  personage, 


•  Worcester  Mag.  Xo.  25,  for  Sept.  Western   Mass.  i.   245  ;  History  of 

1786 ;  Minot's  Hist,  of  the  Insurrec-  Berkshii-e,    128.       From    the   state- 

tion,  33.  47  ;  Bradford,  ii.  257,  267.  merits  of  Holland  it  appears  that  only 

^  Worcester  Mag.  No.  28,  for  Oct.  about  300  of  the  militia  were  mus- 

1786  ;  Minot's  Hist,  of  the  Insurrec-  tered  at  the  opening  of  the  court. 
tion,48;  Bradford,  ii.  264;  Holland's 


CHARACTER    OF   DAY.  233 

or  at  least  the  most  prominent,  in  opposing  the  government  chap. 
and   resisting   its   authority.      The   character   of  Shays  was  _]1^ 
marked  by  no  qualities  which  entitled  him  to  distinction,  nor    1736. 
was   he   eminent  for  courtesy,  talent,  or   principle.      Brave 
though  he  may  have  been  while  in  a  good  cause,  he  had  not 
the  courage  which  siirinks  from  dishonorable  acts  ;  bankrupt 
in  fortune  as  well  as  in  virtue,  he  was  ready  to  "  embark  on 
the  flood  of  any  desperate  adventure,"  in  the  hope  of  improv- 
ing his  outward  condition  ;  and,  destitute  of  qualifications  for 
high  military  command,  there  were  others  who  were  leagued 
with  him  far  more  competent  and  fbi-midable  than  himself.^ 

Luke  Day,  of  West  Springfield,  was,  without  doubt,  the 
master  spirit  of  the  insurrection  ;  the  precedence  of  Shays  was 
the  result  of  mere  accident.  Day  had  served  as  a  captain  in 
the  revolution,  and  returned  home  poor,  but  with  honor,  and 
a  major  by  brevet.  Unfortunately,  however,  for  himself  and 
for  his  country,  the  cacoet/ies  loquendl  had  taken  possession  of 
him  ;  and,  as  a  good  declaimer,  his  bar-room  harangues  were 
frequent  and  fervent.  The  meetings  of  the  malcontents  had 
been  held  for  some  time  at  a  noted  tavern  in  his  native  town 
rejoicing  in  the  cognomen  of  "  the  Old  Stebbins  Tavern  ; "  and 
there  he  was  accustomed  to  spend  his  evenings,  in  the  company 
of  his  "  fellow-suflerers,"  who  were  inspired  by  his  eloquence 
to  imagine  themselves  "of  all  men  most  miserable."  As  his 
popularity  increased,  his  converts  multiplied,  and  they  were 
drilled  by  him  daily  on  the  West  Springfield  Common.  Their 
arms,  at  first,  were  hickory  clubs,  and  their  hats  were  adorned 
with  sprigs  of  hemlock  ;  but,  as  the  hour  of  action  approached, 
those  who  could  aflbrd  it  provided  themselves  with  muskets. 
Applied  to  a  good  cause,  the  talents  of  Day  might  have  been 
of  some  service ;  but  in  his  present  position,  he  was  entirely 
mistaken  in  supposing  that  the  applause  of  vulgar  minds  — 


'  On  the  character  of  Shays,  see     Shrewsbury,     115-117  ;     Holland's 
Lincoln's    Worcester,   369 ;    Ward's    Western  Mass.  i.  290-295. 


234  CONDUCT   OF  THE   INSURGENTS. 

CHAP,  the  "  tongues  o'  the  common  mouth  "  —  was  an  evidence  of  his 

^^^^;__^  genius,  or  could  insure  his  success.^ 
1786.  The  conduct  of  the  insurgents  was  exceedingly  insolent ; 
and  their  first  demand  was,  that  the  judges  should  pledge 
themselves  not  to  indict  any  of  the  late  rioters.  The  reply 
of  the  judges  was  firm  and  dignified  ;  they  should  execute 
the  laws  agreeably  to  their  oath.  In  the  confusion  which 
ensued,  however,  but  little  could  be  done  ;  and,  on  the  third 

Sep.  28.  day  of  their  sitting,  the  court  adjourned,  after  resolving  that 
it  was  inexpedient  to  proceed  to  Berkshire.  Thus  the  turbu- 
lent were  left  in  possession  of  the  field  ;  and,  as  they  continued 
their  threats,  there  were  serious  apprehensions  of  an  attack 
upon  the  militia.     But  the  prudence  of  Shepard  prevented  the 

Sep.  29.  conflict ;  and,  on  the  following  day,  the  insurgents  departed, 
leaving  the  town  in  considerable  confusion.^ 

Sep.  28.  The  speech  of  the  governor  at  the  opening  of  the  legislature 
contained  a  review  of  these  transactions,  a  declaration  of  the 
danger  of  such  proceedings,  and  the  want  of  justification  on 
the  part  of  the  insurgents,  even  if  their  grievances  were  admit- 
ted to  be  real.  The  necessity  of  efficient  measures  to  support 
the  government  and  restore  tranquillity  was  also  adverted  to  ; 
and  the  hope  was  expressed  that  the  representatives  of  the 
people,  who  were  authorized  to  act  for  them,  would  extend  all 
suitable  forbearance  and  relief,  according  as  the  condition  of 
the  state  would  admit.^ 

The  Senate  concurred  with  the  governor  in  these  views  ; 
but  in  the  House  a  difference  of  opinion  prevailed,  and  some 
of  the  members  secretly,  if  not  openly,  sympathized  with  the 
insurgents,  and  wished  them  success.^     Unanimity,  therefore, 


'  On   the  character   of    Day,   see  1786;  Mmot's  Hist,  of  the  Insurrec- 

Holland's  Western  Mass.  i.  244,  245.  tion.  5 1 ;  BratUbrd,  ii.  267  ;  Holland's 

2  Worcester  Mag.  No.  28,  for  Oct.  Western    Mass.   i.    248.       Compare 

1786 ;  Minot's  Hist,  of  the  Insurrec-  Sparks's  Washington,  ix.  204. 

tion,  49  ;  Bradford,  ii.  264  ;  Holland's  ■•  "  General  Knox,"  wote  Lee   to 

AVestern  Mass.  i.  245-248.  Washington,  "  has  just  returned ;  and 

^  Worcester  Mag.  No.  28,  for  Oct.  his   report,    grounded    on   his    own 


PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE  GENERAL  COURT.  235 

was  witli  difficulty  secured  ;  and,  though  the  joint  committee  chap. 
censured  the  proceedings  against  the  judicial  courts,  and  re-  ,__^ 
ported  an  approval  of  his  excellency's  conduct  in  raising  the    1786. 
militia,  and  a  promise  to  defray  the  expenses  incurred,  with  a 
provision  for  the  suspeuston  for  a  limited  period  of  the  privi- 
leges of  the  writ  of  Habeas  Corpus,  a  determination  was  at 
the  same  time  expressed  to  examine  into  and  redress  existing 
grievances,  and  relieve  the  people  of  oppressive  burdens.^    The 
discussions  which  ensued  were  continued  for  weeks  ;  and  the 
conventions,  emboldened  by  the  countenance  of  others,  poured 
in  petitions,  urging  pathetically  the  necessity  for  redress,  and, 
in  some  cases,  praying  that  a  general  convention  of  the  people 
might  be  called,  to  unite  in  consistent  and  explicit  petitions, 
and  that  the  sense  of  the  towns  might  be  taken  on  the  expe- 
diency of  revising  the  constitution.^ 

The  decision  which  was  finally  reached  was,  happily,  favora- 
ble.   A  law  against  riots  and  unlawful  assemblies  was  passed  ;  ^  Oct.  28. 
the  privilege  of  the  writ  of  Habeas   Corpus  was  suspended  Nov.io. 
for  eight  months  ;  an  act  was  completed  for  the  payment  of 
back  taxes  in  specified  articles  at  fixed  rates  ;  a  plan  was 


knowledge,   is   replete   with    melan-  continued  in  session  until  the  28th. 

choly  inl'ormation.     A  majority  oF  the  Worcester  Mag.  No.  27,  for  Oct.  1786. 

people  of  Massachusetts  are  in  ojjpo-  A   petition   was   also    sent    in   from 

sition  to  the  government.     Some  of  Worcester,  where  a  meeting  was  held 

the  leaders  avow  the  subversion  of  it  Se))t.  25,  which  continued  in  session 

to  be  their  object,  together  with  the  until  Oct.  2.    Ibid.     The  petition  of 

abolition    of    debts,  the    division  of  eighteen  towns  in  Middlesex  county  is 

])roperty,  and   a  reunion  with  Great  given  in  il)id.  No.  30.     This  conven- 

Britain.     In  all  the   Eastern  States  tion  was  held  Oct.  3. 

the   same  temper  ])revails   more    or  ^  Holland's  Western  Mass.  i.  249. 

less,  and  will    certainly    break  forth  By  this  act,  all  offenders,  wlio  should, 

when    the    opportune    moment    ar-  for  the  space  of  one  hour  after  it  was 

rives."      Marshall's   Washington,   v.  read  to  them,  continue  their  combina- 

117  ;  Sjjarks's  Washington,  i.\.  207.  tions,  were  to  be  jnmished  by  the  con- 

'   -Miiiot's  Hist,  of  the  Insurrection,  fiscation  of  their  ])ro])erty,  the  inflic- 

52  ;  Bradford,  il.  267,  268 ;  Holland's  tion   of  thirty-nine  strijies,  and   im; 

Western  Mass.  i.  249.  prisonment  not  more  than  one  year, 

-  Minot's  Hist,  of  the  Insurrection,  with  thirty-nine   stripes  every  three 

53-55.     One  of  these  petitions  was  months  dming  the  term  of  imprison- 

from  the  convention  held  at  Paxton,  ment. 
in  Worcester  county,  Sept.  26,  and 


236  RENEWED    DISTURBANCES. 

CHAP,  agreed  upon  for  originating  civil  causes  before  justices  of  the 

^^_^_;^  peace,  in  order  to  lessen  the  business  of  the  Courts  of  Com- 

1786.    mon  Pleas,  and  to  render  law  processes  less  expensive  ;  a  new 

Nov.15.  "tender  act "  was  framed,  the  operation  of  which  was  limited 

to  eight  months ;  an  address  to  the  people  was  prepared  and 

published ;  and  an  act  of  indemnity  was  passed,  granting  a 

pardon  to  all  persons  concerned  in  the  late  disturbances  who 

should,  by  the  first  day  of  January  following,  take  the  oath 

of  allegiance,  and  behave  orderly  in  the  mean  time.^ 

In  the  interval  of  the  passage  of  these  acts,  slight  disturb- 
Oct.  24.  ances   occurred   at  Taunton,  and  were   threatened   at   Cam- 
Oct.  31.  bridge  ;  and  a  circular  letter  was  addressed  by  Shays  to  the 
Oct.  23.  selectmen  of  many  of  the  towns  in  Hampshire  county,  requir- 
ing them  to  assemble  the  inhabitants,  and  to  see  that  they 
were  suitably  armed  and  equipped.^     It  was  evident,  there- 
fore, that  the  rebellion  was  not  quelled  ;  and  it  was  the  con- 
sciousness tliat  rigorous  measures  could  alone  prove  effectual 
which  induced  the  House  to  consent  that  such  steps  should  be 
taken  as  the  emergency  required  ;  for  if  the  government  was 
subverted  through  their  neglect,  they  had  the  sense  to  perceive 
that  the  consequences  would  be  as  ruinous  to  themselves  as  to 
others.     Personal  interest,  therefore,  compelled  them  to  sus- 
tain the  laws,  and  to  sanction  the  course  which  the  governor 
had  pursued.3 


»  Worcester  Mag.  No.  31,  32,  33,  1786;  Minot's  Hist,  of  the  Insurrec- 
and  3o,  for  Nov.  1786  ;  Minot's  Hist,  tion,  58,  59,  63,  64 ;  Bradford,  ii.  268, 
of  the  Lisurrection,  60,  65,  66  ;  Brad-  27 1 ;  Holland's  Western  jNIass.  i.  250. 
ford,  ii.  269,  270.  The  Address  to  ^  It  was  estimated,  by  some,  that 
the  People  was  approved  by  the  Sen-  the  number  of  the  disaffected  in 
ate  Oct,  30,  and  by  the  House  Nov.  Massachusetts  amounted  to  one  fiftli 
14 ;  1200  copies  were  ordered  to  be  of  the  inhabitants  in  several  of  tlie 
printed  and  distributed,  and  the  pam-  populous  counties  ;  and  their  doc- 
phlet,  containing  fort}-two  pages,  Mas  trines  and  purposes  were  embraced 
printed  by  Adams  and  Nourse.  An-  by  many  young  and  active  sjj.rits 
other  act,  for  rendering  processes  in  in  Khode  Island,  Connecticut,  New- 
law  less  expensive,  was  passed  Feb.  Hampshire,  and  Vermont ;  so  that  the 
14,  17s9.  Mass.  Laws  for  1789,  whole  faction  was  supposed  to  be 
chap.  Ixviii.  capable  of  furnishing  a  body  of  from 

'■^  Worcester  Mag.  No.  32,  for  Nov.  12  to    15,000  men,  bent  on  annilii- 


MEMORIAL    OP   THE  WORCESTER   CONVENTION.  237 

The  adjournment  of  the  General  Court,  which  took  place  chap. 
in  November,  was  immediately  followed  by  a  convention  of     ^^' 
delegates   in  the  county  of  Worcester,  who  sent  out  an  ad-    1786. 
dress,  asserting  the  riglit  of  the  people   to  examine,  censure, 
and  condemn  the  conduct  of  tlieir  rulers,  many  of  wliom,  they 
affirmed,  were  "  born  to  affluence,"  and  "  perhaps  the  whole  in 
easy  circumstances,"  and,  consequently,  incapable  of  sympa- 
thizing fully  with   the  less  wealtliy.     They  therefore  called 
upon  all  electors  to  stand  to  their  rights,  and  concluded  by 
affirming  that,  however  they  might  suffer  in  their  characters, 
persons,  or  estates,  they  should  think  themselves  "  happy,  if 
they  could,  in  the  least  degree,  contribute  to  restore  harmony 
to  the  commonwealth,  and  to  support  the  weight  of  a  tottering 
empire."  ^ 

If  it  was  the  intention  of  the  memorialists  that  the  close  of 
this  address  should  be  literally  construed,  the  terms  ill  com- 
ported with  its  opening  language.  The  people,  therefore, 
interpreted  it  to  suit  their  own  views ;  and,  so  far  from  re- 
fraining from  violence,  and  aiming  to  restore  harmony,  they 
were  more  active  than  ever  in  opposing  the  government,  and 
in  endeavoring  to  bring  it  into  general  contempt.  Before  the 
circular  was  issued,  indeed,  and  when  the  Court  of  General  Nov.2l. 
Sessions  of  the  Peace  attempted  to  meet  at  Worcester,  accord- 
ing to  adjournment,  the  court  house  was  found  to  be  filled 
with  armed  men,  and  the  justices,  opposed  by  a  triple  row  of 
bayonets,  were  obliged  to  meet  in  a  tavern.^  The  governor, 
on  hearing  of  this,  issued  his  orders  as  commander-in-chief, 
and  called  upon  the  officers  of  the  militia  to  see  that  their 


lating   property,   and   cancelling    all  1786;  Minot's  Hist,  of  the  Insurrec- 

debts,  public  and  ])rivate.     Knox  to  tion,  74 ;  Bradford,  ii.  273  ;  Lincoln's 

Washington;  Washington  to   Madi-  Worcester  ;  Ward's  Shrewsbury,  101, 

son,   in  Works,  ix.   207  ;  Marshall's  102.     These  insui-gents,  about  60  in 

Washington,  v.   114;   Ciutis's   Hist.  numl)er,  M-ere  headed   by  Mr.  Gale, 

of  the  Const,  i.  273.  of  Princeton,  and  were  joined  by  40 

'  jSIinot's  Hist,  of  the  Insurrection,  more  from  Shrewsbmy,  and  50  from 

72,  73.  Hubbardston    and    the   neighboring 

*  Worcester  Mag.  No.  34,  for  Nov.  towns. 


238  WARRANTS   FOR    THE    ARREST    OF   THE    INSURGENTS. 

CHAP,  divisions  were  organized  and  equipped  to  take  the  field  at 

"\7T 

^^.^.l^  the  shortest  notice  ;  the  militia  in  Middlesex  were  directed  to 
1786.  be  in  readiness  to  march  to  Cambridge  ;  four  regiments  were 
put  in  a  like  disposition  in  Essex  ;  and  the  sheriff  of  Barnsta- 
ble, where  symptoms  of  uneasiness  had  begun  to  appear,  was 
directed  to  call  out  the  militia,  if  necessary,  to  support  the 
courts  in  that  county.^ 

The  complaints  of  the  malcontents  now  became  furious. 
The  government,  they  said,  had  failed  to  comply  with  all  their 
requests ;  and  some  of  them  appeared  to  entertain  the  belief 
that  they  owed  no  obedience  to  their  rulers  further  than  their 
measures  were  approved,  and  that  they  might  at  pleasure  resist 
obnoxious  laws.^  By  persisting  in  their  opposition,  they  had, 
of  course,  rejected  the  offer  of  pardon  ;  and,  as  reason  was 
inadequate  to  dispel  their  delusion,  the  governor  was  required 
to  exercise  the  highest  authority  delegated  to  him  by  the 
legislature  to  suppress  the  rebellion.  Warrants  were  accord- 
ingly issued  for  the  arrest  and  imprisonment  of  the  leaders 
of  the  insurgents  in  Middlesex  ;  and  their  execution  was 
intrusted  to  the  sheriff  of  that  county,  aided  by  a  party  of 
horse  under  Colonel  Benjamin  Hichborn,  of  Boston,  who  had 
voluntarily  associated   to  preserve  the  peace.     Towards  the 

Nov.29.  last  of  the  month,  marching  orders  were  issued  ;  and,  joined 
by  a  party  from  Groton  under  Colonel  Henry  Wood,  the 
whole  body  proceeded  to  Concord.  The  Groton  horsemen, 
being  acquainted  with  the  country,  acted  as  scouts,  and  re- 
turned at  night  with  two  prisoners,  Parker  and  Page ;  but 
Shattuck,  the  principal  offender,  had  escaped.  He  was  seized, 
however,  the  next  day,  after  a  violent  resistance,  in  which  he 
was  wounded  ;  and  the  three  were  taken  to  Boston,  and  cast 
into  jail.3 


*  Minot's  Hist,  of  the  Insurrection,  1786;  Minot's  Hist,  of  the  Insurree- 
75 ;  Bradford,  ii.  274.  tion,    78;    Bradford,   ii.    270,    277; 

*  Bradford,  ii.  274.  Shattuck's  Concord,  139. 
^  Worcester  Mag.  No.  36,  for  Dec. 


DISTURBANCES   AT   "WORCESTER.  239 

The  sword  of  the  government  was  now  xmsheathed.     The  chap. 
heart  of  the  insurrection  was  broken  in   Middlesex  ;  and  it  _J^J^^ 
was  only  necessary,  in  other  parts,  to  proceed  with  similar    1786. 
vigor,  to  overcome  the  whole.     Yet  the  rebels  were  not  dis- 
heartened.    They  denounced  the  conduct  of  the  legislature  as 
"  oppressive,"  accused  the  members  of  being  "  insensible  to  the 
distresses  of  their  constituents,"  and  avowed  a  determination 
to  "  seek  redress  of  their  grievances  in  any  way  which  was 
practicable."  ^     In  accordance  with  these  views,  preparations 
were  made  to  prevent  the  sitting  of  the  Court  of  Common 
Pleas  at  Worcester  ;  and  the  insurgents,  to  the  number  of  four  Dec.  6. 
hundred,  from    Hampshire   and  Worcester,  rendezvoused   at 
Shrewsbury  a  few  days  previous  to  the  opening  of  the  court.  Nov.29. 
While  thus  posted,  a  party  of  horsemen  from  Boston,  twenty  Nov.30. 
in  number,  all  men  of  large  fortunes,  set  out  to  arrest  them  ; 
but  the  insurgents  were  informed  of  their  approach,  and  re- 
moved to  Holden,  and  from  thence  to  Grafton.     Shays,  with 
his  party  of  three  hundred  and  fifty,  was  quartered  at  Rut- 
land, but  a  few  miles  off ;  and  from  this  point  he  issued  his 
orders  to  his  associates.     On  Sunday,  the  party  from  Grafton  Dec.  3. 
entered  Worcester,  and,  obtaining  the  keys,  took  possession 
of  the  court  house,  where,  during  the  night,  they  were  joined 
by  others.     The  train  band  and  alarm  list,  in  the  mean  time, 
were  called  out,  and,  to  the  number  of  one  hundred  and  sev- 
enty, paraded,  and  marched  towards  the  rebels,    A  conference  Dec.4. 
ensued  ;  and,  as  they  refused  to  disperse,  the  commander  of 
the  militia.  Captain  Howe,  ordered  his  men  to  charge  bayonets 
and  advance.     The  insurgents  wavered,  and  fled  to  an  emi- 
nence before  the  court  house ;  and  the  militia  passed  them  to 
the  Hancock  Arms,  returned,  and  were  dismissed.^ 

.  In  the  evening,  the  arms  of  the  insurgents,  which  had  been 


»  Worcester  Mag.  No.  36,  for  Dec.  rection,  82;  Bradford,  ii.  278;  Hol- 

1786;  Bradlord,  ii'.  274.  land'.s   Western    Mass.   i.   2J2,  253; 

2  Worcester  Mag.  No.  36,  for  Doc.  Lincoln's  Worcester;  Ward's  Shrews- 

1786 ;    Minot's   liist.    of  the  Insui--  bury,  102-105. 


240  DISTURBANCES   AT   WORCESTER. 

CHAP,  incautiously  exposed,  were  secreted  by  several  young  men,  in 

^_^J^  the  spirit  of  mischief,  and  an  alarm  was  raised  that  a  company 
1786.  of  light  horse  from  Boston  was  approaching  ;  but  the  alarm 
proved  false,  the  arms  were  recovered,  and  the  panic-struck 
soldiers  remained  in  a  posture  of  defence  through  the  night. 
A  violent  snow  storm  set  in  about  sunset ;  but  this  did  not 
prevent  the  insurgents  from  Holdeu  and  other  towns  from 
marching  to  the  rendezvous  ;  and,  though  the  storm  raged  the 
next  day,  they  collected  to  the  number  of  five  or  six  hundred. 

Dec.  5.  The  judges  met  at  the  Sun  Tavern  ;  but  it  was  useless  to  think 
of  proceeding  to  business.  The  insurgents  continued  to  pour 
into  the  town  ;  and  by  the  arrival  of  Shays,  on  the  following 

Dec.6.  day,  with  his  three  hundred  and  fifty  men,  their  number  had 
swelled  to  nearly  a  thousand.  The  members  of  the  late  con- 
vention and  the  leaders  of  the  mob  conferred  as  to  what  should 
be  done  ;  and,  as  they  were  hardly  prepared  for  open  hostili- 
ties, a  petition  to  the  governor  was  draughted,  copies  of  which 
were  sent  into  all  the  towns  in  the  three  western  counties. 
The  language  of  this  petition  was  apparently  respectful.  The 
suspension  of  the  writ  of  Habeas  Corpus  was  the  chief  ground 
of  complaint ;  and  the  petitioners,  while  they  prayed  that  the 
benefits  of  the  act  of  indemnity  might  still  be  extended  to 
them,  assured  his  excellency  that  they  did  not  rise  on  account 
of  their  disaflFection  to  the  commonwealth,  as  was  alleged,  but 
because  they  were  unable  to  provide  for  their  families,  and,  at 
the  same  time,  pay  their  debts.  Not  a  word  of  acknowledg- 
ment of  error  did  they  insert,  but  promised  to  withdraw  only 
on  conditions  which  they  knew  would  be  rejected,  and  which 
were  tantamount  to  a  surrender  at  discretion  to  their  de- 
mands.^ 


'   Worcester  Ma"".  No.  36.  for  Dec.  That  hunger  broke  stone  walls;  that  dogs  must 

1786;   Lincoln's   Worcester;   WcOrd's  That'^m'eat  was  made  for  mouths;    that  the 
Shrewsbury,      105-109;      Holland's  gods  st-nt  not 

WpQtPvn  IVTi^s    ;    O'l'i  Corn  for  the  rich  only.    With  these  shreds 

vvebiein  iVidSS.  1.  -.^)J.  They  vented  their  complainings." 
'•They  said  they  were  an  hungry ;  sighed  forth  Coi-uilanus,  Act.  i.  So.  1. 

proverbs 


PROCEEDINGS   IN   HAMPSHIRE    COUNTY.  241 

The  courts  adjourned,  satisfied  that  resistance  would  other-  chap, 
wise  be  offered.     Previously,  however,  the  judges  were  insult-  ,^^^ 
ed,  and  one  of  them  was  apprehended  by  the  mob.     But  the    1786. 
insurgents  themselves  were  speedily  alarmed  ;   for  General 
Shepard,  with  a  body  of  twelve  hundred  men,  had  taken  the 
field,  ready  to  attack  them  at  a  moment's  warning.     Tliey 
accordingly  left  Worcester,  greatly  to  the  relief  of  the  well-  Dec.  9. 
disposed  citizens ;  and,  though  they  did  not  disband,  nor  even 
disperse,  quiet  was,  for  a  short  time,  partially  restored.^ 

The  proceedings  in  Hampshire  were  equally  disgraceful. 
Addresses  were  published  in  the  Gazette  and  the  Herald,  pro- 
fessing to  set  forth  "  the  principal  causes  of  the  late  risings 
of  the  people,  and  of  their  present  movement,"  and  calling 
upon  the  people  to  contend  without  ceasing  until  redress 
should  be  obtained.^  The  insurgents,  likewise,  remained  under 
arms,  and  talked  even  of  marching  to  Boston,  for  the  release 
of  Shattuck  and  the  other  prisoners  confined  there.  Meas- 
ures were  also  instituted  to  embody  their  forces,  by  the  ap- 
pointment of  a  committee  of  seventeen,^  who  were  to  write  to 
the  difi"erent  towns,  directing  them  to  meet,  organize  their 
companies,  and  form  them  into  regiments.  Yet  the  courage 
of  the  malcontents  was  fast  oozing  out,  and  there  was  evident 
trepidation  in  council  and  camp.  The  staid  and  respectable 
were  disgusted  with  their  movements  ;  for  tlie  most  illiterate 
presided  at  their  gatherings,  and  so  weak  were  their  demon-  j/n  2. 
strations  that  the  newspaper  wags  found  ample  scope  to  launch 
at  them  their  shafts  ;  and,  in  one  of  their  lampoons,  the  funeral 
obsequies  of  the  "  Robin  Hood  Club  "  were  described  with  a 
gravity  which  excited  the  risibles  of  many  a  person.'*     Shays 


^  Lincoln's     Worcester;     Ward's  ^  Their  names  are  given  in  Hol- 

Shrewsbur>-,    109,    110;     Holland's  land's  Western  Mass.  i.  257. 

Western  Mass.  i.  255.  ■*  Holland's  Western  ^Mass.  i.  257, 

^  Hampshire  Gazette;  Hampshire  258.     "The  corpse  was  preceded  by 

Herald;  Minot's  Hist,  of  the  Insur-  the  Httle  man  in  the  east, A\ith  a  long, 

rection,    83-8" ;    Bradford,   ii.    278 ;  white  wand,  to  clear  the  streets  of 

Holland's  Western  Mass.  i.  255,  256.  little   boys,   who   collected   iu   great 

VOL.    III.  16 


242  TROOPS  RAISED  TO  SUPPRESS  THE  REBELLION. 

CHAP,  himself  was  beginning  to  waver,  and  was  "  ready  in  a  moment 
.^..^  to  accept  of  a  pardon."  ^      And,  as  many  of  his  associates 

1786.  were  in  a  similar  condition,  it  is  probable  that,  had  the  crisis 
been  seized,  the  malcontents  might  have  been  effectually 
routed. 

But  matters  had  gone  too  far  to  be  peaceably  settled.  The 
Dec.  26.  courts  were  to  meet  at  Springfield  in  a  few  weeks  ;  and,  as  the 
courage  of  Shays  in  the  mean  time  revived,  he  marched  to 
that  town,  with  three  hundred  of  his  followers,  to  obstruct  the 
sessions.  The  court  house  was  seized,  and  guards  were  posted 
in  military  form  ;  and,  after  these  preliminaries,  a  committee 
was  appointed  to  wait  on  the  judges  with  a  petition,  requiring 
them  to  desist  from  further  proceedings.  This  petition  would 
doubtless  have  been  instantly  rejected,  had  it  not  been  backed 
by  scores  of  bayonets  and  hundreds  of  hickory  clubs.  Such 
arguments  were  too  strong  to  be  overlooked  by  wise  men ; 
and  the  dignitaries  of  the  bench  were  constrained  to  yield. ^ 

There  was  no  alternative  for  the  government  but  to  act. 
This  "inundation  of  distempered  humor  "  must  be  checked,  or 
serious,  if  not  fatal,  consequences  would  ensue.  It  would  be 
impolitic  to  "  outsport  discretion."  If  the  "  sourest  points " 
had  been  hitherto  met  with  the  "  sweetest  terms,"  and  tender 
rebukes  had  been  substituted  instead  of  the  sharp-edged  sword, 
it  was  time  to  take  a  firmer  stand.  Accordingly,  the  advice 
of  tlie  Council  was  sought ;  and,  with  their  approval,  orders 

1787.  -v^ere  issued  for  the  raising  of  a  body  of  forty-four  hundred 
rank  and  file  from  the  different  counties,  with  four  regiments 


numbers,   gazing    at    the   wondi'ous  covered  with  a  white  cap,  suggestive 

novehy.     At  his  right  hand,  the  great  of  Avhat  death  he  expected  soon  to  die. 

and  only  remaining  member  of  the  .     .     .     The  few  remaining  members 

covmcil  of  wai-,  weeping  over  the  pe-  closed  the  procession." 

tition  of  the  men  at  arms,  addressed  '  Minot's  Hist,  of  the  Insurrection, 

to  the  governor  and  council,  which  90;  Bradford,  ii.  281. 

he  carried    o];en  in   his    left   hand.  ^  Minot's  Hist,  of  the  Insurrection, 

.     .     .     The  chairman   followed   the  91;     Bradford,   ii.    282;     Holland's 

corpse  as  chief  mourner,  with  his  cap  Western  Mass.  i.  259. 

imder  his  arm,  and  his  venerable  locks 


THE   ARSENAL   AT   SPRINGFIELD   ATTACKED.  243 

of  artillery  from  Suffolk  and  Middlesex.^     The  command  of  chap. 
the  whole  was  intrusted  to  General  Lincoln,  as  the  first  major  ^^J^^ 
general  in  the  state,  whose  character,  as  a  gentleman  and  a    1787. 
military  officer,  peculiarly  qualified  him  for  the  delicate  trust ; 
supplies  for  the  troops  were  speedily  procured  ;  and  an  address  Jan.  12. 
to  the  people  was  prepared  and  circulated,  calling  upon  them 
once  more  to  refrain  from  violence,  and  assuring  them  that,  in 
case  of  resistance,  all  the  insurgents  would  be  dealt  with  in  a 
summary  manner.^ 

Quiet,  by  these  means,  was  restored  at  the  east.  But  the 
counties  at  the  west  were  in  a  vehement  flame.  Day  had 
assembled  a  company  of  four  hundred,  witli  glittering  muskets 
and  sharp-pointed  bayonets,  who  were  billeted  upon  the  in- 
habitants, and  exercised  daily.  The  arsenal  at  Springfield 
was  to  be  the  point  of  attack ;  for  there  the  arms  of  the 
United  States  were  lodged,  and  cannon  and  powder  were 
stored  in  quantities.  Shays  was  active  to  secure  this  post, 
and  to  secure  it  before  the  arrival  of  Lincoln.  To  frustrate 
his  purpose  was  of  the  utmost  importance,  for  the  welfare  of 
the  state  would  be  jeoparded  by  his  success.  General  Shepard 
accordingly  took  possession  of  the  post,  with  nine  hundred 
men,  ,and  was  reenforced  with  two  hundred  more,  all  of  whom 
were  from  Hampshire.  Day,  with  his  men,  was  stationed  at 
West  Springfield  ;  Eli  Parsons,  with  four  hundred  from  Berk- 
shire, was  posted  at  Chicopee,  in  the  north  part  of  the  town  ; 
and  Shays,  with  his  forces,  eleven  hundred  in  all,  approached 
the  arsenal  by  the  Boston  road.     The  number  of  the  insur- 


^  Of  these,  700  were  to  be  raised        -  MS.  Letter  of  General  Lincoln 

in  Suffolk,  500  in  Essex,  800  in  Mid-  to  General  Washington,  70 ;  Minot's 

dlesex,  1200  in  Hampshire,  and  1200  Hist,   of  the   Insurrection,    (!)3-102; 

in  Worcester.     MS.  Letter  of  General  Bradford,    ii.     287-290;     Holland's 

Lincoln  to  General  Washington,  70 ;  AVcstern  Mass.  i.  259.     The  instruc- 

Sparks's  Washington,  ix.  221;    Mi-  tions  to   General  Lincoln   are   given 

not's  Hist,   of  the  Lisurrection,  93;  in  his   MS.   Letter  to  Washington, 

Bradford,  ii.  288;  Marshall's  Wash-  71-73. 
ington,  V.   121;   Holland's   Western 
Mass.  i.  259. 


244  SITUATION    OF   SHEPARD. 

CHAP,  gents  was  at  least  eighteen  hundred,  and  a  considerable  pro- 

^J^  portion  of  them  were  "  old  continentals."  ^ 
1787.  The  twentj^-fifth  of  January,  at  four  in  the  morning,  was 
*  assigned  for  the  attack  ;  and  Shays  wrote  to  Day  requesting 
his  assistance  ;  but,  whether  it  was  inconvenient  for  him  to  be 
present  at  that  time,  or  whether  he  coveted  personally  the 
honor  of  Shepard's  surrender,  he  was  induced  to  delay  the 
projected  plan.  The  reply  of  Day  was  intercepted  by  Shep- 
ard ;  and,  acquainted  with  the  movements  of  the  "  regula- 
tors," he  prepared  to  receive  them.  Ignorant  of  the  fate  of 
his  letter,  Day  sent  an  insolent  message  to  Shepard,  demand- 
ing that  the  troops  in  Springfield  should  lay  down  their  arms, 
and  return  to  their  several  homes  upon  parole.  Shays,  on  his 
part,  sent  a  "  petitiou  "  to  General  Lincoln,  averring  his  unwill- 
ingness to  be  accessory  to  the  slieddiug  of  blood,  and  his 
desire  for  peace,  and  proposing  indemnity  for  himself  and  his 
associates,  and  the  release  of  the  prisoners  confined  in  Boston.^ 
The  situation  of  Shepard  was  exceedingly  critical.  Not- 
withstanding his  hypocritical  professions  of  peace,  Shays  was 
advancing  on  the  Boston  road,  and  approached  to  within  two 
hundred  and  fifty  yards  of  the  arsenal.  Shepard  had  pre- 
viously despatched  an  order  to  General  Brooks  to  march  to 
Springfield  with  the  Middlesex  militia  as  speedily  as  possible  ; 
and  General  Lincoln,  aware  of  his  need  of  assistance,  pre- 
pared to  march  from  Worcester  to  join  him.  Obliged,  there- 
fore, for  the  time  being,  to  depend  upon  his  own  resources,  a 
message  was  sent  to  the  insurgents  by  General  Shepard,  in- 
forming them  that  he  was  acting  under  the  authority  of  the 
state  and  of  the  Congress,  and  that  he  was  determined,  at  all 
hazard,  to  defend  his  post ;  but  they  were  undeterred  by  this 


'  MS.  Letter  of  Lincoln  to  Wash-  *  MS.  Letter  of  Lincoln  to  Wa.sh- 
ington,  74 ;  Minot's  Hist,  of  the  In-  ington,  74 ;  [Slinot's  Hi^it.  of  the  In- 
surrection, 107,  108;  Bradford,  ii.  surrection,  109;  Bradford,  ii.  291, 
291-293;  Holland's  Western  Mass.  292;  Holland's  AVestern  Mass.  i. 
i.  261,  262.  262-264. 


PURSUIT   OF   THE   INSURGENTS.  245 

announcement,  and  continued   to   advance.     Further   parley  chap. 
was  useless ;  and  orders  were  given  to  discharge  two  cannon  ^^.^^.^^ 
over  their  heads.     This  quickened  their  approach  ;  and  they    1787. 
pressed  forward,  with  an  unbroken  front,  to  within  fifty  yards 
of  his  line.     The  artillery  was  then  pointed  at  the  centre  of 
their  column  ;  the  order  was  given  ;  and,  as  the  smoke  rolled 
up,  a  pitiable  scene  of  confusion  was  exhibited.     The  cry  of 
*'  Murder "  was  heard  from   the  rear  of  the  mob ;  three,  at 
least,  lay  dead  on  the  ground,  and  a  fourth,  in  his  agony,  was 
writhing  in  the  snow.     In  vain  did  Shays  attempt  to  rally 
them  ;  they  retreated  in  disorder,  and  fled   to  Ludlow,  ten 
miles  distant.^- 

Day,  in  the  mean  time,  more  irritated  than  dismayed,  re- 
mained in  inglorious  ina^ctivity  at  West  Springfield  ;  nor  was 
the  report  of  the  cannon  sufficient  to  arouse  him.  The  army 
of  Lincoln  was  a  day's  march  distant,  but  was  advancing  rap- 
idly to  the  scene  of  strife.  To  avoid  a  collision  with  him, 
Shays,  with  his  followers,  withdrew  to  Chicopee,  where  Par- 
sons was  posted,  with  the  rebels  from  Berkshire  ;  but,  while 
on  his  way,  two  hundred  men  deserted  his  ranks.  The  arrival 
of  Lincoln  was  greeted  with  joy,-  and  pursuit  and  aggression  Jan.  27. 
were  immediately  counselled.  Every  thing  favored  the  success 
of  his  plans,  for  the  camp  of  the  enemy  was  filled  with  confu- 
sion. Wearied,  therefore,  as  were  his  soldiers,  they  were 
marched  towards  West  Springfield,  while  the  Hampshire 
troops,  under  General  Shepard,  were  sent  up  the  river  to  the 
rendezvous  of  Shays.  The  troops  of  General  Lincoln  crossed 
on  the  ice ;  and,  at  the  ferry,  the  guard,  after  a  feeble  resist- 
ance, hastily  fled.  The  infantry,  on  reaching  the  shore,  marched 
up  "  Shad  Lane,"  while  the  cavalry,  under  Major  BuSington, 

'  MS.  Letter  of  Lincoln  to  Wash-  were  thrown  into  Shepard's  camp  on 

ington,   74  ;  Marshall's  "Washington,  the  night  of  the  26th.    MS.  Letter  of 

V.   122 ;  Minot's  Hist,  of  the  Lisur-  Lincoln  to  "\^'^ashington,  15.     General 

rection.  Ill;  Bradford,  ii.  293,  294 ;  Lincoln  himself  aiiived  at  noon  on 

Holland's  Western  Mass.  i.  265.  the  27  th. 

*  One  regiment,  and  some  horse, 


246  PUESUIT  OP  THE  INSURGENTS. 

CHAP,  who  was  distinguished  for  his  gallantry,  went  up  the  middle 

^__,^3i^  of  the  river,  to  prevent  the  crossing  of  the  force  under  Day.^ 

1787.    The  retreat  of  the  latter  speedily  followed  ;  and  so  hastily  did 

his  troops  flee,  that  bread  and  pork  and  beans  were  left  baking 

in  the  ovens,  and  their  path  to  Northampton  was  strewed  with 

cast-off  muskets  and  knapsacks.^ 

The  flight  of  Day  was  a  signal  for  his  associates  to  shift  for 
themselves ;  and,  alarmed  for  his  own  safety,  Shays,  whose 
courage  had  nearly  deserted  him,  hastily  marched  through 
South  Hadley  to  Amherst,  supplying  the  hunger  of  his  men 

Jan.  29.  by  plunder.  Lincoln  pursued  him  ;  but,  before  his  arrival, 
the  discomfited  leader  pushed  forward  to  Pelham,  and  shel- 
tered himself  amidst  its  hills.^  Tlie  public,  by  these  victories, 
were  relieved  of  their  fears  ;  domestic  tranquillity  was  re- 
stored to  the  agitated  inhabitants  of  Springfield  ;  and  General 
Lincoln  passed  over  to  Hadley,  to  find  a  shelter  for  his  wea- 
ried troops.  The  alarm  of  the  same  day  called  out  the  Brook- 
field  volunteers,  to  the  number  of  fifty,  under  Colonel  Baldwin, 
and  one  hundred  horse  under  Colonel  Crafts  ;  and  at  Middle- 
field  they  succeeded  in  capturing .  the  party  which  had  occa- 
sioned the  disturbance* 

The  insurgents,  though  defeated,  were  posted  in  Pelham  in 
considerable  numbers,  and  had  taken  possession  of  two  high 
hills,  which  were  difficult  of  access  from  the  depth  of  the 
snow.  Further  hostilities,  therefore,  seemed  to  be  threatened  ; 
and,  to  prevent  these,  if  possible,  General  Lincoln  addressed 

Jan.  30.  a  letter  to  Shays  and  his  associates,  counselling  them  to  dis- 
band.    The  reply  of  Shays  was  in  his'  customary  vein ;  and 


>  MS.  Letter  of  Lincoln  to  Wash-  ^  ]y[S_  Letter  of  Lincoln  to  Wash- 
ington, 75;  Minot's  Hist,  of  the  Li-  ington,  76;  Minot's  Hist,  of  the  In- 
surrection, 112,  113;  Bradford,  ii.  surrection,  114,  116;  Bradford,  ii. 
294,  295 ;  Holland's  Western  Mass.  296 ;  Holland's  Western  Mass.  i. 
i.  266.  266,267. 

^  Worcester  ^L^g.  No.  46,  for  Feb.  ■*  Minot's  Hist,  of  the  Insurrection, 

1787;    Holland's   Western  Mass,  i.  117,    118;   Bradford,   ii.    296;  Hol- 

266.  land's  Western  Mass.  i.  267. 


SESSION   OF   THE   GENERAL   COURT.  247 

the  assertion  was  repeated  that,  however  unjustifiable  their  chap. 
measures  might  appear,  their  patlis  were  marked  with  "  a  de-  ^Ji^ 
gree  of  innocence,"  and  that  they  were  willing  to  lay  down    1787. 
their  arms  "  on  the  condition  of  a  general  pardon,"  and  return 
to  their  homes.     A  "  committee  of  reconciliation "  was  also 
appointed  to  wait  upon  the  general,  and  receive  his  answer  ;  Jan.  31. 
but  their  request  was  declared  to  be  "  totally  inadmissible,"  as 
no  powers  had  been  delegated  to  him  which  would  justify  a 
delay  of  his  operations.^     Communications  from  the  towns 
were  similarly  treated  ;  and  the  malcontents,  conscious  of  the 
weakness  of  their  party,  petitioned  the  legislature  that  hostili- 
ties might  cease.^ 

The  session  of  the  General  Court  was  to  take  place  in 
January  ;  but  it  was  the  third  of  February  before  a  quorum  Feb.  3. 
appeared.  The  speech  of  the  governor,  which  was  full,  con- 
tained a  review  of  the  proceedings  of  the  insurgents,  and 
insisted  upon  a  vigorous  suppression  of  the  insurrection. 3 
Entire  satisfaction  with  the  conduct  of  the  executive  was 
expressed  by  both  branches  ;  and,  to  signalize  their  readiness 
to  sustain  his  authority,  a  declaration  of  rebellion  was  adopt-  Feb.  4. 
ed,  accompanied  by  a  resolve  approving  the  offer  of  clemency 
to  the  insurgents,  and  empowering  the  governor,  in  the  name 
of  the  General  Court,  to  promise  a  pardon,  under  such  dis- 
qualifications as  should  afterwards  be  provided,  to  all  privates 
and  non-commissioned  officers  in  arms  against  the  common- 


'  MS.  Letter  of  Lincoln  to  Wash-  1787  ;  Minot's  Hist,  of  the  Lisurrec- 
ington,  76-79,  83;  Worcester  Mag.  tion,  123;  Bradford,  ii.  299;  Hol- 
No.  44,  for  Feb.  1787 ;  Minot's  Hist,  land's  Western  Mass.  i.  271.  "The 
of  the  Insurrection,  118-122;  Brad-  moment  is  important,"  wrote  Wash- 
ford,  ii.  298, 299 ;  Holland's  Western  ington  to  Knox,  Feb.  3.  1787,  in 
Mass.  i.  268,  269.  The  letter  to  Sjiarks's  Washington,  ix.  228.  "  K 
Shays  was  delivered  by  Gen.  Put-  the  government  shrinks,  or  is  unable 
nam,  and  two  other  officers,  who  to  enforce  its  laws,  fresh  mand'uvres 
were  of  the  familj-  of  Lincoln.  will  be  disjjlayed  by  the  insurgents, 

^  MS.  Letter  of  Lincoln  to  Wash-  anarchy  and  confusion  must  prevail, 

ington,  81,  82  ;  Marshall's  Washing-  and  every  thing  will  be  turned  topsy- 

ton,  V.  123.  turvy  in  that  state,  where  it  is  not 

^  Worcester  Mag.  No.  44,  for  Feb.  probable  the  miscliief  will  end." 


248  PURSUIT    OP   SHAYS. 

CHAP,  wealth,  unless  excepted  by  the  general  officer  commanding  the 

^__^^  troops,  upon  condition  of  surrendering  their  arms  and  taking 

1787.    the  oath  of  allegiance  within  a  fixed  time.'     A  bill  was  also 

Feb.  8.  *  . 

passed  appropriating  the  sum  of  forty  thousand  pounds  of  the 
impost  and  excise  duties  for  reimbursing  the  moneys  borrowed 
for  suppressing  the  rebellion,  and  a  resolve  approving  the 
spirited  conduct  of  General  Shepard.^ 

Pending  these  movements  on  the  part  of  the  General  Court, 
and  in  the  face  of  the  petition  forwarded  to  that  body  ac- 
knowledging their  error  and  promising  to  disband,^  Shays,  as 
if  determined  to  place  his  men  beyond  the  temptation  to 
desert,  withdrew  his  forces  from  Pelham  to  Petersham,  a  num- 
ber of  the  towns  in  that  vicinity  having  engaged  to  support 
him.  A  pursuit  was  commenced  by  Lincoln  at  eight  in  the 
evening  ;  and,  though  the  weather  was  exceedingly  cold,  and 
the  path  before  him  was  "  bleak  and  drear,"  and  a  violent 
snow  storm  overtook  him  on  his  route,  he  puslied  on  without 
halting,  to  the  infinite  surprise  of  the  discomfited  rebels,  whom 
he  found  reposing  in  fancied  security.  Hardly  had  they  time 
to  snatch  up  their  arms,  when  the  whole  army  under  General 
Feb.  4.  Lincoln  —  cavalry,  artillery,  infantry,  and  all  —  came  pouring 
into  the  town.  The  frightened  rebels  precipitately  fled,  throng- 
ing the  back  road  leading  to  Athol,  and  scarcely  discharging 
a  gun  in  their  retreat.  Lincoln  might  have  slain  many,  had 
such  been  his  policy  ;  but  he  contented  himself  with  routing 
them,  and  taking  one  hundred  and  fifty  prisoners,  whom  he 
dismissed  to  their  homes,  after  administering  to  tliem  the  oath 
of  allegiance.  Shays,  however,  eifected  his  escape,  and  was 
next  heard   of  at  Winchester,  New  Hampshire,  with  three 


'  MS.  Letter  of  Lincoln  to  Wash-  ington,  97,  101  ;  Minot's  Hist,  of  the 

ington,  87-95  ;  Worcester  INLig.  Nos.  Lisurrection,  126. 

45  and  46,  for  Feb.  1787  ;  ilinot's  ^  For  this  petition,  see  Worcester 

Hist,  of  the  Insurrection,  124;  Brad-  Mag.  No.  47,  for  Feb.  1787;  Minot's 

ford,  ii.  371-373  ;  Holland's  Western  Hist,  of  the  Lisurrection,  127,  128; 

Mass.  i.  271.  Bradford,  ii.  300. 

*  MS.  Letter  of  Lincoln  to  Wash- 


VIGILANCE    OF   THE   GOVERNMENT.  249 

hundred  of  his  men,  wliile  the  rest  had  fled  to  Vermont  and  chap. 

VI 

New  York.^  ^^^..1^ 

The  tidino-s  of  tliis  defeat  reached  Boston  on  the  sixth  ;  and    its?. 

*  Feb.  6. 

the  friends  of  tlie  government  were  encouraged  to  hope  that 
the  rebellion  was  at  an  end.  The  order  for  raising  twenty-six 
hundred  men,  whicli  had  just  been  passed,  was  accordingly  so 
far  countermanded  as  to  provide  for  raising  fifteen  hundred  Feb.  8, 
for  four  months,  unless  sooner  discharged  ;  the  petition  of  the 
insurgents  was  rejected  ;  the  conduct  of  Lincoln  was  approved  ; 
a  proclamation  was  issued  offering  a  reward  of  one  hundred 
and  fifty  pounds  for  the  apprehension  of  the  leaders  of  the 
rebellion  ;  and  the  governor  was  empowered  to  write  to  the 
neighboring  states,  where  the  fugitives  were  secreted,  request- 
ing their  concurrence  in  measures  for  their  capture.^ 

Compelled  to  change  their  mode  of  warfare,  the  remaining 
insurgents  determined  to  harass  the  inhabitants  in  small  par- 
ties, and  to  accomplish  by  these  means  what  they  had  other- 
wise failed  to  effect.  But  the  vigilance  of  the  government 
was  fully  aroused,  and  in  all  their  incursions  tliey  were  suc- 
cessfully repulsed.  Patriots  rallied  for  the  defence  of  the 
constitution  :  and  in  Worcester,  in  Hampshire,  and  in  Berk- 
shire, the  rebellion  was  checked,  and  the  insurgents  were 
routed.  Parties  of  volunteers  offered  their  services,  and  men 
of  the  first  rank  were  filled  with  enthusiasm.  Driven  to  des- 
peration, Parsons  and  his  allies  breathed  rash  vows  of  "  re-  Feb.  15. 
lentless  bloodshed,"  resolved  to  "  Burgoyne  Lincoln  and  his 
army,"  and  declared  their  determination  to  carry  their  point, 
if  "  fire,  blood,  and  carnage  "  w^ould  effect  it.^ 


'  MS.  Letter  of  Lincoln  to  Wash-  46,   for    Feb.   1787;    Mlnot's    Hist, 

ington,  84-86;  Minot's  Hist,  of  the  of   the  Lisurrection,   129-131,   135; 

InsuiTcction,   131-135;  Bradford,  ii.  Bradford,    ii.    303,    305;    Holland's 

301  ;  Holland's  Western  Mass.  i.  270,  Western  Mass.  i. 
271;    Lincoln's  Worcester;    Ward's         ^  Minot's  Hist,  of  the  Insurrection, 

Shrewsbury,  113.  136-148;    Bradford,    ii.    303-305; 

-  MS.  Letter  of  Lincoln  to  Wash-  Holland's  Western  Mass.  i,  272-275. 
ington,  96-98 ;  Worcester  Mag.  No. 


250  DISQUALIFYING   RESOLVES. 

The  question,  what  disqualifications  should  constitute  the 
conditions  of  indemnity  to  the  rebels,  was  debated  by  the 
1787.  General  Court  for  several  days.  A  subject  so  new  was  at- 
tended with  a  great  many  difficulties  and  perplexities.  It 
involved  the  character  of  the  insurgents  and  their  cause  ;  and, 
as  the  effect  of  their  punishment  would  depend  on  the  convic- 
tion of  the  public  of  its  justice,  and  on  the  exactest  proportion 
between  the  penalty  and  the  crime,  it  was  easy  to  foresee  that, 
if  the  penalty  exceeded  the  most  moderate  limits,  numbers, 
instead  of  being  deterred  by  their  fate,  would  excuse  their 
ci'imes,  and  become  their  advocates  as  the  victims  of  power. 
Feb.  16.  The  decision  of  the  Houses  was  as  mild  as  could  have  been 
^<^expected  ;  and  the  instituted  conditions  were,  "  that  the 
offenders,  having  laid  down  their  arms,  and  taken  the  oath  of 
allegiance  to  the  commonwealth,  should  keep  the  peace  for 
three  years,  and,  during  that  term,  should  not  serve  as  jurors, 
be  eligible  to  any  town  office  or  any  other  office  under  the 
I  government,  should  not  hold  or  exercise  the  employment  of 
schoolmasters,  innkeepers,  or  retailers  of  spirituous  liquors,  or 
give  their  votes  for  the  same  term  of  time  for  any  officer,  civil 
or  military,  within  the  commonwealth,  unless  they  should, 
after  the  first  day  of  May,  1788,  exhibit  plenary  evidence  of 
their  having  returned  to  their  allegiance  and  kept  the  peace, 
and  of  their  possessing  such  an  unequivocal  attachment  to  the 
government  as  should  appear  to  the  General  Court  a  sufficient 
ground  to  discharge  them  from  all  or  any  of  these  disqualifi- 
cations." To  such  of  the  privates  among  the  rebels  as  had 
taken  up  arms  on  the  side  of  the  government  before  the  first 
of  February  current,  the  governor  was  empowered  to  extend 
the  release  of  all  or  any  of  these  conditions,  as  also  to  certain 
others  designated.  And  those  absolutely  excepted  from  the 
indemnity  were  "  such  as  were  not  citizens  of  the  state,  such 
as  had  been  members  of  any  General  Court  in  the  state,  or 
had  been  employed  in  any  commissioned  office,  civil  or  mili- 
tary ;  such  as,  after  delivering  up  their  arms,  and  taking  the 


VIEWS   OF   GENERAL   LINCOLN.  251 

oath  of  allegiance  during  the  rebellion,  had  again  taken  and  chap. 
borne  arms  against  the  government ;  such  as  had  acted  as  __^^ 
committees,  counsellors,  or  advisers  to  the  rebels  ;  and  such    1787. 
as,  in  former  years,  had  been  in  arms  against  the  government, 
in  the  capacity  of  commissioned  officers,  and  were  afterwards 
pardoned,  and  had  been  concerned  in  the  rebellion."^ 

Judicious,  however,  as  tliese  measures  appeared  in  the  eyes 
of  many,  there  were  not  wanting  others  who  "  could  not  but 
suppose  that,  if  the  number  of  the  disfranchised  had  been  less, 
the  public  peace  would  have  been  equally  safe,' and  the  gen- 
eral happiness  promoted."  Among  these  was  General  Lincoln, 
who  was  thoroughly  acquainted  with  all  the  circumstances  of 
the  rebellion,  and  whose  statesmanlike  views,  which  do  equal 
honor  to  his  head  and  his  heart,  were  freely  expressed  in  a 
communication  to  a  "  private  friend  in  Boston,"  and  in  a 
voluminous  epistle  to  General  Washington. 

"  The  act,"  he_obsf;rves,  "  includes  so  great  a  descriptioja  of 
persons,  that,  in  its  o]3ei'ation.  many  towns  will  be  disfran,-. 
chised.  TIli^-JlilL!"]'^^^'^  ^^^^  whole  :  fQr..,jamUi}3l4^4-4isordec3. 
must  be  ex]jerienced  under  such  circumstances.     The  people 


who  have  bcen_in  arms  against  the  government,  and  their 
abettors,  have  complained,  and  do  now  complain,  that  griev- 
ances  exist,  and  that  they  ought  to  have  redress.  We  have 
invariably  said  to  them,  '  You  are  wrong  in  flying  to  arms ; 
you  should  seek  redress  in  a  constitutional  way,  and  wait-the 
decision  of  the  legislature.'.  These  observations  were  un- 
doubtedly just  ;  but  will  they  not  now  coinplain,  and  say  that 
we  have  cut  them  off  from  all  hope  ol'  riMlross  from  that  quar- 
ter?  for  we  have  denied  them  a  rej^rcsciiluliou  in  that  legisla- 
tive  body  by  wliose  laws  they  must  be  governed.  While  they 
are  in  this  situation,  they  never  will  be  reconciled  to  govern-  ; 
ment,  nor  wil 

^  MS.  Ijetter  of  Lincoln  to  Wash-     of  the   Insvu-rection,  138 ;  Holland's 
ington,    104-112;   Worcester    Mug.     Western  Mass.  i.  275,  276. 
No.  47,  for  Feb.  1787  ;  Aliiiot's  Hist. 


252  VIEWS  OF   GENERAL  LINCOLN. 

CHAP,  motive  than  fear,  excited  by  a  constant  military,  armed  force 

^^^.^.^^  extended  over  them. 
1787.  "  While  these  distinctions  are  made,  the  subjects  of  them 
will  remain  invidious,  and  there  will  be  no  affection  existing 
among  the  inhabitants  of  the  same  neighborhood,  or  families, 
where  they  have  thought  and  acted  differently.  Tjiose  who 
haye  been  opposers  of  government  will  view  withajealoug 
eye  those  wlio  liave  been  supporters  of  it,  and  consider^them 
asthe__cause  which  producedtlie  discjualifying  act,  and  who 
are  now  keeping  it  alive.  Many  never  will  submit  to  it. 
They  will  rather  leave  the  state  than  do  it.  And  if  we  could 
reconcile  om-selves  to  this  loss,  and  on  its  account  make  no 
objection,  yet  these  people  will  leave  behind  them  near  and 
dear  connections,  who  will  feel  themselves  wounded  through 
their  friends. 

"  Tlie  influence  of  these  people  is  so  fully  checked,  that  we 
have  nothing  to  apprehend  from  them  now  but  their  indiyid-_ 
ualvotes.  When  this  is  the  case,  to  express  fears  from  that 
quarter  is  impolitic.  Admit  that  some  of  these  very  people 
shou Id  obtain  a  seat  in  the  Assembly  the  next  year,  we ^ have 
nothing  to  fear  from  the  measure :  so  far  from  that,  I  think 
it_wouId  produce  the  most  salutary  effects.  For  my  own  part. 
I  wish  that  those  in  general  who  sliould  receive  a  pardon  were 
at  liberty  to  exercise  all  the  rights  of  good  citizens ;  for  I, 
believe^it^to  be  the  only  way  which  can  be  adopted  to  mal^g 
them  good  members  of  society,  and  to  reconcile  them  to  that 
government  under  which  we  wish  them  to  live.  If  we  are 
afraid  of  their  weight,  and  they  are  for  a  given  time  deprived 
of  certain  privileges,  they  will  come  forth  hereafter  with 
redoubled  vigor.  I  think  we  have  much  more  to  fear  from  a^. 
certain  supinmicss  wliir:h  has  RPJ7^rl_nn_a^rpa.t.  prpportion^ of 
our  citizens,  who  liave  been  totally  inattentive  to  the  exercise 
of  those  rights  conveyed  to  them  bj_the  constitutioii  of  .this, 
cornmon wealth.  If  the  good  people  of  the  states  will  not 
exert  themselves  in  the  appointment  of  proper  characters  for 


VIEWS   OF   GENERAL   LINCOLN.  253 

the  executive  and  legislative  branches  of  government,  no  dis-  chap. 
franchising  acts  will  ever  make  us  a  happy  and  well-governed  _.^J^ 
people.  1787. 

"  I  cannot,  therefore,  on  the  whole,  but  think  that,  if  the 
opposers  to  government  in  general  had  been  disqualified,  on 
a  pardon,  from  serving  as  jurors  on  the  trial  of  those  who  had 
been  in  sentiment  with  them,  we  should  have  been  perfectly 
safe.  For,  as  I  observed,  these  people  have  now  no  influence 
as  a  body,  and  their  individual  votes  are  not  to  be  dreaded  ; 
for  we  certainly  shall  not  admit  that  the  majority  is  with  them 
in  their  political  sentiments.  If  they  are,  how,  uj)on_ republi- 
can principles,  can  we  justly  exclude  them  from  the  right  of_ 
jovernino;.'''  ^ 


The  opinions  thus  expressed  were  cherished  by  others,  and 
the  friends  to  lenient  measures  "  began  again  to  advance  their 
sentiments."  Already  had  petitions  appeared  from  more  than 
twenty  towns  to  request  the  liberation  of  the  state  prisoners, 
and,  in  some  instances,  the  recall  of  the  state's  army,  under 
the  humane  idea  of  preventing  the  shedding  of  blood  ;  and 
attempts  were  made  to  mitigate  a  punisiiment  which  the  perse- 
verance of  the  rebels  had  rendered  it  difficult  to  delay  or 
avoid  ;  but  the  advocates  for  the  insurgents  had  so  often 
pledged  themselves  for  their  reformation  on  condition  of  their 
pardon,  and  these  pledges  had  so  often  failed  or  been  violated, 
that  little  inclination  was  felt  to  continue  a  forbearance  which 
had  proved  ineffectual,  and  which  had  tended  rather  to  em- 
bolden than  to  reconcile  those  towards  whom  it  had  hitherto 
been  extended.^ 

1  MS.  Letter  of  General  Lincoln  such   as   thej^   are.     Upon   my   first 

to    General    Washington,    dated    at  seeing  it,  I  formed  an  o])inion  per- 

Pittsfield,  February  22,  1787,  in  a  MS.  fectly  coincident  Avith  yours,  viz.,  that 

volume  in  the  possession  of  his  grand-  measures     more     generally     lenient 

son,  Benjamui  Lincoln,  Esq.,  of  Bos-  might  have  produced  equally  as  good 

ton.      Comp.    Sparks's   Washington,  an  effect,  Avithout  entirely  alienating 

ix.  240.     "  I  am  extremely  hapi)y,"  the  affections  of  the  peo])le  from  the 

says  Washington  to  Lincoln,  March  government."     Comp.  also  ibid.  249. 

13,   1787,   "to  find  that  yoiu:  senti-  ^  Minot's  Hist,  of  the  Insurrection, 

ments  upon  the  disfranchising  act  ai-e  "  1  hope,"  wrote  Rufus  King  to  El- 


254  SUBSIDENCE    OF   THE   DISTURBANCES. 

CHAP.  The  governors  of  Connecticut,  Yermont,  New  Hampshire, 
^^'  New  York,  and  Pennsylvania  cheerfully  offered  to  assist  the 
1787.  executive  of  Massachusetts  in  suppressing  the  rebellion  ;  and 
the  General  Assemblies  concurred  in  these  offers.  The  course 
of  Rhode  Island  was  less  decided  ;  and  a  motion  for  a  procla- 
mation for  the  apprehension  of  the  insurgents  was  rejected  by 
a  large  ma.jority,  and  "  one  of  the  very  refugees  was  allowed 
a  seat  in  their  chamber."  ^ 

As  disturbances  had  now  in  a  great  measure  subsided,  the 
legislature  turned  its  attention  to  the  trial  of  those  who  had 

Feb.  26.  been  seized  and  imprisoned.  For  this  purpose,  the  Supreme 
Judicial  Courts  were  directed  by  law  to  hold  a  special  session 
in  the  disaffected  counties  of  Berkshire,  Hampshire,  and  Mid- 
dlesex ;  and,  in  order  that  the  trials  might  be  impartially 
conducted,  instructions  were  sent  to  the  towns  for  revising  the 
jury  l30xes ;  and  three  commissioners  —  the  Hons.  Benjamin 
Lincoln,  Samuel  Phillips,  Jun.,  and  Samuel  A.  Otis  —  were 
appointed,  with  authority  to  promise  indemnity  to  those  who 
returned  to  tlicir  allegiance,  and  to  make  remission  of  the 
conditions  of  the  disqualifying  act  wherever,  in  their  judg- 
ment, the  parties  were  entitled  to  the  same.  From  the  pro- 
tection of  this  commission,  however,  the  four  rebel  leaders  — 
Shays,  Wheeler,  Parsons,  and  Day  —  were  excluded,  together 
■with  all  persons  who  had  fired  upon  or  killed  any  of  the  citi- 
zens in  the  peace  of  the  commonwealth,  and  the  commander 
of  the  party  to  which  such  persons  belonged,  the  members  of 
the  rebel  council  of  war,  and  all  persons  against  whom  the 
Governor  and  Council  had  issued  a  warrant,  unless  liberated 
on  bail.2 


bridge  Gerry,  February  11,  1787,  in  tensive.  A  few,  and  those  of  the 
Austin's  Life  of  GeiTv,  ii.  7,  "  the  most  consequence,  should  be  the  vie- 
most  extensive  and  minute  attention  tims  of  law." 

■will  now  be  paid  to  the  eradicating  '  Minot's  Hist,  of  the  Insurrection, 
of  every   seed   of  msurgency.      He-  lo2-'160;  Bradford,  ii.  30o. 
member,  however,  that   punishment,  ^  MS.  Letter  of  Lincoln  to  Wash- 
to  be   efficacious,  should  not  be  ex-  ington,  102-104  ;  Minot's  Hist,  of  the 


REFORMATORY  MEASURES  ADOPTED.  255 

Agreeably  to  the  system  -wliich  had  been  begun  at  tlie  last  chap. 
session,  several  reformatory  measures  were  adopted,  at  this  ,^.J^ 
time,  by   the    General    Court;    and   a  bill   was   passed   for    1787. 
reducing  the  number  of  terms  of  the  Courts  of  Common  Pleas 
and  General  Sessions  of  the  Peace,  a  new  fee  bill  was  enacted, 
and  a  committee  was  appointed  to   inquire  "whether  there 
were  any  real  public  grievances  under  which  the  people  of  the 
commonwealth  labored."     The  report  of  this  committee,  which 
consisted  of  three  articles,^  gave  rise  to  debate ;  and  on  one 
of  the  articles,  relative  to  a  reduction  of  the  governor's  sal- 
ary, a  bill  was  passed,  which  his  excellency  returned  with  his 
objections  ;  and,  as  it  failed  to  receive  the  vote  required  by 
the  constitution,  it  was  dropped,  and  the  legislature  was  pro-  Mar.iO. 
rogued  to  the  next  annual  election. 

During  this  recess,  the  commissioners  were  busy  in  the  mild 
exercise  of  the  authority  which  had  been  intrusted  to  them, 
and  the  Supreme  Judicial  Court  was  employed  in  the  "  no  less 
necessary,  though  less-  thankful,  office  "  of  trying  the  offenders. 
Nearly  eight  hundred  persons  took  the  benefit  of  the  commis- 
sion ;  and,  of  the  prisoners  tried,  six  were  convicted  of  treason 
in  the  county  of  Berkshire,  six  in  Hampshire,  one  in  Worces- 
ter, and  one  afterwards  in  Middlesex,  all  of  whom  received 
sentence  of  death ;  while  a  number  of  others,  convicted  of 
seditious  words  and  practices,  were  variously  sentenced  ;  and 
one,  in  particular,  a  member  of  the  House  of  Representatives, 
was  subjected  to  the  ignominious  punishment  of  sitting  on  the 
gallows,  with  a  rope  about  his  neck,  was  fined  fifty  pounds, 
and  was  bound  to  keep  the  peace  and  to  be  of  good  behavior 
for  five  years.® 

Insurrection,  161-164  ;  Bradford,  ii.         '  Por   these   articles  see   Minot's 

306;  Holland's  Western  Mass.  i.  282,  Hist,  of  the  Insurrection,  166;  Hol- 

283.      As   an   additional    precaution  land's  Western  Mass.  i.  284. 
against  feigned   converts,  the   select-         ^  Minot's  Hist,  of  the  Insurrection, 

men  and  other  town  officers  were  re-  171,    172;  Bradford,   ii.    307,    308; 

quired  to  take  and  subscribe  the  oath  and  Holland's  Western  Mass.  i.  284, 

of  allegiance  to  the  commonwealth.  285,  where  the  names  are  given. 


256  APPROVAL    OF    GOVBRXOR    BOWDOIn's    POLICY. 

In  the  mean  time,  the  Governor  and  Council,  in  the  exercise 

of  that  lenity  which  had  hitherto  distinguished  their  course, 

1787.    extended  a  free  pardon  to  eight  of  the  condemned,  leaving 

*  only  two  in  each  of  the  counties  of  Berkshire  and  Hampshire 

to  suffer  the  extreme  penalty  of  the  law.     But  even  to  these 

May  17.  a  reprieve  was  granted,  though  they  were  taken  to  the  gallows 

impressed  with  the  conviction  that  no  mercy  would  be  shown 

to  them.     Yet,  notwithstanding  this  leniency,  a  few  remained 

in  the  attitude  of  defiance,  and  continued  to  act  against  the 

government.^ 

The  unexpected  death  of  the  treasurer  of  the  commonwealth 
rendered  it  necessary  to  convene  for  the  fourth  time  the  Gen- 
Apr.  27.  eral  Court.  The  chief  magistrate.  Governor  Bowdoin,  had 
found  his  position  peculiarly  unpleasant  —  partly  from  the 
policy  which  he  had  been  compelled  to  adopt,  and  partly  from 
the  disaffection  of  many  to  his  administration.  He  availed 
himself,  therefore,  of  this  opportunity  to  express  his  satisfac- 
tion that  the  people  had  seen  fit  to  relieve  him  of  his  burdens 
by  the  choice  of  a  new  executive,  and  to  declare  that  he  should 
have  sooner  resigned  his  office  could  he  have  done  so  without 
the  imputation  of  deserting  his  trust  at  so  critical  a  period. 
In  taking  leave  of  the  legislature,  he  assured  them  of  his 
affection  for  the  commonwealth,  and  expressed  the  hope  that 
juster  notions  of  liberty  might  prevail,  without  which  licen- 
tiousness and  despotism  must  ensue.^  The  Court,  in  reply, 
forgetting  for  the  time  their  personal  piques,  accorded  to  his 
excellency  the  warmest  praise  for  the  measures  he  had  adopt- 
ed, declared  their  confidence  in  his  integrity  and  good  will, 
expressed  regret  for  his  retirement  from  office,  and  gave  utter- 
ance to  their  wish  that  he  might  receive  from  a  grateful  peo- 
ple those  marks  of  affection  and  esteem  which  were  the  proper 


'  Minot's  Hist,  of  the  Insurrection,  '  Minot's  Hist,  of  the  Insurrection, 
172;  HoUaud's  Western  Mass.  i.  173;  Bradford,  ii.  311,  312;  Hol- 
286,  287.  land's  Western  Mass.  i.  287. 


EXPECTED  CHANGE  OF  MEASURES.  257 

rewards  for  his  services  and  merits.^   Notliing,  however,  mate-  chap. 
rial  to  the  rebellion  was  transacted  at  this  session,  which  con-  ^^J^ 
tinned  but  nine  days,  save  that  the  report  of  the  commissioners    1787. 
was  rendered.     In  this  document,  the  causes  of  the  outbreak 
were  specifically  alluded  to,  as  arising  from  public  and  private 
debts,  and  a  delusion  with  respect  to  the  proceedings  of  the 
legislature,  and  the  true  situation  of  affairs  in  the  state.     The 
severest  statement  it  contained  was  a  reflection  upon  the  con- 
duct of  those  members  of  the  General  Court  who  had  failed 
to  enlighten  their  constituents  when  it  was  in  their  power  to 
have  silenced  the  unreasonable  complainer,  and  who  had,  by 
their  conversation,  as  well  as  by  their  conduct,  irritated  and 
inflamed  the  restless  and  uneasy,  and  alarmed  the  peaceable 
but  uninformed  citizen.- 

By  the  choice  of  Governor  Hancock  in  the  place  of  Gov- 
ernor Bowdoin,  and  by  the  return  of  a  new  House  chosen  by 
the  suffrages  of  the  citizens  at  large,  an  opportunity  was  offered 
to  determine  to  what  extent  the  people  were  dissatisfied  with 
the  state  constitution,  and  the  nature  of  the  grievances  which 
demanded  redress.  How  great  were  the  expectations  that 
extraordinary  demonstrations  would  be  made  it  is  needless  to 
say  ;  for  three  fourths  of  the  new  representatives  had  not 
served  in  the  old  court.  But,  to  the  utter  discomfiture  of 
those  who  had  been  loudest  in  their  complaints,  the  new  gov- 
ernment, so  far  from  retracting  what  their  predecessors  had 
done,  found  themselves  necessitated  to  sanction  their  measures, 
and  a  proposition  for  a  general  indemnity  was  negatived  by 
a  vote  of  one  hundred  and  twenty  to  ninety-four. ^  But  some- 
thing must  be  done  to  justify  the  grounds  on  which  they  had 
been  elected  ;  yet,  while  they  indorsed  and  continued  the  ten- 
der act,  recently  passed,  and  condemned  the  issue  of  paper 


^  Minot's  Hist,  of  the  Insurrection,  174  ;  Holland's  Western  Mass.  i.  288. 

174;    Bradford,    ii.    314;    Holland's  ^  Minot's  Hist,  of  the  Insurrection, 

Western  Mass.  i.  288.  176,  179;    Bradford,  ii.   314;   Hol- 

*  Minot's  Hist,  of  the  InsuiTection,  land's  Western  Mass.  i.  288,  289. 

VOL.  III.  17 


258  SUPPRESSION   OP   THE  REBELLION. 

CHAP,  money,  tliey  were  obliged  to  comply  with  the  usual  measures 
^J^  for  the  suppression  of  rebellion  and  the  supply  of  the  troops  ; 
1787.    though  the  governor  consented  to  relinquish  a  portion  of  his 
salary  "  for  the  benefit  of  the  state,"  he  did  so  with  the  under- 
standing that  a  precedent  should  not  be  established  thereby  ; 
and  all  that  could  be  effected  in  favor  of  the  insurgents  was 
the  passage  of  a  resolution,  in  general  terms,  that,  until  the 
end  of  the  next  session,  no  prosecution  should  be  commenced 
or  proceeded  on  for  sedition  or  seditious  practices.^     Shortly 
Jun.  16.  after,  however,  the  convicts  who  had  been  reprieved,  but  who 
remained  under  sentence,  were  reprieved   for   a  still  longer 
time ;  and,  in  the  end,  when  quiet  was  restored,  a  full  pardon 
was  granted  to  all  but  one,  whose  sentence  was  commuted  to 
hard  labor  for  seven  years.^ 

Thus,  chiefly  through  the  vigilance  of  Governor  Bowdoin, 
and  the  concurrence  of  Governor  Hancock,  with  the  sanction 
of  the  "  sober  second  thought "  of  the  community,  were  dis- 
turbances quieted  and  order  restored.  If  any  thing  was  want- 
ing to  complete  the  success  of  the  measures  of  government,  it 
was  furnished  by  the  criminals  themselves,  the  hardiest  of  whom 
implored  the  mercy  they  had  so  often  rejected  ;  and  even  Par- 

1788 

Feb.'  sons  and  Shays,  at  a  subsequent  date,  preferred  petitions  for 
indemnity  and  pardon.  It  is  to  the  honor  of  Massachusetts 
that  this  prayer  was  granted  ;  for  it  proved  beyond  question 
the  confidence  of  the  people  in  the  stability  of  their  govern- 
ment, and  their  willingness  to  forgive  injuries  rather  than  to 
gratify  a  thirst  for  revenge  upon  men  whose  guilt  had  been 
precipitated  by  a  delusion  which  was  shared  with  thousands 
of  others.^     Well  may  the   citizens   of  this  commonwealth 


'  Minot's  Hist,  of  the  Insun-ection,  consent ;    the    other  by  force :   one 

179-186;    Bradford,  ii.    315;    Hoi-  gains  their  heaits;  the  other  holds 

land's  Western  Mass.  i.  289,  290.  their  hands.    The  first  is  always  chosen. 

*  Minot's  Hist,  of  the  Insurrection,  by  those  who  desij^n  to  govern  for  the 

'  "  There  are  but  two  ways,"  says  people's  interest ;  the  other,  by  those 

the  author  of  Cato's  Letters,  "  to  gov-  who  design  to  ojipress  them  for  their 

em  a  nation :  One  is  by  their  own  own."     Shays  died  in  Sparta,  N.  Y., 


WISDOM   OF   THE   GOVERNMENT  MEASURES.  259 

pride  themselves  upon  the  wisdom  of  their  rulers,  and  upon  chap. 
that  reliance  which,  even  in  the  darkest  hour,  has  been  placed  _J^ 
upon  the  virtue  and  integrity  of  the  masses.^     In  no  other    1787. 
country,  it  may  be  safely  affirmed,  could  a  crisis  so  formidable 
have  been  passed  througli  so  easily.     The  widest  liberty  is 
not  incompatible  with  peace  ;  and  excesses,  if  threatened,  may 
be  left,  in  a  free  government,  to  be  checked  by  the  salutary 
restraints  of  moral  power,  whose  voice  will  be  heard  in  the 
midst  of  the  tumult,  and  whose  thrilling  appeals  will  seldom 
be  rejected.^ 

It  would  be  unwise,  at  this  day,  to  rake  up  the  ashes  of  a     \ 
fire  that  has  died  out,  and  to  revive  animosities  whose  influ- 
ence was  long  felt,  by  arraigning  and  condemning  with  undue 
severity  the  motives  and  conduct  of  the  unhappy  participants 
in  the  struggle  which  has  been  sketched  in  this  chapter.     It' 
is  the  province  of  the  historian,  indeed,  to  deal  impartially 
with  every  subject  he  is  required  to  discuss  ;  nor  is  he  to  con- 
ceal the  errors  and  follies  of  the  past  for  fear  of  offending  a 
sensitive  pride.     But  it  will  doubtless  be  conceded  that  men""*^ 
may  honestly  differ  in  opinion  in  matters  of  state  as  well  as 
of  national  policy,  without  being  obnoxious  to  the  imputation 
of  seeking  their  own  ends  by  the  ruin  of  others.     In  all  dis- 
putes, there  are  faults  on  both  sides  ;  and  rarely  does  it  hap- 
pen that  even  the  best  are  free  from  blame.     Let  us  rather    j 

September  29,  1825,  aged  78,  having,  -Nvithout  the  intervention  of  a  municl- 

in  1820,  received  a  pension  from  the  pal  monitor."     Political  Sketches,  &c. 

United  States  government.     W.  Bar-  34. 

ry's  Hist.  Framingham,  391.  '  There  is  matter  for  profound  con- 
'  "  The  majorities  of  all  societies  sideration  in  the  observation  of  the 
act  as  if  they  were  not  governed.  Marquis  of  Beccaria,  that  "  tlie  coun- 
There  is  in  the  human  heart  a  princi-  tries  and  times  most  notorious  for 
pie  of  rectitude,  that  acts  inde])end-  severity  of  punishments,  were  always 
ently  of  civil  regulation.  The  same  those  in  which  the  most  bloody  and 
symjiathies  which  knit  the  first  bands  inhuman  actions,  and  the  most  atro- 
of  society,  and  formed  man  a  social  cious  crimes,  were  committed  ;  for  the 
being,  attend  liis  moral  character  hand  of  the  legislator  and  of  the  as- 
through  all  its  progressive  stages  ;  sassin  was  directed  by  the  same  spiiit 
and,  as  they  existed  without  compact  of  ferocity." 
or  choice,  so  they  continue  to  operate 


260  WISDOM  OP  THE  GOVERNMENT  MEASURES. 


VI. 

1787 


CHAP^rejoice  that  the  consequences  of  a  strife,  which  was  pushed  to 
undue  extremities,  and  which  threatened  to  deluge  the  country 
with  fratricidal  blood,  were  happily  averted  by  a  moderation 
unsurpassed  in  the  annals  of  any  nation ;  and  that,  whatever 
errors  were  committed  by  the  headstrong,  and  whatever  rash 
,vows  were  uttered  under  the  impulse  of  overheated  pas- 
sions, excited  to  madness  by  real  or  conceived  wrongs,  few 
lives  were  lost  and  few  homes  were  desolated ;  that  the  tot- 
tering government  lost  not  at  any  moment  its  just  equilibrium  ; 
and  that,  to  restore  public  confidence,  it  was  not  found  neces- 
sary to  enact  upon  the  scaffold  the  terrible  scenes  which  have 
sometimes  disgraced  civilized  nations,  and  which  more  often 
aggravate  than  mitigate  the  evil  it  is  wished  to  remove.  In 
this  case,  if  in  no  other,  judgment  and  mercy  were  happily 
I  blended  ;  the  limits  of  forbearance  were  not  overstepped  ;  and 
I  peace  and  tranquillity  were  once  more  restored. 


CHAPTER    YII. 

ADOPTION  OF  THE  FEDERAL  CONSTITUTION.     DEBATES  IN 

MASSACHUSETTS. 

The   insurrection  in   Massachusetts,   during   its  progress,  chap 
excited  in  all  parts  of  the  country  the  liveliest  interest ;  and,  ^^ 
as  the  confederation  had  neither  the  power  nor  the  means  to    1787. 
interfere  for  its  suppression,  its  indirect  effect  was  to  hasten 
the   adoption  of  a  national   government.      The   impression, 
which  had  been  gaining  ground  in  every  state,  that  a  political 
change  was  absolutely  necessary,  was  strengthened  and  con- 
firmed.    The  gateway  of  political  perdition  had  been  opened  ; 
and,  as  they  gazed  into  the  gulf  which  yawned  at  their  feet, 
where  the  elements  of  discord  were  seething  and  simmering, 
the  most  resolute  shrank  back  aghast  at  the  prospect  of  civil 
disturbances  which  threatened  to  convulse  society  to  its  cen- 
tre, and  which  could  be  checked  only  by  conceding  to  the 
Union  adequate  powers  for  the  conservation  of  peace  and 
order. 

"  Heu,  miseri  cives ! 

Non  hostes,  inimicaque  castra, 

Vestra  spes  iiritur," 

was  the  exclamation  of  the  prudent.     The  nation,  it  is  true, 

had  been  delivered  from  the  yoke  of  foreign  domination  ;  but, 

to  the  thoughtful  and  considerate,  it  was  evident  that,  "  to 

achieve  the  independence  of  a  country  is  but  half  of  the  great 

undertaking  of  liberty,"  and  that,  after  freedom,  to  perpetuate 

its  blessings  "  tliere  must  come  security,  order,  the  wise  dis- ' 

posal  of  power,  and  great  institutions,  on  which  society  may 

.     (261) 


262  DEFECTS  OF  THE  CONFEDERATION. 

CHAP,  repose  in  safety."  ^     To  provide  such  security,  and  establish 
^J^J^  such  institutions,  was  the  arduous  duty  of  the  statesmen  of 
1787.    America ;  and  promptly  and  effectively  did  they  proceed  to 
its  discharge. 

The  Articles  of  Confederation,  prepared  from  the  models 
NoVi's  ^^  ^^®  Batavian  and  Helvetic  confederacies,  and  adopted  in 
the  midst  of  the  war  of  the  revolution,  were  found,  at  an  early 
date,  imperfect  in  detail,  and  inadequate  to  the  wants  of  a 
growing  republic.  Not  only  was  the  public  debt  a  source  of 
embarrassment,  and  not  only  was  it  difficult  to  manage,  under 
the  old  articles,  the  commerce  of  the  country,  especially  with 
foreign  parts,  but  the  impracticability  of  remedying  these  dif- 
ficulties was  also  apparent,  so  long  as  the  states,  actuated 
by  local  jealousies,  refused  to  concede  to  the  General  Con- 
gress the  power  to  enforce  the  requisite  laws,  and  negotiate 
the  requisite  treaties.^  The  vast  domain  of  the  nation  at  the 
west,  ceded  by  New  York,  Virginia,  Massachusetts,  and  Con- 
necticut, for  the  use  of  the  United  States,  and  embracing  a 
territory  exceeding  in  dimensions,  as  well  as  in  fertility,  the 
whole  of  that  occupied  by  the  thirteen  original  colonies,  needed 
attention  ;  and,  as  the  power  was  wanting  to  ascertain  and 
fix  the  boundaries  of  such  states  as  claimed  to  the  Mississippi 
or  the  South  Sea,  and  to  erect  beyond  those  boundaries  new 


^  Curtis's  Hist,  of  the  Const,  i.  273,  the  people  —  civil,  judicial,  commer- 

274;  N.   Am.   Rev.  for  July,  1841,  cial,  religious,  and  political  —  widely 

50 ;  Hiklreth's  U.  S.  iii.    477.     The  different,  but  in  Rome  an  aristocracy 

assertion  of  the  Abbe  ■Nlably,  that  the  possessed  all  the  dignities,  offices,  and 

situation  of  America  immediately  after  emoluments  of  the  state,  while   the 

the  declaration  of  independence  was  ]i]e!:)eians  were  excluded  from  all  share 

similar  to  that  of  Rome  immediately  in  the  government;  nor  could  the  body 

after  the  expulsion  of  the  Tarquins,  of  the  citizens  claim  a  title  to  govern, 

does  more  credit  to  his  scholarship  who  possessed  few  rights  either  of 

than  to  his  sagacity.     There  was,  in-  property  or  person, 
deed,  no  resemblance  in  the  cases ;         °  For  a  full  discussion  of  this  point, 

for  constitutional  liberty  seems  to  have  see  Marshall's  "Washington,  v.  65-80 ; 

been    as   little  understood  with   the  Curtis's  Hist,  of  the  Const,  i.   276- 

former  as  it  M'ould  have  been  enjoyed,  288 ;  Pitkin's  Statistics  of  the  U.  S. 

had  they  adopted  a  system  superior  to  28  et  seq.,  and  Hist.  U.  S.  ii.  225  et 

their   manners    and  comprehensions,  seq.  ;  Hildreth's  U.  S.  iii.  450,  451. 
Not  only  were  the  circumstances  of 


DEFECTS  OF  THE  CONFEDERATION.  263 

and  independent  states,  to  be  incorporated  with  the  rest,  diffi-  chap. 
culties  had  arisen  in  consequence  of  conflicting  claims,  which  ^^^' 
became  a  cause  of  irritation  and  alarm. ^  The  question  of  1787. 
slavery  had  likewise  been  agitated  ;  and  whether  this  institu- 
tion, which  was  regarded  with  favor  by  few  of  the  wisest  and 
most  intelligent  statesmen,  should  be  suffered  to  spread  beyond 
the  limits  to  which  it  had  hitherto  been  confined,  and  how  far 
provision  could  be  successfully  made  with  a  view  to  its  gradual 
and  general  abolition,  were  points  upon  which  differences  of 
opinion  existed,  which  could  be  amicably  settled,  in  the  esti- 
mation of  many,  only  by  the  adoption  of  a  system  of  compro- 
mises, trenching  but  slightly  upon  the  "  rights  "  of  the  south, 
and  harmonizing  with  the  "  free  principles  "  and  "  prejudices  " 
of  the  north.^  But  the  point,  above  all  others,  which  excited 
the  most  serious  alarm,  was  the  general  inefl&cacy  and  impo- 
tency  of  the  confederation.  The  federal  treasury,  from  the 
lack  of  an  established  impost,  was  in  an  impoverished  condi- 
tion ;  the  federal  authority  was  but  little  respected  ;  its 
ambassadors  abroad  were  "  the  mere  pageants  of  mimic  sov- 
ereignty ; "  and  it  was  admitted,  on  all  hands,  that,  as  the 
sovereignty  of  the  states  was  as  powerful  as  ever,  and  the 
sovereignty  of  the  nation  was  in  comparison  but  a  shadow, 
the  situation  of  the  country  was  critical  and  perilous ;  that 
the  government,  which  "  the  foot  of  a  child  might  over- 
throw, but  which  the  hands  of  giants  could  not  rebuild,"  was 
tottering  to  its  fall.^      In  this  agitation  in  the  councils  of 


'  On  the  North-west  Territon%  see  also  Curtis's  Hist,  of  the  Const,  i.  299, 

Madison  Papers,  ii.  639  et  seq. ;  Brad-  306 ;  Hildreth's  U.  S.  iii.  450. 
ford's  Hist.  Fed.  Gov't.  42,  43  ;  Cur-         ^  Madison   Papers,  ii.   620,    710- 

tis's  Hist,  of  the  Const,  i.  291-302;  714;  Atcheson's  Keports,  55;  Ham- 

Sparks's  Washington,  ix.  58-68;  Hil-  ilton's  Works,  i.  150-168,  189,  223- 

dreth's  U.  S.  iii.  426,  449,  458,  462.  257,  331-337  ;  Niles's  Principles  and 

Comp.  also  the  FederaUst,   No.  vii.,  Acts  of  the  Rev.  402-404 ;  Letters 

and   Communication   of  Madison,  in  from  the  Federal  Farmer,  5,  6 ;  the 

Sparks's  Washington,  viii.  547-549.  Federalist,  Nos.  xv.  and  x.\i. ;  N.  Am. 

^  On  the  question  of  slavery,  sco  llev.  for  Oct.  1827,  and  July,  1841 ; 

Madison  Paj)ers,  i.  28  et  seq.,  where  Curtis's  Hist,  of   the  Const,    i.  326. 

the  discussion  of  1776  is  given.     See  "  No  man  in  the  United  States,"  wrote 


264  DEFECTS  OF  THE  CONFEDERATION. 

CHAP,  the  nation,  with  a  suspected  leaning,  in  some  parts,  to^ 

XTTT 

^Ji^^^  monarchy,  and  an  open  prediction,  in  others,  of  a  partition  oi 
1787.  the  states  into  two  or  more  confederacies,  and  the  fear  that 
the  project  of  closing  the  Mississippi,  in  accordance  with  the 
views  and  wishes  of  Spain,  would  sever  at  least  the  great  west 
from  the  Union,  which  would  be  acceptable  to  the  English 
government,  the  only  remedy  which  presented  itself  to  those 
who  had  deliberated  upon  the  aspect  and  retrospect  of  the 
affairs  of  the  nation  was  a  general  convention,  to  revise  the 
Articles  of  Confederation,  and,  if  necessary,  to  frame  a  consti- 
tution "  adequate  to  the  exigencies  of  the  Union,"  ^ 

Should  the  inference  be  di-awn  from  the  statements  just 
made  that  the  people  of  America  were  capricious  and  fickle, 
and  that  the  variety  of  opinions  which  was  current  among 
them  was  indicative  of  an  impatience  of  salutary  control,  that 
inference  would  be  as  unjust  as  time  has  proved  it  to  be  illu- 
sory and  deceptive.  Nearly  three  fourths  of  a  century  have 
passed  since  the  close  of  the  revolution ;  yet,  though  variety 
of  opinion  is  as  prevalent  as  ever,  no  serious  disturbance  has 
hitherto  arisen ;  and,  through  all  the  crises  of  our  national 
history,  some  of  which,  certainly,  have  been  sufficiently  peril- 
ous, the  good  sense  of  the  community,  joined  to  an  unusual 
spirit  of  forbearance,  has  enabled  us  to  avoid  the  shoals  upon 
which  others  have  been  wrecked,  and  to  resist  the  pressure  of 


Washington  to  Hamilton,  March  31,  interested.    Works,  viiL  412,  443,  and 

1783,  iu  Writings,  viii.  410,  "  is  or  can  ix.  passim. 

be  more  deeply  impressed  with  the  '  Madison    Papers,    ii.    590-594, 

necessity  of  a  reform  in  our  present  599-602,    606-613,   620,    623-625; 

confederation  than  myself.     No  man,  Sparks's  Washington,  ix.  173,   205, 

perhaps,  has  felt  the  bad  effects  of  it  261;  Marshall's  Washington,  v.    91, 

more    sensibly ;    for   to    the    defects  92 ;  Curtis's    Hist,    of  the  Const.  L 

thereof,  and  want  of  power  in  Con-  326-331;    Hildreth's  U.  S.  iii.  460, 

gress,  may  justly  be  ascribed  the  pro-  464.     The   earliest  sketch  on  paper 

longation  of  the  war,  and  consequently  of  a  constitutional  government,  is  said 

the  expenses  occasioned  by  it."     All  to  have  been  given  by  Madison,  in 

his  writings,  indeed,  from  this  date,  his  letters  to  Jefferson,  of  March  19, 

are  full  of  this  theme,  —  the  necessity  to  Randolph,  of  April  8,  and  to  Wash- 

of  a  Hberal  and  extensive  plan  of  gov-  ington,  of  April  16,1787.     Madison 

enmient,  —  in  which  he  was  deeply  Papers,  iL  7 14. 


PREPAEATORT  STEPS   TO   A   CONVENTION.  265 

>rd  aggressions  and  of  inward  commotions.^     Whether  chap. 
.*.,  government  is  established  beyond  the  possibility  of  danger    ^^^• 
^  the  future,  the  wisest  prophet  cannot  tell ;  but  it  may  be    1737, 
said  that,  so  long  as  the  principles  of  freedom  are  cherished, 
and  so  long  as  our  statesmen  are  actuated  by  a  prudence  as 
great,  a  patriotism  as  fervent,  and  a  moral  principle  as  sound 
as  in  former  days,  it  may  be  reasonably  inferred  that,  what- 
ever dangers  may  threaten  us  for  a  season,  they  will  be  happily 
surmounted,  and  that  the  fears  which  have  been  expressed  of 
the  stability  of  the  Union  will  give  place  to  a  confidence  based 
upon  the  virtue  and  intelligence  of  our  citizens. 

The  preparatory  steps  to  the  calling  of  a  convention  were 
taken  in  Massachusetts,  during  the  administration  of  Governor 
Bowdoin.  Deeply  interested  in  the  commerce  of  the  country,  J-''^^^. 
his  excellency,  in  his  message  to  the  General  Court,  suggested 
the  appointment  of  special  delegates  from  the  states,  to  settle 
and  define  the  powers  with  which  the  national  Congress  should 
be  invested ;  and,  as  the  proposal  was  approved,  resolutions 
were  passed  declaring  the  inadequacy  of  the  Articles  of  Con- 
federation, and  recommending  a  convention  of  the  states  for 
their  revision.  A  letter  was  accordingly  addressed  by  the 
governor  to  the  president  of  Congress,  and  another  to  the 
executive  of  each  of  the  states ;  and  the  resolves  were  enclosed 
and  forwarded  to   the   delegates  from   Massachusetts,   with 

*  "  In  other  revolutions,  the  sword  temper   of  enthusiasm.      It   is   this 

has  been  drawn  by  the  arm  of  offend-  union  of  refinement  with  the  active 

ed  freedom,  under  an  o])i)ression  that  state  of  ei^•il  lilunty  that  will  distract 

threatened  the  vital  powers  of  society,  the  false  theories  to  which  unha])py 

But   the   American   revolution   took  fortunes  have  subjected  the    human 

place  as  a  necessary  result  of  long-  character.      It   is  this  fact  that  will 

established  opinions.      The  occasion  justif}-  the  ways  of  Heaven,  by  prov- 

advanced  with  the  progress  of  usm-  ing  the  consistency  of  the  social  na- 

pation;  not  sudden,  not  blown  into  ture   with  the   political  ha]i])iness  of 

existence  by  the  breath  of  incendia-  man.     And,  from  the  study  of  the 

ries ;  flowing  from  the  source  of  sys-  American  democracies,  sophistry  will 

tem,  and  supported  by  the  energies  be  disarmed  of  the  ai'gument  against 

of  well-weighed  choice,  it  was  moder-  pure  liberty  in  the  natural  endowments 

ate,  resolute,  irresistible.     Hence  is  of  man,  which  a  state  of  luxury  dis- 

to  be  proved  the  force  of  that  sense  ])Iays."     Political  Sketches,  &c.,  ed. 

of  civil  liberty  which  requii-es  not  the  1787,  48. 


266  PREPARATORY  STEPS   TO  A   CONVENTION. 

CHAP,  instructions  to  lay  them  before  Congress  at  the  earliest  oppor- 
^_^^^^  tunity,  and  to  make  every  exertion  to  carry  them  into  effect.^ 
1785.   These  resolutions,  however,  were  never  presented  ;    for  not 
^  *  only  was  Congress  unprepared  for  such  a  step,  but  the  dele- 
gates  from   Massachusetts  opposed  it  as  premature.     It  is, 
perhaps,  true,  as  has  been  suggested,^  that  "  a  deep-seated  jeal- 
ousy of  the  radical  changes  likely  to  be  made  in  the  system 
of  the  government  lay  at  the  foundation  of  these  objections," 
arising  from  "  an  apprehension  that  the  convention  might  be 
composed  of  persons  favorable  to  an  aristocratic  system  ;  or 
that,  even  if  the  members  were  altogether  republican  in  their 
views,  there  would  be  great  danger  of  a  report  which  would 
propose  an  entire  remodelling  of  the  government."    Hence 
the  delegation  from  Massachusetts,  influenced  by  these  fears, 
retained  the  resolutions  of  the  state  for  two  months  before 
replying  to  the  governor's  letter  ;  and  the  legislature,  at  their 
Nov.25.  instance,  annulled  their  resolutions. 

1785.       The  course  of  Virginia,  in  the  adoption  of  measures  ^  re- 
Nov.30.         .  .  . 

and    ferring  more  immediately  to  the  commerce  of  the  country,  and 

Jan.  21.  the  sagacious  and  watchful  forecast  of  Hamilton  in  pressing 

upon  New  York  the  appointment  of  commissioners  to  attend 


'  Bradford,   ii.   241-244,  iii.  21;  recommendation  of  Bowdoin,  and  the 

Curtis's  Hist,   of  the  Const,  i.   336,  strong  resolutions  of  Massachusetts, 

337.     Mr.  Winthi'op,  in  his  Address  (then  one  of  the  three  great  states  of 

on  the  Life  and  Services  of  James  the  confederacy,)  in  1785,  Avere  most 

Bowdoin,   Addresses    and    Speeches,  important  steps  in  this   momentous 

117-119,  discusses  the  question  as  to  federal  movement.      They  preceded, 

"  who   is   entitled   to  the   honor  of  by  more  than  a  year,  the  resolutions 

having   first  urged  the   enlargement  of  Virginia,  to  which  so  deserved  a 

of  the  powers  of  Congress  for  regu-  prominence  has  always  been  given; 

lating  commerce  with   foreign  coun-  and  they  should  not  be  suffered  to  be 

tries,  and  for  raising  a  revenue  from  omitted,  as  they  too  often  hitherto 

it  to  support  the  public  credit ;  "  and  have  been,  fi-om  the  history  of  the  rise 

though  he  does  not  expressly  claim  and   progress  of  the  constitution  of 

this  honor  for  Governor  Bowdoin,  in  the  United  States." 

view  of  "  the  danger  of  setting   up  '^  Curtis's  Hist,  of  the  Const,  i.  338. 

pretensions  of  priority  in  great  ideas,  '  Madison   Papers,  ii.   694,   695  ; 

whether  of  state  policy,  philosophical  Sparks's  Washington,  ix.  507,  508  ; 

theory,   scientific   discovery,    or   me-  Marshall's   Washington,   v.    90,  91 ; 

chanical  invention,"  he  observes,  "no  Curtis's  Hist,   of  the  Const,  i.  340, 

one  can  doubt  that  the  earnest  official  343. 


PREPARATORY   STEPS   TO    A    CONVENTION.  267 

a  convention  to  be  liolden   at  Annapolis,'  aided  in  calling  chap 
attention  afresh  to  the  defects  of  the  government ;  but  this  ,_X!^ 
convention,  when   gathered,  was  found   to    be   too   small  to    1786. 
accomplish    any  desirable   result,  and    ended   with   a   formal  ggpl  14] 
proposal   to  the  states,  draughted  by  Hamilton,  for  calling 
a  general   convention   to   take  into  consideration  the   situa- 
tion of  the  country .2     This  recommendation  was  variously 

received.     In  Congress,  it  at  first  met  with  very  little  favor  ; 

Nov.  9 
but  in  Virginia,  it  was  immediately  and  cordially  approved  .^  and  23. 

The  delegates  from  Massachusetts  objected  to  it  on  the  ground 

that  the  legislatures  "  could  not  adopt  any  scheme  which  might 

be  proposed  by  a  convention  ;  and  if  it  were  submitted  to  the 

people,  it  was  not  only  doubtful  what  degree  of  assent  on 

their   part  would   make   it  valid,  but   it  was  also  doubtful 

whether  they  could  change  the  federal  constitution  by  their 

own  direct  action."     To  these  difficulties,  it  was  also  urged, 

was  "  to  be  added  the  further  hazard  that,  if  the  report  of 

the  convention  should  be  made  to  Congress,  as  proposed,  and 

if  it  should  be  rejected,  fatal  consequences  would  ensue."  '^ 


*  Life  of  Hamilton,  ii.  374,  375;  pointed  commissioners,  who  neglected 
Austin's  Life  of  Gerry,  ii.  4;  Brad-  to  attend;  and  the  remaining  four  — 
ford,  ii.  253  ;  Curtis's  Hist,  of  the  Connecticut,  Maryland,  South  Caro- 
Const.  i.  345,  346.  Una,  and  Georgia  —  made  no  appoint- 

*  Madison  Papers,  ii.  697-703 ;  ments.  The  delegates  from  Massa- 
Worcester  Mag,  Nos.  27  and  28,  for  chusetts  were  "Lieutenant  Governor 
Oct.  1786;  Elliot's  Debates,  i.  116;  Cashing,  Elbridge  Gerry,  Francis 
Letters  of  the  Federal  Farmer,  7  ;  J^ana,  and  Stephen  Higginson."  Aus- 
Hamilton's  Works,  i.    432,  ii.  336 ;  tin's  Life  of  Gerry,  ii.  5. 

Sparks's  Washington,  ix.   223,  226,         ^  Madison    Papers,    ii.    703-706. 

513;  Marshall's  Washington,  V.  97;  The     resolutions    of   Virginia    were 

Statesman's  Manual,  ii.   1501-1505;  draughted  by  Madison,  passed  in  the 

the    Federalist,    No.    xl.  ;    Pitkin's  House  No\-ember  9,  and  in  the  Senate 

Statistics  of  the  U.  S.  32 ;  N.  Am.  November    23,   and   delegates   were 

Rev.  for  Oct.   1827,   261-266;  Hil-  appointed  December  4,  1786. 
dreth's  U.  S.  iii.  478;  Bradford,  ii.         •*  Madison  Papers,  ii.  587 ;  Journal 

253  ;  Curtis's  Hist,  of  the  Const,  i.  of  the  Confederation  ;  Abstract  of  an 

347.     Five  only  of  the  states  —  New  Address  to  the  Legislature  of  Mass. 

York,  New  J  tTsey,  Pennsylvania,  Del-  by  Kufus  King,  in  the  Boston  Mag. 

aware,  and  Virginia  —  were  represent-  for  1786,  406;  Curtis's  Hist,  of  the 

ed  in  this  convention ;  four  others  —  Const,   i.   355.     The   proposal  for  a 

Massachusetts,  N.  Hampshire,  Rhode  convention  was  not  a  new  tiling,  but 

Island,    and    North    Carolina  —  ap-  had  been  suggested  so  early  as  1781, 


268  CONGRESS   CONSENTS  TO    CALL   A    CONVENTION. 

Tlie  fact,  however,  that  the  confederation  needed  amend- 
ments was  becoming  more  evident  every  day ;  and  that  the 
1787.  proposed  convention  was  the  most  eligible  means  of  effecting 
these  changes  was  equally  evident.  Congress  itself  admitted 
these  truths ;  but,  when  the  report  of  the  grand  committee 
Feb.  2L  was  presented  embodying  these  views,  it  was  objected  to  by 
many  members,  and  a  variety  of  propositions  was  submitted 
to  obviate  these  difficulties.^  A  resolution  was  at  length 
introduced  by  the  Massachusetts  delegation,  and  passed,  sanc- 
tioning the  calling  of  a  convention ;  and  delegates  from  all 
the  states  were  chosen  to  attend  it.^ 

The  point  thus  gained  was  of  great  importance.  It  was 
not  the  design  of  the  statesmen  of  America  to  act  precipi- 
tately, and  cut  loose  from  one  form  of  government,  however 
imperfect,  without  making  provision  for  the  establishment 
of  a  better.  The  old  confederacy,  notwithstanding  its  defects, 
was  still  revered  by  the  wise  and  thoughtful  for  the  good  it 
had  done.     In  the  history  of  the  country,  it  had  proved  more 


by  Pelatiah  Webster ;  m  1783,  by  Col.  619;  Journals,  xii.  15-17;  Sparks's 
Hamilton;  by  R.  H.  Lee,  in  1784,  Washington,  ix.  246,  247,  notes;  El- 
and by  Noah  Webster,  in  the  winter  liot's  Debates,  v.  96  ;  Marshall's  Wash- 
of  1784-0.  Madison  Papers,  ii.  706  ington,  v.  125 ;  Hildreth's  U.  S.  iii. 
-708.  478;  Statesman's  Manual,  ii.  1506; 

'  Madison  Papers,  ii.  587  ;  Jour-  Curtis's   Hist,  of  the  Const,  i.   358. 

nal  of  the  Confederation  ;  Madison's  Several  of  the  .states  —  as  New  Jer- 

Notes,   in   Elliot's   Debates,   v.    96 ;  sey,    Pennsylvania,   North    Carolina, 

Sparks's  Washington,  ix.  510,  513;  and  Delaware  —  had  appointed  their 

Statesman's  Manual,  ii.   1505 ;   Cur-  delegates  to  the  convention  before  it 

tis's  Hist,  of  the  Const,  i.  355,  356.  was  sanctioned  by  Congress ;  and  this, 

The  report  of  the  gi-and  committee,  probably,  had   some  influence   upon 

it  should  be  obserA'ed,  was  agreed  to  the  decision  of  that  body.     Madison 

by  a  majority  of  one  only,  though  the  Papers,  ii.  617;  Elliot's  Debates,  i. 

subject  had  been  long  under  consider-  126-137.     It   has   been   asserted  in 

ation.    The  principal  objections  to  the  reference  to  this  convention,  that  the 

proposed    convention   were,   that    it  members  were  chosen  "  for  the  sole 

tended  to  weaken  the  federal  author-  and  express  pm-pose  of  re\'ising  and 

ity,  by  lending  its  sanction  to  an  extra  amending  the  confederation  ;  "  *'  not 

constitutional    mode   of   proceeding,  a  word   was   said   about   destronng 

and  that  the  interjjosition  of  Congress  the  old  constitution  and   making   a 

would  be  considered  by  the  jealous  as  new  one."     Letters  from  the  Federal 

betraying  an   ambitious  wish  to  get  Farmer,  7  ;    Austin's  Life  of  Gerry, 

power  into  theii"  hands.  iL  9. 

"  Madison    Papers,  iL  589,  590, 


WISDOM  OF  THIS  MEASURE.  269 

than  "  a  name  with  which  to  conjure ; "  it  had  brought  into  chap. 
existence  and  established  the  independence  of  the  thirteen  ,Ji^^ 
United  States,  and  as  such  was  entitled  to  respectful  consider-    1787. 
ation.     Had  it  been  hastily  set  aside,  and  had  the  nation 
embarked  upon   the   uncertain  sea  of  political   experiment, 
anarchy  and  confusion  might  have  ensued ;  for  who  could  tell, 
in  such  case,  "  what  projects,  what  schemes,  and  what  influ- 
ences might  arise  to  jeopard  those  great  principles  of  republi- 
can liberty  on  which  the  political  fabric  had  rested  from  the 
declaration  of  independence  to  the  present  hour  of  danger 
and  distress  "  ?  ^ 

But  if  there  was  wisdom  in  the  policy  which  approved  the 
convention,  it  was  felt  and  admitted  by  the  most  discerning 
that  the  failure  of  that  body  to  agree  upon  a  well-balanced 
system  of  government  adapted  to  the  preexisting  system  of 
confederated  states,  capable  of  pervading  the  entire  country 
with  an  efficient  control,  and  essentially  republican  in  its  prin- 
ciples and  form,  would  result  immediately  in  a  dissolution  of 
the  Union,  and  an  attempt  to  establish  a  monarchical  govern- 


*  Madison  Papers,  ii.  589,  590 ;  due  energ;y'  to  the  government  of  it. 
Curtis's  Hist,  of  the  Const,  i.  363,  364.  Mr.  Bingham  alone  avowed  his  wishes 
"  It  appeared  from  the  debates,"  says  that  the  confederacy  might  be  divided 
Madison,  "  and  still  more  from  the  into  several  cUstinct  confederacies,  its 
conversation  among  the  members,  great  extent  and  various  interests  be- 
that  many  of  them  considered  this  ing  incompatible  with  a  single  govem- 
resolution  as  a  deadly  blow  to  the  ment.  The  eastern  members  were 
existing  confederation.  Dr.  Johnson,  suspected  of  leaning  towards  some 
■who  voted  agamst  it,  particularly  de-  anti-repubUcan  establishment,  (the  ef- 
clared  himself  to  that  effect.  Others  feet  of  their  late  confusions,)  or  of 
viewed  it  in  the  same  light,  but  were  being  less  desirous  or  hopeful  of  pre- 
pleased  with  it  as  the  harbinger  of  a  serving  the  miity  of  the  emjjire.  For 
better  confederation.  The  reserve  of  the  first  time  the  idea  of  separate 
many  of  the  members  made  it  difl[icidt  confederacies  had  got  into  the  news- 
to  decide  their  real  wishes  and  expec-  jjapers.  It  ajjpeared  to-day,  under 
tations  from  the  present  crisis  of  our  the  Boston  head.  Whatever  the  views 
afiairs.  All  agreed  and  o^^Tied  that  of  the  leading  men  in  the  Eastern 
the  federal  government,  in  its  exist-  States  may  be,  it  would  seem  that  the 
ing  shape,  was  inefficient,  and  could  great  body  of  the  people,  particularly 
not  last  long.  The  members  from  the  in  Connecticut,  are  equally  incHsposed 
Southern  and  Middle  States  seem  either  to  dissolve  the  confederacy,  or 
generally  anxious  for  some  republican  to  submit  to  any  anti-republican  in- 
organization  of  the  system,  which 
would  preserve  the  Union,  and  give 


270       CONSEQUENCES  OP  THE  FAILURE  OF  THE  CONVENTION. 

CHAP.  ment.  The  consequences  of  such  an  attempt  it  was  frightful 
^_J^^  to  contemplate.  Civil  war  and  social  convulsions  must  inevi- 
1787.  tably  ensue ;  for  could  it  be  supposed  that  the  people,  who 
had  long  been  jealous  of  arbitrary  power,  and  who  had  fought 
seven  years  to  secure  their  freedom,  would  surrender  it  at  the 
dictation  of  a  portion  of  the  community?  To  count  upon 
such  surrender  by  peaceable  means  was  to  charge  the  people 
with  preposterous  madness  ;  nay,  it  would  have  been  an  evi- 
dence of  such  imbecility  on  their  part  as  to  have  proved  them 
unworthy  of  the  blessings  of  liberty.^  Happily  for  the  coun- 
try, the  views  of  those  whose  hopes  predominated  over  their 
fears  were  not  doomed  to  be  disappointed,  nor  was  the  con- 
vention itself  destined  to  fail.  The  talent  it  embraced  was  a 
pledge  of  its  success  ;  for  if  a  "Washington,  a  Madison,  a  Ham- 
ilton, a  Franklin,  a  Morris,  a  Pinckney,  a  Randolph,  a  Wilson, 
a  Gerry,  a  Strong,  a  Dana,  a  King,  a  Sherman,  a  Livingston, 
a  Dickinson,  were  incompetent  as  "  cunning  artificers,"  to 
whom  could  the  country  look  with  more  confidence  ?  They 
were  the  men  who  had  shared  in  its  perils.  Their  own  inter- 
ests and  the  interests  of  their  posterity  were  involved.  And 
if  they  failed,  it  was  hopeless  —  nay,  useless  —  to  expect  others 
to  succeed.^ 

Under  these  auspices,  though  many  were  doubtful  of  the 


'  Hamilton's  "Works,  i.  435 ;  Mar-  whether  they  are  agreed  to  or  not. 
shall's  Washington,  v.  94-97,  es-  A  conduct  of  this  kind  will  stamp 
pecially  96  ;  Letters  of  the  Federal  Ansdom  and  dignity  on  their  proceed- 
Farmer,  6.  "  It  gives  me  great  pleas-  ings,  and  hold  up  a  light  which  sooner 
ure,"  wrote  AVashington,  Writings,  ix.  or  later  will  have  its  influence." 
250,  "  to  hear  that  there  is  a  ])roba-  ^  Comp.  Sj)arks's  Washington,  ix. 
bility  of  a  full  representation  of  the  223-236,  258,  260,  508-520 ;  Cur- 
states  in  convention ;  but  if  the  dele-  tis's  Hist,  of  the  Const,  i.  366-370 ; 
gates  come  to  it  under  fetters,  the  the  FederaUst,  No.  ii.  For  a  list  of 
salutary  ends  proposed  will  be  greatly  the  delegates,  see  Statesman's  Man- 
embarrassed  and  retarded,  if  not  al-  ual,  ii.  1507  ;  Curtis's  Hist,  of  the 
together  defeated.  I  am  desirous  of  Const,  i.  516-518.  The  members  from 
knowing  how  this  matter  is,  as  my  Massachusetts  were  Francis  Dana, 
wish  is  that  the  convention  may  adopt  Elbridge  Gerry,  Nathaniel  Gorham, 
no  temporizing  expedients,  but  j)robe  Rufus  King,  and  Caleb  Strong;  but 
the  defects  of  the  constitution  to  the  Mr.  Dana  did  not  attend, 
bottom,  and  provide  a  radical  cure, 


THE    CONVENTION   ASSEMBLES  IN   PHILADELPHIA,  271 

tendency  of  the  experiment,  and  some  questioned  the  legiti-  chap. 
macy  of  the  meeting,  the  convention  assembled  in  Phila-  ^^^* 
delphia,  and,  on  the  motion  of  Robert  Morris,  of  Pennsylva-  1787. 
nia,  was  organized  by  the  choice  of  George  Washington  for  ^^ 
president.!  There  was  little  for  the  statesmen  of  that  day  to 
look  to,  in  the  history  of  other  nations,  in  the  way  of  theories 
which  had  been  practically  proved  to  be  sound  and  useful.^ 
They  must  originate  for  themselves  a  consolidated  system 
adapted  to  the  wants  of  their  country.  And  it  is  proof  of 
their  wisdom,  and  of  the  extent  of  their  political  knowledge, 
that  time  and  experience  have  abundantly  demonstrated  the 
general  excellence  of  the  system  devised,  and  that  few  altera- 
tions have  since  been  required  in  it.  They  came  to  the  task 
with  a  consciousness  of  the  difficulties  besetting  their  path,  but 
with  a  full  determination  to  act  for  the  interests  of  the  entire 
republic.  Personal  preferences  might  be  urged,  and  the  freest 
interchange  of  opinion  was  desirable.  But  no  one  could  insist 
upon,  nor  did  any  one  press,  the  adoption  of  his  own  views,  to 
the  exclusion  of  all  others.  It  was  the  council  of  the  nation, 
the  arbiter  of  the  destinies  of  unborn  millions.  Every  thing 
depended  upon  the  wisdom  of  its  measures,  and  upon  the  con- 
ciliatory spirit  which  governed  its  deliberations.     The  assem- 


'  Madison   Papers,   ii.    635,    643,  as  that  on  which  the  revolution  took 

721  et  seq. ;  Marshall's  Washington,  place  in  America,  where  the  people, 

V.  98  et  seq. ;  Statesman's  Manual,  ii.  by  their  own  act,  without  any  usur- 

1506.    Sixty-five  persons  were  elected  jmtion  or  turn  ol"  parties,  on  a  sudden 

members  of  the  convention ;  and  of  found   themselves  in  a   state  of  the 

these,  fifty-five  attended  its  sessions,  most  civilized  and  complicated  asso- 

Six  of  the  number  had  affixed  their  ciations,  without  government ;  and  in 

signature  to  the  Declaration  of  Inde-  that  state  formed  the   original    con- 

pendence.     Austin's    Life    of  Gerry,  vention,    on    grounds    of   undisputed 

ii.  9.  equalitj- ;  framed  a  form  of  civil  gov- 

*  "  Never   was   there,   before   the  ernment,  founded  in    the   rights  of 

American  revolution,  an  instance  of  a  nature,  unobscured  by  charters,  privi- 

nation  forming  its  own    government  leges,  or  monopolies  of  power;  and 

on  the  original  foundations  of  human  then  bound  themselves  by  the  third 

rights,  revealed  by  a  study  of  the  laws  and  last  tie  of  allegiance.     The  demo- 

of  nature,   and   creating  every   ci^'il  cratic  form  was  the  only  one  a  jjeople 

organ   agreeably   to   the   three   acts  so  situated   could   ado]jt."      Political 

which    constitute   just    government.  Sketches,  inscribed  to  his  Excellency 

Never  did  there  exist  such  a  scene  John  Adams,  &c.,  5,  6,  ed.  1787. 


272  EULES   OF  THE   CONVENTION. 

CHAP,  bly  could  be  useful  only  in  proportion  to  its  superiority  to 
^^_^^  partial  views  and  interests.^ 
1787.       The  rules  of  the  convention  were  copied  chiefly  from  those 
of  Congress.     No  state  was  allowed  to  cast  more  than  one 
vote,  and  seven  states  constituted  a  quorum  for  business.     The 
sessions  were  to  be  held  with  closed  doors ;  and  the  whole 
proceedings  were  to  be  kept  secret  —  so  much  so  that  the 
members  were  prevented  from  corresponding  freely  and  confi- 
dentially with  eminent  political   characters   in  the  different 
states  upon  the  subjects  under  consideration  ;  nor  were  th^y 
allowed  even  to  take  copies  of  resolutions,  or  of  the  entries 
on  the  journal,  "  without  formally  moving  for  and  obtaining 
permission,  by  a  vote  of  the  convention  for  that  purpose."  ^ 
Delegates  from  less  than  seven  states  were  present  on  the 
May  14.  day  appointed  for  the  opening  of  the  convention,  nor  was  it 
May  25.  until  eleven  days  after  that  that  number  appeared  ;  but  early 
June  2.  in  June,  eleven  states  were  represented  by  about  fifty  dele- 
gates, who  were  among  the  most  distinguished  men  of  the 
country .3    Three  parties,  it  was  soon  found,  existed  among 


'  Com  p.  Madison  Papers,  ii.  621.  accident"  that  the  new  constitution 

There  is  a  slight  degree  of  rhetorical  was  framed.     It  was  something  more 

embellishment  in   the   statement   of  than  an  accident,  nor  would  it  have 

Judge  Jay,  FederaUst,  No.  ii.,  that,  occurred  had  there  not  been  wisdom 

"  in  the  mild  season  of  peace,  with  at  the  bottom.     Comp.  N.  Am.  Rev. 

minds  unoccupied  by  other  subjects,  for  July,  1841,  43. 

they  passed  many  months  in  cool,  un-  ^  ]\Iadison  Papers,  ii.  724—726,  728; 

interrupted,  and  daily  consultations  ;  Martin's  Sjjeech  before  the  Legis.  of 

and  finally,  M'ithout  having  been  awed  Md.,  in   Secret  Proceedings,  &c.,  4, 

by  power,  or  influenced  by  any  pas-  32;  N.  Am.  Rev.  for  July,  1841,  53; 

sion,  except  love  for  their  country,  Marshall's  Washington,  v.   128 ;  Hil- 

they  presented  and  recommended  to  dreth's  U.  S.  iii.  482.     Notwithstand- 

the  people  the  plan  produced  by  their  ing  these  restrictions,  several  of  the 

joint  and  very  mianimous  counsels."  members  took  notes  of  the  proceed- 

It  was  a  season  oi' peace  in  one  sense ;  ings  of  the  convention ;  and  those  of 

but  the  waves  were  sm-ging  as  at  sea  Yates,  of  New  York,  and  MacUson,  of 

after  a  stoi-m.     The  debates  were  not  Virginia,  have  since  been  pubUshed, 

always   "  cool   and    uninterrujjted  ;  "  The  Journal  has  also  been  published, 

passion  was  not  always  dormant  and  by  order  of  Congress, 

quiet ;  nor  was  the  plan  produced  by  ^  The    states   rej^resented   on  the 

a   "very    unanimous    counsel."       If,  2oth  were  New  York,   New  Jersey, 

however,  all  this  is  admitted,  it  was  Pemisylvania,     Delaware,     Virginia, 

not  altogether  "  so  much  of  a  lucky  North"  Carolina,  and  South  Cai-olina, 


DIVISION  OF  PAETIES.  273 

the  members,  of  exceedingly  different  sentiments  and  views,  chap. 
To  the  first  belonged  those  "  whose  object  and  wish  it  was  to  .^^^^ 
abolish  and  annihilate  all  state  governments,  and  to  bring    1787. 
forward  one  general  government,  over   this  extensive  conti- 
nent, of  a  monarchical  nature,  under  certain  restrictions  and 
limitations."     The  second  "  was  not  for  the  abolition  of  the 
state  governments,  nor  for  the  introduction  of  a  monarchical 
government  under  any  form  ;  but  they  wished  to  establish 
such  a  system  as  could  give  their  own  states  undue  power  and 
influence  in  the  government  over  the  other  states."     And  the 
third,  which  was  "  considered  truly  federal   and  republican," 
was  "  nearly  equal  in  number  with  the  other  two,  and  was 
composed  of  the  delegates  from  Connecticut,  New  York,  New 
Jersey,  Delaware,  and  in  part  from  Maryland,  also  of  some 
individuals  from  other  representations."  ^ 

It  is  foreign  to  the  province  of  this  history  to  relate  circum- 
stantially the  proceedings  of  this  convention.  It  is  only 
necessary  to  say  that  its  sessions  were  continued  for  the  space 
of  four  months ;  that  its  debates  were  spirited,  and  occasion- 


with  one  each  from  Massachusetts  and  as  the  constitution  reported  proposes 

Georgia  ;   the   other   delegates  from  to  vest  in  them.    The  young,  visionary 

Massacliusetts,  and  those  from  Con-  men,  and  the  consolidating  aristocracy, 

necticut,  and  other  states,  appeared  would  have  been  more  restrained  than 

on  the  28th ;  and  the  rest  took  their  they  have  been." 

seats  from  the  29th  of  May  to  the  9th  '  Martin's  Speech  to  the  Legis.  of 

of  June.     Madison  Papers,  ii.  721  et  Md.,  in  Secret  Proceedings,  &c.  13, 

seq. ;  Yates,  in   Secret   Proceedings,  14.     Comp.   N.  Am.  Rev.  for  July, 

&c.,  99-101,  103,  105  ;  Letters  from  1841,  52,  53  ;  Austin's  Life  of  Gerry, 

the  Federal  Farmer,  8.     "The  non-  ii.  19,  20;  the  Olive  Branch,  by  M. 

attendance,"  says  the  latter  authority,  Carey,  81,  ed.  1817.    The  favorers  of 

"  of  eight  or  nine  men,  who  were  ap-  a  monarchical  government  were  not 

pointed  members  of  the  convention,  very  numerous,  nor  did    they  press 

I  shall  ever  consider  as  a  very  un-  their   views    with    great    ]iertinacity. 

fortunate  event  to  the  United  States.  "  The  ideas  of  men  who  speculate  upon 

Had  they  attended,  I  am  pretty  clear  the  dismemberment  of  the  empire," 

that  the  result  of  the  convention  would  as  is  said  in  the  Federalist.  No.  xiii., 

not  have  been  that  strong  tendency  "  seem  generally  turned  towards  three 

to  aristocracy  now  discernible  in  every  confederacies ;  one   consisting  of  the 

part  of  the  plan.     Tliere  would  not  four  Northern,  another  of  the   four 

have  been  so  great  an  accumulation  Middle,  and  a  tliird  of  the  five  South- 

of  powers,  especially  as  to  the  internal  ern  States." 
police  of  the  country,  in  a  few  hands, 
VOL.   III.                18 


274  DIFFICULTY   OF   FRAMING   A    PERFECT   SYSTEM. 

CHAP,  ally  spicy  ;  that,  in  more  tlian  one  instance,  there  was  danger 
^^3^3^  of  a  dissolution  without  the  accomplishment  of  the  business 
1787.  for  which  it  had  assembled  ;  ^  and  that  nothing  but  the  cool- 
ness and  gravity  of  the  prudent,  and  the  consciousness  of  the 
necessity  of  a  spirit  of  compromise,  persuaded  the  members  to 
yield  punctilious  points  of  honor,  and  to  forget  the  individual 
and  the  inordinate  pride  of  state  importance  for  the  one  great 
purpose  of  national  union.^  It  is  easy  for  the  philosopher  to 
frame,  in  his  study,  a  theory  of  government  which  shall  seem 
to  himself  a  perfect  Utopia  ;  but  practical  statesmen  find  some 
difficulties  in  attempting  to  harmonize  the  visions  of  specu- 
latists,  and  in  evolving  from  the  Babel-like  "  confusion  of 
tongues  "  a  judicious,  a  well-balanced,  and  pertinent  system, 
adapted  to  the  wants  of  a  living  community,  and  capable  of 
being  carried  into  efficient  operation.  It  is  a  mistake  to  sup- 
pose that  the  science  of  government  can  be  learned  by  the 
brightest  mind  in  a  few  hours'  study.  For  its  just  compre- 
hension, a  varied  experience  is  needed  —  an  experience  based 
upon  a  life-long  acquaintance  with  the  nature  of  man  ;  a  liberal 
culture,  which  has  sprung  from  the  survey  of  the  history  of 
the  past,  of  all  the  great  nations  of  ancient  and  modern  times ; 


'  Hamilton's  Works,  i.  437.  able  articles  into  the  new  system,  in- 
*  Marshall's  Washington,  v.  129;  stead  of  ingrafting  the  latter  on  the 
Letters  from  the  Federal  Farmer,  8.  former.  I  am  not  sm-e  that  it  will  be 
"  The  ]5lan  proposed,"  says  the  latter,  practicable  to  present  the  several  parts 
"  is  a  plan  of  accommodation ;  and  it  of  the  reform  in  so  detached  a  man- 
is  only  in  this  way,  and  by  gi^ing  up  ner  to  the  states,  as  that  a  partial 
a  part  of  our  o])inions,  that  we  can  adoption  wiU  be  binding.  Particular 
ever  expect  to  obtain  a  government  states  may  view  different  articles  as 
founded  in  fi'eedom  and  compact."  conditions  of  each  other,  and  would 
Madison  also  wrote  to  Edmund  Ran-  only  ratify  them  as  such.  Others 
dolph,  April  8,  1787,  in  Madison  Pa-  might  ratify-  them  as  independent 
pers,  ii.  631,  "  I  am  perfectly  of  your  propositions.  The  consequence  would 
0])inion,  that,  in  framing  a  system,  no  be  that  the  ratifications  of  both  would 
material  sacrifices  ought  to  be  made  go  for  nothing.  In  truth,  my  ideas 
to  local  or  temporary  prejudices.  I  of  a  reform  stiike  so  deeply  at  the  old 
think,  with  you,  that  it  will  be  well  to  confederation,  and  lead  to  such  a 
retain  as  much  as  possible  of  the  old  systematic  change,  that  they  scarcely 
confederation,  though  I  doubt  whether  admit  of  the  expedient." 
it  may  not  be  best  to  work  the  valu- 


DIFFICULTY  OF  FRAMING  A  PERFECT  SYSTEM.  275 

and  that  intuitive  discernment  and  keen-sighted  sagacity  which  chap. 
can  hold  in  their  grasp  the  subtilest  elements  of  political  power,  ^^^' 
until  the  whole  are  resolved  into  definite  forms.  No  one  man  1787. 
can  be  expected  to  possess  such  various  knowledge  in  so  emi- 
nent a  degree  as  to  entitle  his  opinions  to  be  regarded  as 
infallible.  The  combined  experience  of  a  number  of  men  is 
needed  to  frame  a  sj'stem  of  government  adapted  to  a  free 
country,  with  its  diversified  interests.  "  Hence  it  is,"  as  has 
been  truly  observed,  "  that,  wherever  this  miglity  work  is  to 
be  successfully  accomplished,  there  must  be  a  high  sense  of  jus- 
tice ;  a  power  of  concession  ;  the  qualities  of  magnanimity 
and  patriotism  ;  and  that  broad  moral  sanity  of  the  intellect 
which  is  farthest  removed  from  fanaticism,  intolerance,  or  self- 
ish adhesion  either  to  interest  or  to  opinion."  ^  Happily  for  the 
country,  these  qualities  were  possessed  in  an  eminent  degree 
by  the  members  of  the  federal  convention  and  the  framers  of 
the  constitution.  That  instrument  was  the  product  of  their 
united  deliberations.  It  was  not  hastily  and  blindly  project- 
ed. It  was  matured  and  perfected  by  the  suggestions  of  all. 
Every  point  in  it  was  subjected  to  scrutiny  ;  every  article  was 
thoroughly  scanned.  And  when  the  scheme  was  completed,,  it 
was  concurred  in  by  the  whole.^ 


'  Curtis's  Hist,  of  the  Const,  i.  387.  «  Comp.  N.  Am.  Eev.  for  .July, 
"High  qualities  of  character  are  1841,  52,  and  Letters  of  the  Federal 
requisite  to  the  formation  of  a  system  Farmer,  4.  "  Whatever,"  says  Mad- 
of  government  for  a  wide  country  ison,  Papers,  ii.  718,  719,  "may  be 
•with  different  interests.  Mere  talent  the  judgment  pronounced  on  the  com- 
■will  not  do  it.  Intellectual  power  and  petencj-  of  the  architects  of  the  con- 
ingenuity  alone  cannot  compass  it.  stitution,  or  whatever  may  be  the 
There  must  be  a  moral  completeness  destiny  of  the  edifice  prepared  by 
in  the  characters  of  those  who  are  to  them,  I  feel  it  a  duty  to  exjn-ess  my 
achieve  such  a  work  ;  for  it  does  not  profound  and  solemn  conviction,  de- 
consist  solely  in  devising  schemes,  or  rived  from  my  intimate  opjjortunity 
creating  offices,  or  parcelling  out  ju-  of  observing  and  appreciating  the 
risdictions  and  powers.  There  must  views  of  the  convention,  collectively 
be  the  recognition  and  admission  of  and  individually,  that  there  never  was 
great  expedients,  and  the  sacrifice,  an  assembly  of  men,  charged  with  a 
often,  of  diuling  objects  of  ambition,  great  and  arduous  trust,  who  were 
or  of  local  poHcy,  to  the  vast  central  more  pure  in  their  motives,  or  more 
purpose  of  the  greatest  happiness  of  exclusively  or  anxiously  devoted  to 
the  greatest  number."  the  object  committed  to  them,  than 


276  POINTS    OF    DEBATE. 

The  principal  points  of  debate  in  the  convention  related 
to  the  ratio  of  representation  and  the  rule  of  voting  in  the 
1787.  national  legislature  ;  the  term  for  which  officers  should  respec- 
tively be  chosen,  and  the  mode  of  their  choice ;  the  constitu- 
tion of  the  executive  —  whether  of  one  person  or  more,  the 
grounds  of  eligibility,  and  the  mode  of  election  ;  the  constitu- 
tion of  the  judiciary,  with  the  appointment  of  the  judges  ;  and 
the  general  powers  which  should  be  conferred  upon  the  gov- 
ernment in  its  relations  to  the  states,  and  for  national  pur- 
poses.^ On  the  first  of  these  points,  the  debates  took  a  wide 
range,  and  the  interests  involved  were  found  to  be  so  compli- 
cated that  the  utmost  prudence  was  required  to  effect  even  an 
approximation  to  unity.  One  disturbing  element  was  the 
question  of  slavery  ;  a  northern  and  a  southern  party  were 
speedily  developed  ;  and  the  discussion  was  marked  with  con- 
siderable rancor.  Should  slaves  be  recognized  as  persons  in 
the  constitution  ?  Should  the  institution  of  slavery  be  sanc- 
tioned by  the  government  ?  Should  the  slave  trade  be  toler- 
ated, and  the  evils  resulting  from  it  be  continued  and  perpetu- 
ated ?  These  questions,  though  not  specifically  raised,  were 
involved  in  the  discussion,  and  in  their  decision  the  south  had 
a  special  interest.  Negroes  were  esteemed  a  portion  of  their 
wealth,  as  valuable  to  them  as  the  wealth  of  a  freeman.  With- 
out them,  they  contended,  it  would  be  impossible  to  live.  And 
if,  it  was  urged,  the  north  exp.ected  "  those  preferential  dis- 
tinctions in  commerce,  and  other  advantages,"  which  they 
would  derive  from  the  connection,  they  "  must  not  expect  to 
receive  them  without  allowing  some  advantages  in  return. 
Eleven  out  of  the  thirteen  states  had  agreed  to  consider  slaves 


were  the  members  of  the  federal  con-  and  best  seciu-e  the  pennanent  liberty 

vention  of  1787,  to  the  object  of  de-  and  happiness  of  theii*  country." 
\ising  and  preparing  a  constitutional         '  Comp.  Madison  Papers,  ii.  631— 

system  which  should  best  supply  the  634,  and  747  et  seq. 
defects  of  that  which  it  was  to  replace, 


THE  QUESTION   OF   SLAVERY  DISCUSSED.  277 

in  the  apportionment  of  taxation  ;  and  taxation  and  represen-  chap. 
tation  ought  to  go  together."  ^  .Jl^i^ 

To  meet  this  point,  it  was  at  first  proposed,  by  Mr.  Butler,  1787. 
of  South  Carolina,  to  consider  blacks  as  equal  to  whites  in 
the  apportionment  of  representation  ;  but  this  was  rejected  by 
a  vote  of  seven  to  three,  and  the  three  fifths  clause  was  pro- 
posed as  a  compromise.  To  this,  however,  Mr.  King  objected, 
and  "  thought  the  admission  of  them  along  with  whites,  at  all, 
would  excite  great  discontents  among  the  states  having  no 
slaves."  Mr.  Wilson  "  had  some  apprehensions,  also,  from  the 
tendency  of  the  blending  of  the  blacks  with  the  whites,  to 
give  disgust  to  the  people  of  Pennsylvania."  Gouverneur 
Morris  "  could  never  agree  to  give  such  encouragement  to  the 
slave  trade  as  would  be  given  them  by  allowing  them  a  rep- 
resentation for  their  negroes."  And  when  the  question  was 
taken,  Delaware,  Maryland,  and  even  South  Carolina,  with 
Massachusetts,  New  Jersey,  and  Pennsylvania,  voted  in  the 
negative.  Davie,  of  North  Carolina,  then  "  thought  it  was 
high  time  to  speak  out.  He  saw  that  it  was  meant  by  some 
gentlemen  to  deprive  the  Southern  States  of  any  share  of  rep- 
resentation for  their  blacks.     He  was  sure  that  North  Caro- 

'  Madison  Papers,  ii.  686  et  seq.  ;  should    have   any   weight.      M.    Le 

1054  et  seq. ;  Hildi-eth's  U.  S.  eh.  xhii.  Poivre,  late  envoy  from  the  King  of 

The    question    of    the   necessity    of  France  to  the  King  of  Cochin  China, 

slave  labor  at  the  south  is  ably  dis-  and   now   intendant  of  the  Isles  of 

cussed   by   Benjamin   Rush,   in    his  Bourbon  and  Mauritius,  in  his  obser- 

pam])hlet,  pubUshed  at  Philadelphia,  vations  u])on  the  manners  and  arts  of 

in  1773,  entitled  "  An  Address  to  the  the   vaiious    nations    in   Africa   and 

Inhabitants  of  the  British  Settlements  Asia,  has  the  following  remarks :  '  It 

in    America    upon    Slave   Keeping."  is  worthy  of  observation,  too,  that  the 

"  It  has  been  urged,"  he  says,  "  by  sugar  cane  is  there  cultivated  by  free- 

the  inhabitants  of  the  Sugar  Islands  men,  and  all  the  process  of  prejjara- 

and  South  CaroUna,  tliat  it  would  be  tion    and   refining,  tlie  work  of  free 

impossible  to  carry  on  the  manufac-  hands.     Compare,  then,  the  piice  of 

tures  of  sugar,  rice,  and  indigo,  with-  the  Cochin  Chinese  jn-oduction  mth 

out  negro  slaves.     JVo  manufadonj  the  same  commodity  whicli  is  culti- 

can  ever  be  of  consequence  enough  to  vated  and  prepared  by  the  wretched 

society  to  admit  the  least  violation  of  slaves  of  our  European  colonics,  and 

the  laws  of  justice  or  humanity.    But  judge  if,  to  procure  sugar  from  our 

I  am  far  from  thinking  the  arguments  colonies,  it  was  necessary  to  authorize 

used  in  favor  of  employing  negroes  bj-  law  the   slavery  of  the  unhappy 

for  the  cultivation  of  these  articles  AJricans  transported  to  America.' " 


278  DISCUSSION   ON   THE   SLAVE   TRADE. 

CHAP,  lina  would  never  coufederate  on  any  terms  that  did  not  rate 

^^^'    them  at  least  as  three  fifths.     If  the  Eastern  States  meant, 

1787.    therefore,  to  exclude  them  altogether,  the  business  was  at  an 

end."     On   this,  the  motion  for  the  three  fifths  clause  was 

renewed  by  Ellsworth,  of  Connecticut,  modified  by  Randolph, 

and,  in  the  end,  it  was  carried  by  a  vote  of  six  to  two.^ 

On  the  question  of  the  slave  trade,  there  was  less  diiference 
of  opinion ;  for  the  sentiment  was  common  to  Virginia  and 
the  Nortliern  States  "  that  slavery  was  cruel  and  unjust  —  in 
plain  violation  of  the  rights  of  man  proclaimed  as  the  founda- 
tion of  the  revolution,  and  inconsistent  with  the  doctrines 
assumed  as  the  basis  of  the  American  constitutions."  ^  Vir- 
ginia and  Maryland,  indeed,  were  especially  "  opposed  to  the 
African  slave  trade  ; "  and,  as  the  delegates  from  the  Middle 
and  Eastern  States  concurred  in  these  views,  there  seemed,  at 
one  time,  a  reasonable  prospect  that  the  trade  might  be  pro- 
hibited. But  Georgia  and  South  Carolina  entertained  a  dif- 
ferent opinion,  and  were  "fully  determined  to  maintain,  not 
the  institution  of  slavery  only,  but  the  African  slave  trade 
also  ; "  and,  as  Massachusetts  was  anxious  "  about  navigation 
laws,"  and  Pennsylvania  was  concerned  "  about  the  taxation 
of  exports,"  and  Connecticut  was  "  willing  to  make  almost 
any  sacrifice  for  the  sake  of  getting  others  to  agree,"  a  "  bar- 


'  Martin,   in    Secret   Proceedings,  it  would  be  with  the  horses  and  mules 

&c.,   42,    43;  Yates,   in   ibid.    122;  of  the  Eastern."  Ibid.  43.     And  Mr. 

Madison  Papers,  ii.  1076-1087;  Hil-  Patterson  very  pertinently  asked,  "  if 

dreth's  U.   S.   iii.  499-501.     It  was  negroes  are  not  represented  in  the 

said,  in  the  debate  on  this  clause,  that  states   to   which    they   belong,   why 

the  taking  of  slaves  into  comjiuUition  should   they  be   represented   in   the 

in  a])]3ortioning  the  number  of  repre-  national      government  ?  "      Madison 

sentatives,  "involved  the  absm-dity  of  Papers,  ii.  1055. 
increasing  the  power  of  a  state   in         ^  "  Futiue  ages,"  observes  Benja- 

making  laws  for  freemen,  in  propor-  min   Hush,  in  his  Address  on  Slave 

tion  as  that  state  violated  the  rights  Keeping,  9,  "  when  they  read  the  ac- 

of   freedom."      Secret    Proceedings,  counts  of  the  slave  trade,  if  they  do 

&c.,  42.     One  of  the  Massachusetts  not  regard  them  as  fabulous,  will  be 

delegation  also   observed,   that    "  he  at    a   loss  which    to  condemn  most, 

considered  it  as  dishonorable  and  hu-  om-  foily  or  our  guilt  in  al)etting  this 

miliating  to  enter  into  comjiact  with  direct  violation  of  the  laws  of  nature 

the  slaves  of  the  Southern  States,  as  and  religion." 


RENDITION  OP   FUGITIVES. 


279 


gain  "  was  struck  up  between  "  the  Northern  and  the  Southern  chap. 
States,"  which,  until  the  year  1808,  allowed  the  unrestrained  J^^ 
migration  or  importation  of  such  persons  as  the  states  might    1787. 
see  fit  to  receive  —  subject,  however,  to  the  imposition  of  a 
duty  by  Congress,  the  maximum  of  which  was  fixed  at  ten 
dollars. 1 

One  other  measure  was  desired  by  the  south,  relating  to  the 
rendition  of  fugitive  slaves.  The  motion  to  include  such  with 
fugitives  from  justice  was  introduced  by  Butler,  of  South  Car- 
olina, and  seconded  by  his  colleague,  Charles  Pinckney  ;  and, 
availing  themselves  of  the  phraseology  of  one  of  the  old  arti- 
cles of  the  New  England  confederation  of  1643,  with  slight 
alterations  to  adapt  it  to  their  purpose,  the  "  famous  clause  " 
was  presented,  which  provides  that  "  no  person  held  to  service 
or  labor  in  one  state,  under  the  laws  thereof,  escaping  into 
another,  shall,  in  consequence  of  any  law  or  regulation  therein, 


'  Martin,  in  Secret  Proceedings, 
&c.,  62-G6 ;  Madison  Papers,  iii. ; 
Hildreth's  U.  S.  iii.  508-520.  It  is 
worthy  of  notice  in  tliis  connection, 
that  the  Continental  Congress  liad 
resolved  "  that  no  slave  be  import- 
ed into  any  of  the  United  States ; " 
that  Delaware,  by  her  constitution, 
and  Virginia  and  Maryland,  by  special 
laws,  had  prohibited  the  importation 
of  slaves ;  and  that  similar  prolubi- 
tions  were  in  foi'ce  in  all  the  more 
northern  states,  though  they  "  did 
not  ])revent  the  merchants  of  those 
states  from  carrying  on  the  slave  trade 
elsewhere,  and  already  some  New 
England  ships  were  engaged  in  an 
infamous  traffic  from  the  coast  of 
Al'rica  to  Georgia  and  the  Carolinas." 
The  views  of  Madison  on  this  clause 
of  the  constitution  may  be  learned 
from  the  Federalist,  No.  xlii.  "It 
were  doubtless  to  be  wished,"  says 
he,  "  that  the  power  of  prohibiting 
the  importation  of  slaves  had  not 
been  postponed  until  the  year  1808, 
or  rather,  that  it  had  been  suffered  to 
have  immediate  operation.     But  it  is 


not  difficult  to  account,  either  for  this 
restriction  on  the  general  govern- 
ment, or  for  the  manner  in  which  the 
whole  cause  is  expressed.  It  ought 
to  be  considered  as  a  great  point 
gained  in  favor  of  humanity,  that  a 
period  of  twenty  years  maj'  terminate 
forever,  within  these  states,  a  traffic 
which  has  so  long  and  so  loudly  up- 
braided the  barl)arism  of  modern  pol- 
icy ;  that  within  that  jjeriod,  it  will 
receive  a  considerable  discouragement 
from  the  federal  government,  and  may 
be  totally  abolished,  by  a  concurrence 
of  the  free  states  winch  contiiuie  the 
unnatural  traffic,  in  the  jjrohibitory 
example  which  has  been  given  by  so 
great  a  majority  of  the  Union.  Haj)py 
would  it  l)e  for  the  unfortunate  Afri- 
cans, if  an  equal  prospect  lay  before 
them,  of  beuig  redeemed  from  the 
oppression  of  their  European  breth- 
ren." The  "  vexed  question  "  of  the 
.slave  trade  was  early  agitated  in  the 
new  Congress,  and  debated  with  some 
warmth.  Hildreth's  U.  S.  2d  series, 
i.  91-96. 


280  DIFFICULTIES   OF   THE   SLAVE    QUESTION. 

CHAP,  be  discharged  from  such  service  or  labor,  but  shall  be  deliv- 
J!^^^  ered  up  on  claim  of  the  party  to  \^hom  such  service  or  labor 
1787.    may  be  due."  ^ 

Thus  the  question  of  slavery  had  been  presented  in  a  three- 
fold form,  and  on  each  the  south  had  carried  their  point. 
The  legality  of  slavery  in  the  slave  states  was  virtually  recog- 
nized ;  the  slave  trade  itself  was  licensed  for  twenty  years ; 
and  fugitive  slaves  were  to  be  returned  to  their  masters.^ 
How  far  such  compromises  were  justified  by  circumstances 
wise  men  have  found  it  difficult  to  decide.  It  should  be  re- 
membered, however,  that,  if  the  measures  were  wrong,  involv- 
ing a  sacrifice  of  moral  principle,  the  north  was  to  blame  for 
sanctioning  that  wrong,  and  is  justly  obnoxious  to  the  conse- 
quences of  its  misconduct.  Ellsworth  was  no  true  prophet  in 
predicting  that,  in  time,  "  slavery  will  not  be  a  speck  in  our 
country."  It  has  multiplied  sevenfold,  and  is,  without  doubt, 
one  of  the  most  serious  evils  in  the  nation.  Whether  it  will 
ever  be  peaceably  abolished,  or  whether  it  will  continue  to 
expand  and  increase,  diffusing  abroad  a  moral  miasma,  to  taint 
and  corrupt  the  whole  body  politic,  are  questions  which  are 
certainly  of  vital  importance.  But  may  we  not  hope  that  a 
merciful  God  will  open  a  way,  in  accordance  with  the  spirit 
of  the  gospel  of  Christ,  by  which  the  country  may  be  rid  of 
this  evil,  without  the  intervention  of  a  violence  which  could 
end  only  in  the  dismemberment  of  the  Union,  or  in  an  exas- 
peration of  feeling  which  would  rankle  so  deeply  as  to  banish 
forever  brotherly  love  ?  This  is  the  problem  for  the  statesmen 
of  the  nineteenth  century  :  who  does  not  pray  that  it  may  be 
happily  solved  ?  To  a  certain  extent  the  issue  is  sectional  ; 
nor  can  this  be  avoided  while  slavery  exists.  The  antagonism 
of  freedom  and  slavery  is  perpetual.     Fire  and  water  are  not 


*  Hildreth's  U.  S.  iii.  522.  in  the  constitution  itself;  _for_  not  a 

"  These  statements  are  to  be  under-  word  about   slaverj-  is  said  in  that 

stood  rather  of  the  effects  of  the  meas-  instrument. 

\ires  adopted  than  of  specific  clauses 


RESULT   OF    THE    CONVENTION.  281 

more   opposite.     And   as   one   or   the   other   must  gain  the  chap. 
ascendency,  which  shall  it  be  ?     There  is  force  in  the  opinion  J^J^ 
which  is  fast  gaining  ground,  that  "  freedom  is  national,  while    1787. 
slavery  is  sectional." ' 

The  result  of  the  convention  was  the  adoption  of  a  constitu-  Sep.  17. 
tion,  which  was  laid  before  Congress,  and  submitted  to  con-  sep.  28. 
ventions  of  the  people  in  the  different  states  for  adoption  or 
rejection.^     The  convention  in  Massachusetts  "  for  the  purpose 
of  assenting  to  and  ratifying  the  constitution  recommended  by 
the  grand  federal  convention,"  convened  at  Boston,  on  the 
ninth  of  the  following  January,  and  continued  in  session  for  ^ij^ss^ 
nearly  a  month.     The  members  of  this  body,  over  three  hun-  Feb.  7. 
dred  and  fifty  in  number,  were  among  the  most  eminent  men 
in  the  state  —  comprising  as  well  a  portion  of  those  who  had 
served  at  Philadelphia  as  many  who  were  engaged  in  the  con- 
vention   for  framing   the  constitution   of  Massachusetts,  and 
others,  not  inferior  in  intellectual  ability,  from  the  various 
walks  of  social  life.^ 

The  first  business  was  to  organize  ;  and  this  was  effected  by 
the  choice  of  Governor  Hancock  as  president,  Judge  William 
Gushing  as  vice  president,  George  llichards  Minot,  Esq.,  as 
secretary,  and  Jacob  Kuhn  as  messenger,  who  for  nearly  fifty 


1  "  It  is  a  truth  denied  by  few,  at  The  ratification  of  the  conventions  of 
the  present  day,  that  pohtical  and  nine  states  was  to  be  sutficient  for  the 
domestic  slavery  are  inconsistent  with  establishment  of  this  constitution  be- 
justice,  and  that  these  must  neces-  tween  the  states  so  ratifying  the  same, 
sarily  wage  eternal  war;  so  that,  For  Arthur  Lee's  opinion  of  this 
wherever  the  latter  exists  in  jierfiec-  instrument,  see  his  Letter  to  John 
tion,  the  former  must  fly  before  her,  Adams,  October  3,  1787,  in  Adams's 
or  fall   jjrostrate  at  her"  feet."     l)is-  Works,  ix.  654,  555. 

course  ofllev.  Samuel  Miller,  preached  ^  For  a  list  of  the  delegates,  see 

in  New  York,  July  4,  1793,  19.  the   Debates,   &c.,   225-229.      This 

2  Statesman's  "]\Ianual,  ii.  1500;  convention  was  recommended  to  be 
Sparks's  Washingtcm,  ix.  267-269.  held  by  the  Senate,  October  20,  and 
For  the  draught  of  the  constitution  by  the  House,  October  25,  1787;  and 
as  thus  submitted,  see  the  Pamphlet,  the  date  assigned  for  its  asscmliling 
published  in  1787,  to  be  cu-culated  in  was  the  2d  Wednesday  in  the  foUow- 
Massachusetts,  and  comp.  Madison  ing  January.  See  the  Const,  of  the 
Papers,  ii.   and  iii.,   and   Debates  in  U.  S.,  published  ui  1787,  18-20. 

the  Mass.  Convention,  ed.  1808,  3-20. 


282  THE   MASSACHUSETTS    CONVENTION   MEETS. 

CHAP,  years  served  as  messenger  to  the  General  Court.^     By  the 
^J_^^  kindness  of  the  church,  the  sessions  of  the  convention  were 
1788.    held  at  first  in  the  meeting  house  still  standing  on  Brattle 
Street  —  a  venerable  edifice,  in  the  vralls  of  which  is  fixed  a 
cannon  ball  discharged  by  the  Americans  during  the  siege  of 
Boston,  and  which  is  said  to  be  inserted  in  the  place  where  the 
ball  struck.^     This  house,  however,  "  on  account  of  the  diffi- 
culty of  hearing,"  was  "  found  inconvenient,"  and  the  conven- 
Jan.  11.  tion  adjourned  to  the  representatives'  chamber,  in  the  Old 
State  House,  at  the  corner  of  State  and  Washington  Streets, 
and  from  thence,  at  a  later  date,  to  the  "  meeting  house  in 
Long  Lane."  ^ 

The  motion  preliminary  to  the  general  discussion  was  made 
by  Caleb  Strong,  afterwards  governor  of  the  state ;  and,  at 
his  instance,  it  was  voted  "  that  this  convention,  sensible  how 
important  it  is  that  the  great  subject  submitted  to  their  deter- 
mination should  be  discussed  and  considered  with  moderation, 
candor,  and  deliberation,  will  enter  into  a  free  conversation 
on  the  several  parts  thereof,  by  paragraphs,  until  every  mem- 
ber shall  have  had  opportunity  to  express  his  sentiments  on 
the  same  ;  after  which  the  convention  will  consider  and  de- 
bate at  large  the  question  whether  this  convention  will  adopt 
and  ratify  the  proposed  constitution,  before  any  vote  is  taken 
expressive  of  the  sense  of  the  convention  upon  the  whole  or 
any  part  thereof."  ^ 

Upon  the  first  section  of  the  first  article  there  was  "  a  short 
conversation  ;  "  but  the  first  paragraph  of  the  second  section, 

*  Of  this  venerable  man,  all  who  gentlemanly     sergeant-at-arms,    has 

knew  him  spoke  in  terms  of  the  ut-  held  his  office  for  twenty-two  years, 

most   respect.     Quiet   and   unobtru-  and   has   recentlj-  entered   upon  his 

sive,  yet  gentlemanly  in  his  manners,  twenty-third  term, 

and  distinguished  for  his  courtesy  and  "■'  I.othrop's  Hist,  of  Brattle  Street 

his  impartiality,  he  retained  his  post  Church. 

through  various  political  changes, and  '  Debates,  &c.,  25,  61.  "Long 
his  death  was  lamented  as  a  public  Lane "  is  now  known  as  Federal 
loss  —  the  loss  of  an  able  and  useful  Street ;  and  the  meeting  house  re- 
man. His  successor,  Mr.  Benjamin  ferred  to  is  the  Federal  Street  Church. 
Stevens,  the  present   com-teous  and  *  Debates,  &c.,  25,  26. 


DEBATE    ON    BIENNIAL    ELECTIONS,  283 

relating  to  the  constitution  of  the  House  of  Representatives,  chap. 
and  especially  the  matter  of ''biennial  elections,"  caused  "  a  _^3i-, 
lengthy  debate."  ^  In  Massachusetts,  annual  elections  had  been  1788. 
"  the  practice  of  the  state  ever  since  its  first  settlement ;  "  and 
it  was  contended  by  Dr.  Taylor  that  this  "  had  been  consid- 
ered as  the  safeguard  of  the  liberties  of  the  people,  and  the 
annihilation  of  it  the  avenue  through  which  tyranny  would 
enter."  ^  The  Hon.  Mr.  White  also  "  thought  the  security  of 
the  people  lay  in  frequent  elections,"  and  declared  that,  for  his 
part,  "  he  would  rather  they  should  be  for  six  months  than  for 
two  years."  ^  Mr.  Turner,  of  Scituate,  thought  that  "  nature 
pointed  out  the  propriety  of  annual  elections  by  its  annual 
renewal  ; "  but  it  was  observed,  in  reply,  by  Governor  Bow- 
doin,  that,  "  if  the  revolution  of  the  heavenly  bodies  was  to  be  / 
the  principle  to  regulate  elections,  it  was  not  fixed  to  any 
period  ;  as,  in  some  of  the  systems,  it  would  be  very  short,  and 
in  the  last  discovered  planet  it  would  be  eighty  of  our  years."  ^ 
The  friends  of  biennial  elections  were  more  numerous  than 
the  opponents  of  the  measure,  and  argued  in  its  defence  with 
signal  ability.  Mr.  Sedgwick  observed  that  "  annual  elections 
in  a  single  state  might  be  best,  for  a  variety  of  reasons  ;  "  but 
when  the  great  affairs  of  thirteen  states  were  considered,  such 
a  period,  in  his  estimation,  was  too  short.^  Mr.  Dawes  re- 
marked that  "  the  right  of  electing  representatives  in  the 
Congress  was  the  acquisition  of  a  new  privilege  by  the  people, 
and  therefore  in  their  favor,  even  if  the  representatives  were 
chosen  for  forty,  instead  of  for  two  years."  ^     The  speech  of 


^  Debates,  &c.,  26.  like  usurpation.     He  considered  an- 

^  Debates,  &c.,  27,  and  comp.  ibid,  nual  elections  as  the  only  defence  of 

46.     See  also  the  remarks  of  Elbridge  the  people  against  tyranny.     He  was 

Gerry,  in    the  federal  convention,  in  as  much  against  a  triennial  house  as 

Madison  Papers,  ii.  847.     "The  peo-  against  a  hereditary  executive." 

pie  of  New  England  will  never  give  ^  Debates,  &c.,  28.     Comp.   ibid, 

up  the  point  of  annual  elections.   They  45,54. 

know  of  the  transition  made  in  Eng-  ■•  ]  )ebates,  &c.,  35.  Comj).  ibid.  38. 

land    ti-om    triennial    to    septennial  *  Debates,  &c.,  27. 

elections,  and  will  consider  such  an  *  Debates,  &c.,  28. 
ijmovalioa  here  as  the  prelude  to  a 


284  DEBATE   ON   BIENNIAL   ELECTIONS. 

CHAP.  Fisher  Ames  is  reported  in  full,  and  was  an  eloquent  plea  in 
^^3^^  favor  of  the  clause,  based  upon  the  ground,  that,  whatever 
1788.  reasons  could  be  urged  in  favor  of  annual,  as  good,  if  not  bet- 
ter, could  be  offered  in  favor  of  biennial,  elections.^  The  speech 
of  General  Heath  was  eminently  characteristic.  He  "  consid- 
ered himself  a  citizen  of  the  United  States,"  and  his  "  ideas 
and  views  were  commensurate  with  the  continent  —  extendinor 
in  length  from  the  St.  Croix  to  the  St.  Maria,  and  in  breadth 
from  the  Atlantic  to  the  Lake  of  the  Woods  ;  for  over  all  this 
extensive  territory  was  the  federal  government  to  be  extend- 
ed." Still,  although  he  was  of  opinion  —  quoting  from  Mon- 
tesquieu —  that  "  the  greatness  of  power  must  be  compensated 
by  the  brevity  of  the  duration  ;  most  legislators  have  fixed 
it  for  a  year  ;  a  longer  space  would  be  dangerous,"  he  was 
ready  to  favor  the  clause  as  it  stood,  because  Congress  was  to 
"  sit  but  once  annually,"  and  as  much  business  in  each  session 
would  be  left  unfinished,  for  the  same  representatives  to  con- 
sider and  complete  such  business  would  be  "  a  great  saving  of 
expense,  which  would  otherwise  be  lost."  ^  General  Brooks, 
with  a  comprehensive  wisdom,  observed  that  no  instance  had 
been  cited  in  which  biennial  elections  had  proved  "  destructive 
to  the  liberties  of  the  people  ; "  that  the  Parliaments  in  Eng- 
land had  been  triennial  and  septennial,  "  yet  life,  liberty,  and 
property,  it  was  generally  conceded,  were  nowhere  better 
secured  than  in  Great  Britain."  ^  Mr.  Gore  took  another 
view  of  the  subject,  and  thought  the  term  "frequent"  was 
as  justly  applicable  to  biennial  as  to  annual  elections,  if 
the  extent  of  the  interests  involved  was  remembered  ;  and 
that  two  years  was  "  a  short  time  for  the  representatives  to 
hold  their  office."'*  The  Hon.  Eufus  King,  one  of  the  mem- 
bers of  the  federal  convention,  and  a  gentleman  of  distin- 


'  Debates,  &c.,  30-35  ;  Ames's  *  Debates,  &c.,  36-38. 
Works,  ed.  1809.  20-25  ;  Carey's  ^  Debates,  &c.,  38,  39. 
Am.  Museum  for  1788,  iii.  358-362.         *  Debates,  &c.,  40-42. 


CHOICE   OF   REPRESENTATIVES.  285 

guished  ability  and  talent,  explained  the  grounds  on  wliich  no  chap, 
favored  the  clause,  and  concurred  with  Mr.  Gore  that  two  ^J^^ 
years  was  "  short  enough  for  a  representative  in  Congress.    1788. 
If  one  year  was  necessary  for  a  representative  to  be  useful  in 
the  state   legislatui-e,   where  the  objects  of  his  deliberation 
were  local,  and  within  his  constant  observation,  two  years  did 
not  appear  too  long  where  the  objects  of  deliberation  were 
not  confined  to  one  state,  but  extended  to  thirteen  states."  ^ 
Judge  Dana  took  the  same  view,  and  pleaded  from  his  own 
experience  in  favor  of  the  expediency  of  "  biennial  elections 
of  federal  representatives,"  as  "  preferable   to   annual   elec- 
tions." 2 

The  discussion  thus  far  had  developed  the  fact  tliat  the 
fourth  section  of  the  first  article  was  intimately  connected 
with  the  second  ;  and  both  were,  accordingly,  considered 
together.^  The  principal  objection  to  this  section  was,  that 
it  did  not  limit  the  power  of  Congress,  It  might  be  well 
enough,  it  was  said,  to  concede  the  power  to  direct  the  time 
and  place  of  choosing  representatives,  in  case  of  neglect  or 
failure  on  the  part  of  any  state  ;  but,  if  no  limit  was  assigned, 
great  inconveniences,  and  even  grievances,  might  arise ;  nay, 
Congress  might  control  the  election  of  representatives.  But 
it  was  urged,  in  reply,  that  the  power  to  regulate  the  election 
of  representatives  must  be  lodged  somewhere  ;  and  where 
could  it  be  more  safely  lodged  than  in  the  General  Congress? 
The  democratic  branch  of  the  national  government,  chosen  by 
the  people,  was  designed  to  be  a  check  on  the  federal  branch, 
chosen  by  the  states.  Hence,  if  the  state  legislatures  were 
allowed  conclusively  to  regulate  the  elections  of  the  democratic 

'  Debates,  &c.,  42-44.  of;  but  the  Congress  may  at  any  time 

'  Debates,  &c.,  45.     See  also  the  by  law  make  oi- alter  such  reguhitions, 

Federalist,  Nos.  lii.  hii.  except  as  to  the  places  of  choosing 

^  This   section    read    as    follows  :  senators."     Hence  a  uniform  rule  was 

"The   times,  place,  and  manner  of  early  established  for  all  the   states, 

holding    elections    for   senators  and  providing  for  the  choice  of  represen- 

representatives    shall    be   prescribed  tativcs  on  the  second  Monday  in  No- 

in  each  state  by  the  legislature  there-  vember. 


286  PEOPERTY   QUALIFICATION. 

CHAP,  branch,  thej  might,  by  such  an  interference,  at  first  weaken,  and 
'^"-  at  last  destroy,  the  federal  branch,  and  diminish  and  annihilate 
1788.  that  control  of  the  general  government  which  the  people  ought 
always  to  have  through  their  immediate  representatives.  The 
possibility  of  the  abuse  of  a  measure,  it  was  said,  was  no 
argument  against  its  adoption,  unless  the  measure  itself  was 
absolutely  dangerous.  But  this  was  not  contended,  that  the 
measure  was  dangerous.  No  power  is  conceded  of  wresting 
from  the  people  the  right  of  regulating  the  elections.  Con- 
gress could  not,  in  any  case,  strip  the  people  of  this  right.  It 
was  theirs  inalienably.  They  could  only  regulate  the  exercise 
of  this  right ;  and  this  it  was  proper  they  should  do,  or  other 
and  greater  evils  might  eventually  ensue.  An  argument  that 
proves  too  much  proves  nothing.  And  might  not  this  be  said 
of  the  argument  against  the  fourth  section  ?  ^ 

The  question  of  a  property  qualification  was  next  referred 
to;  and  some  contended  that  such  a  qualification  ought  to 
have  been  inserted  ;  for,  "  when  men  have  nothing  to  lose, 
they  have  nothing  to  fear."  ^    But  to  this  it  was  justly  replied, 

»  Debates,  &c.,  46-62.     See  also  ocratic  simplicity.     No  reverence  pe- 

ibid.  76-80,  and  comp.  Letters  from  culiar   to  themselves   is    paid  them, 

the  Federal  Farmer,  17,  and  the  Fed-  The  name,  which  is  aristocratical,may, 

eralist,   No.    lii.      "  Foreigners  have  indeed,  confound   a  parallel  hunter ; 

erroneously  blended  the  idea  of  aris-  but  the  robes  of  Cyrus,  with  the  ma- 

tocracy  with  that  division  of  the  legis-  gical  jjower  by  which  his  virtues  were 

lative  branches  of  some  of  the  Amer-  imjjarted   to  the  wearer,  have   long 

ican  democracies  which  is  seen  in  the  since  j^erished."     Political   Sketches, 

Senates.     .     .     .     But  observe,  that  &c.,  cd.  1787,  52,  53. 
the  Senate  is  derived  mediately  from         =  "  The  argument  used  in  behalf 

the  people.     It  represents  the  jjeople.  of  such  practice  is,  that  men  who  are 

It  represents  no  particular  order  of  indigent,  and  low  in_  circumstances, 

men  or  ranks.     It  is  a  weight  in  the  are  more  liable  to  peld  to  tempta- 

powers  of  legislative  deliberation  and  tions  and  bribes,  and,  therefore,  more 

argument,    but   not  of  propertj-,   of  likely  to  betray  the  pubUc  trust.     But 

privileges,  of  orders,  of  honors,  or  at  experience  proves,  that  none  are  more 

all  descriptive  of  that  solecism  which  insatiable  than  the  rich  ;  ]jerhaps  the 

presuijpost's  a  division  of  interests  in  truth  is,  that  those  of  moderate  es- 

a  state,  of  rights,  and  of  honors.     It  tates  are  least  to  be  corrujjted.     But 

in  fine  hath'  nothing  in  its  original  there  are  men  of  Airtue  in  all  stations 

idea,  in  its  relative  action,  or  in  its  of  life;  and  shall  we,  on  account  of 

object,  corres]:)ondent  or  analogous  to  the   unequal  distribution  of  fortune, 

the  House  of  Lords  in  England.     In  exclude    such   from    exerting   them- 

this  Ameiican  Senate  prevails  a  dem-  selves  to  their  ovnx  credit  and   the 


THE 


"three  fifths  clause"  debated.  287 


that  the  "  objection  was  founded  on  anti-democratical  priuci-  chap. 

*  VTT 

pies,"  and  that  a  good  man  should  not  be  excluded  from  the  _^.,,^.J^ 
federal  government  because  he  was  not  rich.  Property  is  not  1788. 
necessarily  an  index  of  ability.  "We  often  see  men,"  ob- 
served Mr.  King,  "wKo,  though  destitute  of  property,  are 
superior  in  knowledge  and  rectitude.  The  men  who  have 
most  injured  the  country  have  most  commonly  been  rich 
men."  ^ 

In  the  debate  upon  the  third  paragraph  of  the  second  sec- 
tion, relating  to  the  apportionment  of  representatives,  and  in- 
cluding the  "  three  fifths  clause,"  the  remarks  of  the  members 
were  somewhat  discursive  ;  yet  serious  objections  were  made 
to  this  clause,  on  the  grounds  of  its  injustice  to  the  free  states, 
and  its  favor  to  the  slave  states.  True,  there  were  some  who 
defended  the  clause,  and  with  a  reasoning  that  was  plausible,  if 
it  was  not  convincing.  "  The  members  of  the  Southern  States," 
it  was  said,  "  like  ourselves,  have  their  prejudices.  It  would  not 
do  to  abolish  slavery,  by  an  act  of  Congress,  in  a  moment, 
and  so  destroy  what  our  southern  brethren  consider  as  prop- 
erty. But  we  may  say,  that  although  slavery  is  not  smitten 
by  an  apoplexy,  yet  it  has  received  a  mortal  wound,  and  will 
die  of  consumption."  ^    The  question  of  slavery,  however,  will 

service  of  others  ?  "     Rudiments  of  opinions  will  probably  be  entertained. 

Law   and    Government,   particularly  It  may  be  true  that  the  rich  have 

addressed  to  the  people  of  South  Car-  often   mjured  the   government ;   but 

olina.     Charleston,  1783,  24.     Comp.  perhaps  not  oftener  than  the  poor  and 

also  ibid.  2.5.     "  To  annex  pri\ileges  ignorant.    "  Faction  and  enthusiasm," 

and  immunities  to  men  of  certahi  for-  as  Mr.  Ames  has  well  said,  "  are  the 

tunes,  is  to  allow  of  diti'erent  ranks  and  instruments  by  which  popular   gov- 

ditferent  interests  among  us;   which  ernments  are  destroyed.     We  need 

is   the  subversion  of  a  free  system,  not  taUv  of  the  power  of  an  aiistoc- 

...     As  there  can  be  no  inherit-  racy.      The   people,  when  they  lose 

ance  of  good  deeds,  there  ought  to  their  Hberties,  are  cheated  out  of  them. 

be  none  of  honors.     Whatever  poll-  They  nourish  factions  in  their  bosoms, 

tics  set  aside  the  observance  of  this  which  will  subsist  so  long  as  abusing 

maxim,    are    destructive    of  liberty  ;  then-   honest    credulity  shall   be  the 

because  none  can  be  made  great,  in  means  of  acquiring  i)ower." 
the  sense  of  powerful,  without  a  pro-         °  Kemarks  of  Mr.  Dawes,  in  De- 

portionate  debasement  of  the  rest."  bates,  itc,  68.      See  also,  the  Fed- 

1  Debates,  &c.,  62.     Upon  the  cor-  eraUst,  No.  liv.     The   symptoms   of 

rectness   of  this    assertion,   different  consumption  are  a  wasting  of  the  flesh, 


288  CONSTRUCTION    OF   THE   SENATE.    • 

CHAP,  be  found  to  have  been  more  fully  discussed  in  the  debate  on 

^^^'    the  ninth  section  of  the  first  article. 

1788.  Upon  the  third  section  of  the  first  article,  relating  to  the 
construction  of  the  Senate,  and  upon  the  fifth,  sixth,  and  sev- 
enth sections,  the  debates  were  short.  The  principal  objection 
to  the  third  section  was  to  the  length  of  time  for  which  the 
senators  were  chosen  ;  but  it  was  replied  that,  as  one  third  of 
the  members  were  to  go  out  every  two  years,  the  average  of 
service  would  be  but  four  years ;  and,  besides,  the  checks 
upon  senators  would  be  sufficient  to  prevent  them  from  devi- 
ating widely  from  the  wishes  of  their  constituents.  "  The 
state  legislatures,"  said  King,  "if  they  find  their  delegates 
erring,  can  and  will  instruct  them.  Will  not  this  be  a  check  ? 
When  they  hear  the  voice  of  the  people  solemnly  dictating  to 
them  their  duty,  they  will  be  bold  men  indeed  to  act  contrary 
to  it.  There  will  not  be  instructions  sent  to  them  in  a  private 
letter,  which  can  be  put  in  their  pockets  ;  they  will  be  public 
instructions,  which  all  the  country  can  see ;  and  they  will  be 
hardy  men  indeed  to  violate  them."  ^ 

The  eighth  section,  relating  to  the  powers  of  Congress,  was 
deemed  of  great  importance,  and  its  discussion  took  up  more 
time  than  was  devoted  to  any  other,  section.  It  was  objected 
to  the  confederation,  that  it  was  lacking  in  power  to  enforce 


a  weakness  of  the  lungs,  a  paleness  spirited  and  hot-blooded,  they  are 
of  the  countenance,  and  an  indispo-  impatient  of  restraint;  like  to  have 
sition  to  active  exertion.  The  patient  their  own  way ;  and  are  reluctant  to 
complains  of  lassitude,  of  weariness ;  submit  to  outward  control.  It  is  left 
takes  little  interest  in  worldly  affairs  ;  for  the  reader  to  decide  how  far-  this 
and  is  marked  by  timidity  of  temjier,  description  is  applicable  to  the  slave 
and  a  shrinking  fi-om  notice.  The  power;  and  if  that  power  is  apoplec- 
slave  ])ower  has  never  as  yet  exhibited  tic  rather  than  consumptive,  it  will 
such  symptoms.  A])oplectic  subjects,  die,  when  it  dies,  as  apoj)lectic  sub- 
on  the  other  hand,  are  full  fleshed,  jects  die,  —  with  a  preliminary  warn- 
with  flushed  cheeks,  a  devouring  ap-  ing  of  its  fate,  to  denote  that  its  end 
petite,  strong  passions,  and  a  love  of  is  ineritably  approaching, 
excitement.  They  are,  usually,  also,  '  Debates,  &c.,  75.  For  the  dis- 
of  an  ambitious  temper,  fond  of  dis-  cussion  on  the  other  sections,  see 
tinction,  and  like  to  make  a  bustle  ibid.  80—83. 
and   a  noise   in   the   world.     High- 


POWERS   OF   CONGRESS.  289 

its  demands.  This  objection  the  constitution  was  designed  to  chap. 
obviate.  And,  for  this  reason,  it  conferred  powers  not  too  _2i^ 
large,  but  only  sufficient  for  its  successful  administration.  1788. 
There  was  certainly  a  necessity  that  such  powers  should  be 
granted  ;  otherwise  the  new  government  would  be  no  better 
than  tlie  old.^  It  would  be  equally  lacking  in  energy  and 
efficiency.  It  should  possess  the  power  of  the  purse  and  the 
sword  ;  for  no  government,  without  this,  could  long  exist,  or 
afford  a  rational  security  to  its  subjects.^  For  an  efficient 
national  government  large  powers  were  necessary.  There 
was  more  danger  in  restricting  the  government  than  in 
strengthening  its  hands.-'  Since  it  was  to  act  for  the  people, 
it  must  be  able  to  protect  them  at  home  and  abroad.  For  this 
an  army  and  a  navy  must  be  provided.  The  interests  of 
agriculture,  of  commerce,  and  of  manufactures  were  also  to 
be  looked  to  ;  and  how  could  these  be  better  secured  than 
by  a  wise  system  of  national  laws  ?  *  Without  such  laws,  we 
should  be  slaves  to  Europe  —  slaves  to  every  rival  power. 
There  would  be  no  uniformity  in  duties,  imposts,  excise,  or 
prohibitions.  Treaties  and  alliances  could  not  be  made.  It 
would  be  in  the  power  of  a  single  state  to  render  the  whole 
treaty  of  commerce  a  nullity,  unless  the  general  government 
was  allowed  to  conclude  such  treaty  —  to  settle  its  terms  and 
determine  its  restrictions.  With  regard  to  a  revenue,  expe- 
rience had  taught  that  little  dependence  could  be  placed  on 


'  "  The  sovereignty  of  the  nation,  ton,  "  of  investing  Congress,  consti- 
without  coercive  and  etHcient  powers  tuted  as  that  body  is,  with  ample 
to  collect  the  strength  of  it,  cannot  authorities  for  national  purposes, 
always  be  depended  ujion  to  answer  a])pears  to  me  the  very  climax  of 
the  piu"poses  of  government ;  and  in  jjopular  absiu'dity  and  madness." 
acongressof  representatives  of  foreign  Marshall's  Washington,  v.  95. 
states  there  nmst  necessarily  be  an  ••  Comp.  "  An  Addi-ess  to  an  As- 
unreasonable  mixture  of  ])Owers  in  the  senibly  of  the  Friends  of  American 
same  hands."  Letters  from  the  Fed-  ■Manufactures,"  by  Tench  Coxc,  Phila- 
eral  Farmer,  10.  delphia,   1787.  5;   and  on  the  army 

^  Compare  Letters  from  the  Fed-  and  navy,  and  other  powers  of  the 

eral  Farmer,  13.  government,  see  the  Federalist,  Nos. 

^  "To  be  fearful,"  says  "Washing-  xi.  xii.  xxiii.  xxxi.  xxxiii. 

VOL.  III.  19 


290  POWERS   OF   CONGRESS. 

CHAP,  requisitions,  unless  they  could  be  enforced.  And  if  needed 
^^^'  for  the  benefit  of  the  nation  at  large,  who  would  say  they 
1788.  should  not  be  enforced  ?  In  a  word,  the  laws  of  the  United 
States,  to  be  of  real  value,  must  comprehend  and  embrace 
alike  all  the  states  in  the  Union  ;  they  must  be  binding  upon 
all ;  and  the  power  to  enforce  them  must  be  vested  in  the  cen- 
tral government.  In  no  other  way  could  the  national  dignity 
be  supported  and  preserved.  It  would  be  better  to  have  no 
union  than  a  feeble  and  effeminate  one — one  that  would  drag 
out  a  miserable  and  puny  existence. 

Against  the  grant  of  powers  so  great,  it  was  contended  that 
it  was  equivalent  to  an  entire  surrender  of  sovereignty  from 
the  hands  of  the  people  to  the  hands  of  their  rulers  ;  and  that 
what  was  now  granted  from  motives  however  well  grounded 
"would  be  exacted  of  posterity  as  a  prerogative.  The  wisdom 
of  this  age  would  then  be  pleaded  by  those  in  authority  ;  and 
the  cession  thus  made  would  be  clothed  with  the  venerable 
habit  of  ancestral  sanction. i  In  reply  to  this  reasoning,  it 
was  observed,  that  the  checks  and  precautions  which  the  con- 
stitution itself  provided  must,  in  a  great  measure,  prevent  an 
abuse  of  power,  —  at  least,  in  all  flagrant  instances,  —  even  if 
Congress  should  consist  wholly  of  men  who  were  guided  by 
no  other  principle  than  their  own  interest.  Under  the  influ- 
ence of  such  checks,  this  would  compel  them  to  a  conduct 
which,  in  the  general,  would  answer  the  intention  of  the  cou- 
stitution.2 

One  other  point  was  alluded  to  in  this  discussion  —  that  no 
religious  test  was  provided  in  the  constitution.  Mr.  Single- 
tary  "hoped  to  see  Christians"  in  power;  "yet,  by  the  con- 
stitution, a  papist  or  an  infidel  was  as  eligible  as  they."  But 
Mr.  Parsons,  in  reply,  justly  observed  that  "  it  must  remain 
with  the  electors  to  give  the  government  this  security  ;  an 

^  Speech  of  Mr.  S}Tnmes,  in  De-         '  For  the  whole    discussion,   see 
bates,   &c.,    103,   and    Carey's   Am.     Debates,  &c.,  83-143. 
Museum  for  1788,  iii.  344. 


DISCUSSION   ON  THE  SLAVE  TRADE.  291 

oath  will  not  do  it.     Will  an  unprincipled  man  be  entangled  chap. 
by  an  oath  ?     Will  an  atheist  or  a  pagan  dread  the  vengeance  J^^^ 
of  the  Christian's  God  —  a  being,  in  his  opinion,  the  creature    1788. 
of  fancy  and  predulity  ?     It  is  a  solecism  in  expression.     The 
only  evidence  we  can  have  of  the  sincerity  and  excellency  of 
a  man's  religion  is  a  good  life  ;  and  I  trust  such  evidence 
will  be  required  of  every  candidate  by  every  elector.     Tliat 
man  who  acts  an  honest  part  to  his  neighbor  will  most  prob- 
ably conduct  honorably  towards  the  public."  ^ 

The  ninth  section  of  the  first  article  called  forth  a  spir- 
ited debate  relative  to  the  slave  trade  and  its  prohibition. 
Yet  it  is  a  noticeable  circumstance,  however  it  may  be  ac- 
counted for,  that,  though  the  speakers  were  numerous,  the 
reporters  have  enlightened  us  but  slightly  as  to  their  sayings. 
"  Mr.  Neal,  from  Kittery,"  we  are  told,  "  went  over  the  ground 
of  objection  to  this  section,  on  the  idea  that  the  slave  trade 
was  allowed  to  be  continued  for  twenty  years.  His  profes- 
sion, he  said,  obliged  him  to  bear  witness  against  any  thing 
that  should  favor  the  making  merchandise  of  the  bodies  of 
men  ;  and,  unless  his  objection  was  removed,  he  could  not  put 
his  hand  to  the  constitution.  Other  gentlemen  said,  in  addi- 
tion to  this  idea,  that  there  was  not  even  a  provision  that  the 
negroes  ever  shall  be  free  ;  and  General  Thompson  exclaimed, 
'  Mr.  President,  shall  it  be  said  that,  after  we  have  established 
our  own  independence  and  freedom,  we  make  slaves  of  others? 
0  Washington !  what  a  name  has  he  had !  how  he  has  immor- 
talized himself !  But  he  holds  those  in  slavery  who  have  as 
good  a  right  to  be  free  as  he  has.  He  is  still  for  self ;  and, 
in  my  opinion,  his  character  has  sunk  fifty  per  cent.'  " 

"  On  the  other  side,"  it  is  added,  "  gentlemen  said  that  the 
step  taken  in  this  article  towards  the  abolition  of  slavery  was 
one  of  the  beauties  of  the  constitution.  They  observed  that, 
in  the  confederation,  there  was  no  provision  whatever  for  its 

•  Debates,  &c.,  72,  123,  124.    See  also  ibid.  155-158,  190. 


292  DISCUSSION    ON    THE    SLAVE   TRADE. 

CHAP,  being  abolished ;  but  this  constitution  provides  tliat  Congress 

^_^_;_  may,  after  twenty  years,  totally  annihilate  the  slave  trade ; 

1788.    and  that,  as  all  the  states,  except  two,  have  passed  laws  to 

this  effect,  it  might  reasonably  be  expected  that  it  would  then 

be  done.     In  the  interim,  all  the  states  were  at  liberty  to 

prohibit  it." 

This  is  all  that  is  said  of  the  discussion  on  the  ninth  sec- 
tion, except  the  significant  passage  that,  on  Saturday,  the 
debate  "  continued  desultory,  and  consisted  of  similar  objec- 
tions, and  answers  thereto,  as  had  been  before  used.  Both 
sides  deprecated  the  slave  trade  in  the  most  pointed  terms. 
On  one  side,  it  was  pathetically  lamented  by  Mr.  Nason, 
Major  Lusk,  Mr.  Neal,  and  others,  that  this  constitution  pro- 
vided for  the  continuance  of  the  slave  trade  for  twenty  years. 
On  the  other,  the  Hon.  Judge  Dana,  Mr.  Adams,  and  others, 
rejoiced  that  a  door  was  now  to  be  opened  for  the  annihila- 
tion of  this  odious,  abhorrent  practice,  in  a  certain  time."  ^ 

On  a  subsequent  page,  there  is  a  report  of  a  speech  of  Gen- 
eral Heath  at  a  later  stage  of  the  convention,  in  which  the 
question  of  slavery  is  hinted  at  ;  and,  as  every  thing  relating 
to  this  subject  is  of  interest  at  tlie  present  day,  his  remarks 
are  given,  not  as  concurring  in  every  particular  in  the  views 
presented,  but  on  the  ground  that  every  one  should  speak  for 
himself.  "  The  paragraph,"  he  observed,  "  respecting  the 
migration  or  importation  of  such  persons  as  any  of  the  states 
now  existing  shall  think  proper  to  admit,  &c.,  is  one  of  those 
considered  during  my  absence,  and  I  have  heard  nothing  on 
the  subject  save  what  has  been  mentioned  this  morning ;  but 
I  think  the  gentlemen  who  have  spoken  have  carried  the  mat- 
ter rather  too  far  on  both  sides.  I  apprehend  that  it  is  not 
in  our  power  to  do  any  thing  for  or  against  those  who  are  in 
slavery  in  the  Southern  States.  No  gentleman  within  these 
walls  detests  every  idea  of  slavery  more  than  I  do ;   it  is 

'  Debates,  &c.,  143,  144. 


GENERAL   HEATH's   VIEWS.  293 

generally  detested  by  the  people  of  this  commonwealth  ;  and  chap. 
I  ardently  hope  that  the  time  will  come  when  our  brethren  in  ,j!.^__ 
the  Southern  States  will  view  it  as  we  do,  and  put  a  stop  to  1788. 
it ;  but  to  this  we  have  no  right  to  compel  them.  Two  ques- 
tions naturally  arise,  if  we  ratify  the  constitution  :  Shall  we 
do  any  thing  by  our  act  to  hold  the  blacks  in  slavery  ?  or 
shall  we  become  partakers  of  other  men's  sins  ?  I  think 
neither  of  them.  Each  state  is  sovereign  and  independent,  to 
a  certain  degree  ;  and  they  have  a  right  to,  and  will,  regulate 
their  own  internal  affairs  as  to  themselves  appears  proper. 
And  shall  we  refuse  to  eat,  or  to  drink,  or  to  be  united  with 
those  who  do  not  think  or  act  just  as  we  do  ?  Surely  not. 
We  are  not  in  this  case  partakers  of  other  men's  sins  ;  for  in 
nothing  do  we  voluntarily  encourage  the  slavery  of  our  fellow- 
men.  A  restriction  is  laid  on  the  federal  government,  which 
could  not  be  avoided  and  a  union  take  place.  The  federal 
convention  went  as  far  as  they  could.  The  migration  or 
importation,  &c.,  is  confined  to  the  states  now  existing  only ; 
new  states  cannot  claim  it.  Congress,  by  their  ordinance  for 
erecting  new  states,  some  time  since,  declared  that  the  new 
states  shall  be  republican,  and  that  there  shall  be  no  slavery 
in  them.  But  whether  those  in  slavery  in  the  Southern  States 
will  be  emancipated  after  the  year  1808,  I  do  not  pretend  to 
determine  ;  I  rather  doubt  it."  ^ 

The  debate  upon  the  remaining  articles  was  much  more 
summary,  and  occupies  less  space  in  the  jouraal  of  the  con- 
vention. Objections  were  made  to  the  suspension  of  the  writ 
of  Habeas  Corpus,  on  the  ground  that  the  time  was  not  lim- 
ited, as  in  the  constitution  of  Massachusetts.  But  to  tliis  it 
■was  replied,  that  the  writ  would  probably  never  be  suspended 


•  Debates,  &c.,  152,  153.     There  the  argument  embraced  in  it  is  not 

is  one  other  speech  on  record  con-  eminently   hicid,  its  insertion  would 

ceming   this   section ;    that   of  Rev.  not  jjarticularly  enlighten  the  reader. 

Isaac  Backus,  a  respectable  Baptist  It  is  given  ui  the  JDebates,  &c.,  191, 

clergyman    of  Middleboro' ;   but   as  192. 


294  CLOSE    OF   THE    DEBATE.      " 

CHAP,  save  on  "  the  most  urgent  and  pressing  occasions  ; "  and,  in 
^^33^  such  cases,  it  was  proper  that  Congress  should  determine  for 
1788.  how  long  its  suspension  would  be  necessary.^  The  "  powers 
of  the  judiciary "  were  likewise  discussed  ;  and  an  elaborate 
speech  against  the  provisions  of  the  constitution,  as  "  inquisi- 
torial," was  made  by  Mr.  Holmes,  of  Rochester,  and  replied 
to  by  Mr.  Gore  and  Mr.  Dawes.^  The  fifth  article,  prescrib- 
ing the  method  in  which  amendments  should  be  made,  was 
generally  approved  ;3  but  the  sixth,  which  provides  that  "  no 
religious  test  should  ever  be  required  as  a  qualification  to  any 
office,"  was  briefly  discussed  —  the  objections  to  it  being  that 
it  was  "  a  departure  from  the  principles  of  our  forefathers, 
who  came  here  for  the  preservation  of  their  religion,  and  that 
it  would  admit  deists,  atheists,  &c.,  into  the  general  govern- 
ment." But  the  liberality  of  the  clause  was  "  applauded  on  the 
other  side,"  and  "  the  impropriety,  and  almost  impiety,  of  the 
requisition  of  a  test,  as  practised  in  Great  Britain  and  else- 
where," was  "  represented  in  striking  colors."  "* 

The  "  conversation  on  the  constitution  by  paragraphs " 
was  now  ended  ;  and,  as  each  article  had  been  separately  and 
fully  considered,  Mr.  Parsons  "  moved  that  this  convention  do 
assent  to  and  ratify  "  the  same.^  The  whole  subject,  by  this 
motion,  was  brought  before  the  assembly  ;  and  remarks  werfr 
made  upon  the  importance  of  the  question  they  were  called 
upon  to  decide — "  a  question  as  momentous  as  ever  invited 
the  attention  of  man."  "  We  are  soon,"  said  General  Heath, 
"  to  decide  on  a  system  of  government,  digested,  not  for  the 
people  of  the  Commonwealth  of  Massachusetts  only,  —  not  for 
the  present  people  of  the  United  States  only,  —  but,  in  addi- 
tion to  these,  for  all  those  states  which  may  hereafter  rise  into 


»  Debates,  &e.,  144,  145.  "  Debates,  &c.,  155-157.    See  also 

*  Debates,  &c.,   146-152.     Comp.  ibid.    158,  and   conip.    Carey's   Am. 
Letters   from    the   Federal  Farmer,  Museum  for  1788,  iii.  343. 

19,  and  the  Federalist,  No.  xxx\ii.  *  Debates,  &c.,  157. 

*  Debates,  &c.,  153-155. 


IMPORTANCE   OF   THE    QUESTION.  295 

existence  within  the  jurisdiction  of  the  United  States,  and  for  chap 
millions  of  people  yet  unborn  ;  a  system  of  government,  not  _X!i_ 
for  a  nation  of  slaves,  but  for  a  people  as  free  and  as  virtuous  1788. 
as  any  on  earth  ;  not  for  a  conquered  nation,  subdued  to  our 
will,  but  for  a  people  who  have  fought,  who  have  bled,  and 
who  have  conquered  —  who,  under  the  smiles  of  Heaven,  have 
established  their  independence  and  sovereignty,  and  have 
taken  equal  rank  among  the  nations  of  the  earth.  In  short, 
sir,  it  is  a  system  of  government  for  ourselves,  and  for  our 
children  —  for  all  that  is  near  and  dear  to  us  in  life  ;  and  on 
the  decision  of  the  question  is  suspended  our  political  prosper- 
ity or  infelicity,  perhaps  our  existence  as  a  nation.  What  can 
be  more  solemn  ?  What  can  be  more  interesting  ?  Every 
thing  depends  on  our  union.  I  know  some  have  supposed 
that,  although  the  union  should  be  broken,  particular  states 
may  retain  their  importance  ;  but  this  cannot  be.  The  strong- 
est-nerved state,  even  the  right  arm,  if  separated  from  the 
body,  must  wither.  If  the  great  union  be  broken,  our  country 
as  a  nation  perishes  ;  and  if  our  country  so  perishes,  it  will  be 
as  impossible  to  save  a  particular  state  as  to  preserve  one  of 
the  fingers  of  a  mortified  hand."  ^ 

It  was  evident,  from  the  objections  which  had  been  urged 
by  many  members,  that  the  opponents  of  the  constitution  were 
nearly,  if  not  quite,  as  numerous  as  its  friends,  and  might 
prove  more  so  ;  ^  yet  it  was  desirable  to  secure  unanimity,  if 


*  Debates,   &c.,    158,    159.      The  thus  convention  have  the  distinc^iiished 

remarks  of  Governor  Bowdoin  were  honor  of  erectuig  one  of  its  ])iUars  on 

equally  to  the  point.     "  If  the  consti-  that  lasting  foundation."    Winthrop's 

tution    should    be    finally    accepted,"'  Addresses  and  Speeches,  127. 
said  he,  "  and  established,  it  will  com-         -  Madison    I'ajiers,  ii.    6(58,   669  ; 

plete  the  temple  of  American  liberty,  I^etter  of  Knox,  in  Sparks's  Washing- 

and,    like  the    keystone  of  a  grand,  ton,  ix.  311,  nolo;  King  to  Hamilton, 

magnificent  arch,  be  the  bond  of  union  June  12,  1788,  in  Hamilton's  Works, 

to  keep  all  the  parts  firm  and  com-  i.  456,  457;  N.  Am.  lleview,  fen-  Oc- 

pacted  together.      May  this  temple,  tot)er,   1827,    273;   Austin's    Life  of 

sacred  to  liberty  and  virtue,  —  sacred  Gerry,   ii.   69;  Hildreth's  U.  States 

to  justice,  the  first  and  greatest  polit-  2d  series,  i.  36.     Madison's  Letter  to 

ical   virtue,  —  be  dissoluble  only  by  Washington,  February  3,  1788,  gives 

the  dissolution  of  Natm-e;  and  may  the  following  extract  from  the  letter 


296 


PROPOSALS    TO   SECURE   UNANIMITY. 


CHAP,  possible,  or  at  least  a  majority,  in  favor  of  the  instrument  ;  for 
^_^.^_|^  if  Massachusetts  rejected  it,  other  states  would  follow  her  ex- 
1788.  ample ;  and,  in  the  end,  the  labors  of  the  convention,  and  the 
wishes  of  the  people,  might  be  defeated.  A  government  was 
desired  by  all ;  but  what  it  should  be  they  could  not  agree. 
Entire  unanimity  upon  any  system  proposed  can  never  be  ex- 
pected ;  for,  while  the  human  mind  is  constituted  as  it  is,  a 
whole  nation  can  no  more  think  than  see  alike.  Men  have 
ever  differed,  and  probably  ever  will.  And  these  very  differ- 
ences, so  far  from  being  an  unmixed  evil,  are,  in  fact,  the  safe- 
guards of  freedom,  and  the  educators  of  society. ^ 

With  a  view  to  promote  unity,  and  to  secure  the  vote  of 
Massachusetts  in  favor  of  the  constitution,  a  proposition  was 
made  by  Governor  Hancock,  the  president  of  the  convention, 
which  was  instantly  concurred  in  and  approved.^    The  sub- 


of  a  Massachusetts  correspondent : 
"  Never  was  there  an  assembly  in  this 
state  in  possession  of  greater  abihty 
and  information  than  the  present  con- 
vention; yet  I  airi*in  doubt  whether 
they  will  approve  the  constitution. 
There  are,  unhappily,  three  parties 
opposed  to  it :  first,  all  men  who  are 
in  favor  of  paper  money  and  tender 
laws  ~-  these  are  more  or  less  in  every 
part  of  the  state  ;  secondly,  all  the  late 
insurgents  and  their  abettors  —  in  the 
three  great  western  counties  they  are 
very  numerous  —  Ave  have  in  the  con- 
vention eighteen  or  twenty  who  were 
actually  in  Shays's  army ;  thirdly,  a 
great  majority  of  the  members  from 
the  Pro\ince  of  Maine.  .  .  .  Add 
to  these  the  honest,  doubting  peo]:)le, 
and  they  make  a  powerful  host.  The 
leaders  of  the  party  are  Mr.  Widgery, 
Mr.  Thomson,  and  Mr.  Nason,  from 
the  Province  of  Maine,  Dr.  Taylor, 
fi'om  the  county  of  Worcester,  and 
Mr.  Bishop,  from  the  neighborhood 
of  Pihode  Island.  To  manage  the 
cause  against  these  are  the  present 
and  late  governors,  three  judges  of  the 
Supreme  Court,  fifteen  members  of 
the  Senate,  twenty  trom  among  the 


most  respectable  of  the  clergy,  ten  or 
twelve  of  the  first  characters  of  the 
bar,  judges  of  probate,  high  sherifis 
of  counties,  and  many  other  respecta- 
h\e  peo])le,  merchants,  &c.,  Generals 
Heath,  Lincoln,  Brooks,  and  others 
of  the  late  army,  \^'ith  all  this  al)ility 
in  sujjport  of  the  cause,  I  am  pretty 
well  satisfied  we  shall  lose  the  ques- 
tion, unless  we  can  take  off"  some  of 
the  opposition  by  amendments.  I  do 
not  mean  such  as  are  to  be  made 
conditions  of  the  ratification,  but  rec- 
ommendations onl}'.  Upon  this  plan, 
I  fiattcr  myself  we  may  get  a  majority 
of  twelve  or  fifteen,  if  not  more." 

1  "  The  difficulty,"  says  John  Ad- 
ams to  R.  Price,'  April  19,  1790, 
in  \^''orks,  ix.  564,  "  of  bringing  mil- 
lions to  agree  in  any  measures,  to  act 
by  any  rule,  can  never  be  conceived 
by  him  who  has  not  tried  it.  It  is 
incredible  how  small  is  the  number, 
in  any  nation,  of  those  who  compre- 
hend any  system  of  constitution  or 
administration,  and  those  few  it  is 
wholly  impossible  to  unite." 

^  Governor  Hancock  was  indis- 
posed during  a  large  part  of  the  time 
of  the  sessions  of  the  couvention,  aud 


DISCUSSION   ON  THESE   PROPOSALS. 


297 


stance  of  this  proposition  was,  that  if,  in  the  judgment  of  the  chap, 

-TTTT 

convention,  there  were  defects  in  the  constitution,  and  amend-  ,__^,;^ 
meuts  were  deemed  necessary,  it  might  be  advisable  to  define  1788. 
these  amendments,  and  forward  them  to  Congress  with  the 
vote  of  ratification,  as  a  signification  of  tlie  wishes  of  tlie  state, 
and  an  intimation  of  their  desire,  before  the  subject  was  fully- 
disposed  of,  that  the  whole  instrument  should  be  carefully 
revised.^  Four  or  five  of  the  states  had  assented  to  the  con- 
stitution without  amendments,  though  with  evident  reluctance. 
In  six  of  the  states,  conventions  had  not  yet  been  held.  Hence, 
if,  at  this  juncture,  Massachusetts  stepped  in,  and  defined  her 
position,  as  her  resolutions  had  ever  had  their  infiueuee,  "  the 
necessary  amendments  would  be  introduced  ^more  early  and 
more  safely"  than  by  any  other  course. 

The  discussion  on  this  proposition  was  continued  for  several 
days,  the  best  men  in  the  convention  taking  part  in  the  de- 
bate ;  a  committee  was  likewise  appointed  to  draw  up  the 


Judge  William  Gushing  filled  his 
place  as  acting  ])resident.  The  charge 
has  been  made,  that  unfair  means 
■were,  to  some  extent,  resorted  to,  to 
effect  the  passage  of  a  vote  in  favor  of 
the  constitution.  "  The  newspapers," 
it  has  been  said,  "  teemed  with  essays 
in  eveiy  variety  of  form ;  and  what 
argument  was  unable  to  effect,  satire, 
lampoon,  and  scurrility  were  exhausted 
to  accom])lish.  Some  arts  were  re- 
sorted to,  which  were  supposed  to  be 
justified  by  the  greatness  of  the  ob- 
ject. Personal  addresses,  not  un- 
mixed with  threats,  were  made  to 
some  of  the  members,  and  a  marked 
distinction  in  private  intercourse  was 
observed  towards  the  '  irreclaimal)le 
malignants,'  and  those  who  might  be 
persuaded  to  change  their  opinions." 
The  course  of  Governor  Hancock  has 
also  been  the  subject  of  severe  re- 
flections ;  and  it  has  been  insinuated 
that  the  amendments  referred  to  in 
the  text  were  draughted  by  the  friends 
of  the  constitution,  who  waited  upon 


his  excellency,  and  tendered  to  him 
the  honor  of  jjroposing  them  in  con- 
vention, "  The  charm  was  irresisti- 
ble. Wra])])ed  in  his  iiannels,  Han- 
cock, in  a  day  or  two,  took  the  chair 
of  the  convention,  and  a  scene  ensued 
more  in  the  character  of  a  dramatic 
representation,  than  of  that  serious 
and  important  business  which  was 
the  occasion  of  the  assembl)."  Aus- 
tin's Life  of  Gerry,  ii.  7()-7<S. 

'  Debates,  &c.",  161  et  seq.  Comp. 
ISIadison  Papers,  ii.  643-672.  '•  The 
intelligence  from  Massachusetts  be- 
gins to  be  rather  ominous  to  the  con- 
stitution. The  interest  o]>]K)sed  to  it 
is  rcenforced  by  all  connected  with 
the  late  insurrection,  and  by  the  Prov- 
ince of  Maine,  which  a])])rehends  dif- 
ficulties under  the  new  system  in 
obtaining  a  seijarate  government, 
greater  than  may  be  otherwise  ex- 
jjerienced.  The  decision  of  Massa- 
chusetts, in  cither  way.  will  decide 
the  vote  of  this  state,  [Vuginia.]  " 


298 


THE   QUESTION    TAKEN. 


1788. 
Feb.  6. 


CHAP,  amendments  ;  and,  on  the  sixth  of  February,  the  main  ques- 
^J^^  tion  was  taken,  and  decided  in  the  affirmative  by  a  vote  of 
one  hundred  and  eighty-seven  to  one  hundred  and  sixty-eight. 
The  delegates  from  Suffolk  county,  which  then  embraced  the 
present  county  of  Norfolk,  voted  thirty-four  yeas  to  five  nays ;  ^ 
in  Essex,  the  vote  stood  thirty-eight  to  six  ;  ^  in  Middlesex, 
seventeen  to  twenty-five  ;  ^  in  Hampshire,  thirty-three  to  nine- 
teen ;  ■*  in  Plymouth,  twenty-two  to  six  ;  ^  in  Barnstable,  seven 
to  two  ;  ^  in  Bristol,  ten  to  twelve  ;  ^  in  York,  six  to  eleven  ; 
in  Duke's,  both  towns  voted  in  the  affirmative  ;  in  "Worcester, 
seven  to  forty-three  ;  ^  in  Cumberland,  ten  to  eight ;  in  Lin- 


'  Captain  Southworth,  of  Stough- 
ton,  Mr.  Comstock,  of  Wrentham, 
Mr.  Randall,  of  Sharon.  Mr.  Richard- 
son, Jun.,  of  Medway,  and  Rev.  Noah 
Alden,  of  Belliugham,  were  the  five 
dissentients.  One  each  of  the  dele- 
gation from  Stoughton  and  "\^^ren- 
tham  voted  in  the  affirmative,  and  all 
of  the  delegates  from  Boston,  Rox- 
bury,  Dorchester,  Milton,  Weymouth, 
Hingham,  Braintree,  Brookline,  Ded- 
ham,  Needham,  Medfield,  Walpole, 
Franklin,  Chelsea,  Foxboro',  and 
Hull. 

*  In  the  affirmative,  Salem,  New- 
bury, Newburyjjort,  Beverly,  Ipswich, 
Marblehead,  Gloucester,  Lynn  and 
Lynnfield,  Haverhill,  To])sfield,  Salis- 
bury, Amesbm-y,  Bradford,  Wenham, 
Manchester;  in  the  negative,  ]}an- 
vers,  Andover,  Rowley,  Boxford,  and 
Methuen.  One  of  the  tlu'ee  delegates 
fi-om  Andover  voted  yea. 

^  In  the  affirmative,  Cambridge, 
Charlestown,  Concord,  Xewton.  Fra- 
mingham.  Lexington,  Shelbm-ne,  Sud- 
bury, Maiden,  Weston,  Medford, 
Stow,  Waltham,  Dracut,  Dunstable, 
Lincoln ;  in  the  negative,  Water- 
town,  Woburn,  Reading,  Marlboro', 
Billerica,  Chelmstbrd,  Hopkinton, 
Westford,  Groton,  Shirley,  Pepperell. 
Townsend,  Bedford,  Holliston,  Acton 
and  CarUsle,  Wilmington,  Tewksbury, 
Littleton,  Ashby,  Xatick,  Stoneham, 
and  East  Sudbury. 


*  In  the  affirmative,  Springfield, 
Northampton  and  Easthampton, 
Southampton.  Hadlev,  South  Hadley, 
Hatfield,  Westfield,  Xorthfield.  Brim- 
field,  Charlemont,  Chester,  Worth- 
ing! on,  Chesterfield,  Norwich,  West- 
hampton,  Cunningham  and  Plain- 
field,  Buckland,  and  Longmeadow ;  in 
the  negative.  West  Springfield,  Wil- 
braham,  Amherst,  Granby,  Whately, 
Williamsburg,  Deerfield,  Greenfield, 
Shelburne,  Conway,  Sunderland,  Mon- 
tague, S.  Brimiield,  Monson,  Pelham, 
Greenwich,  Blaudford,  Palmer,  Gran- 
\'ille.  New  Salem,  Belchertown,  Cole- 
rain,  M'are,  Warwick  and  Orange, 
Bernardston,  Ashfield,  Shutesbury, 
Southwick,  LudloAv,  and  Leverett. 

*  In  the  affirmative,  Plymouth, 
Scituate,  Marshfield,  •Bridgewater, 
Duxbury,  Pembroke,  Kingston,  Han- 
over, Aljington,  Halifax,  and  Ware- 
ham  ;  in  the  negative.  Rochester  and 
Plym]jton ;  divided,  Middleboro'. 

*  In  the  affirmative,  Barnstable, 
Yarmouth,  Harwich,  Wellfieet,  and 
Falmouth ;  in  the  negative,  Sand- 
wich. 

'  In  the  affirmative,  Attleboro', 
Dighton,  FreetoATO,  New  Bedford, 
Westport ;  in  the  negative,  Reho- 
both,  Swanzey,  Dartmouth,  Norton, 
Easton,  and  Mansfield;  dirided, 
Taunton. 

*  In  the  affirmative,  Lancaster, 
Southboro',      Bolton,      Leominster, 


EBSULT  OF   THE   VOTE. 


299 


coin,  nine  to  seven  ;  and  in  Berksliire,  seven  to  fifteen. i ,   The  chap. 
strongest  negative  vote,  it  will  be  seen,  was  cast  in  the  coun-    ^'^^- 
ties  in  which  the  disturbances  had  recently  occurred,  and  in    1788. 
the  District  of  Maine.     The  strongest  afiirniative  vote  was 
cast  in  the  first  settled  towns  and  counties  in  the  state  —  Bos- 
ton and  Plymouth,  in  this  respect,  standing  shoulder  to  shoul- 
der, the  descendants  of  the  Pilgrims  and  the  descendants  of 
the  Puritans  acting  together.     The  larger  towns,  the  seats  of 
trade  and  mechanical  industry,  with  vQvy  few  exceptions  voted 
in  the  affirmative  ;  the  smaller  towns,  inhabited  by  a  rural 
population,  by  a  large  majority  voted  in  the  negative.    Thus  is 
it  often  the  case,  —  and  experience  confirms  the  conclusion,  — 
that  the  rural  districts  are  jealous  of  the  commercial,  and  that 
apparent  diflorcnce  of  interest  separates  men  widely  from  each 
other  in  their  political  views." 


Western,  Athol,  and  Sterling ;  in  the 
negati\'e,  Worcester,  ^Nlendon,  Brook- 
field,  Oxford,  Charlton,  Sutton,  Leices- 
ter, Spencer,  Kutland,  Paxton,  Oak- 
ham, Barre,  Hubbardston,  New  Brain- 
tree,  Westboro',  Northl)oro',  Shrews- 
bur)^,  Lunenburg,  Fitchburg,  Ux- 
bridge,  Harvard,  Dudley,  Upton, 
Sturb ridge,  Hardwick,  Holden,  ])oug- 
las,  Grafton,  Petersham,  Koyals- 
ton,  Westminster,  Temjileton,  Asli- 
bm'nham,  Winchendon,  Northbridge, 
Ward,  Milford,  and  Boylston. 

'  Li  the  affirmative,  Shetlield  and 
Mt.  Washington,  Great  Barrington, 
Stockbridgp,  Williamstown,  Becket, 
and  New  Marlboro' ;  in  the  negative, 
Pittsfield,  Kichmond,  Lenox,  Lanes- 
boro',  Adams,  Egremont,  W.  Stock- 
bridge,  Alford,  Tyringham,  Loudon, 
Windsor,  Partridgetield,  Hancock, 
Lee,  Washington,  Sandlsfield. 

^  Comp.  S])arks's  Washington,  ix. 
310,  311,  note,  333,  note;  C'arey's 
Am.  Museum  for  1788,  iii.  347-3oS. 
In  nearly  all  the  great  commercial 
cities,  as  Boston,  New  York,  I'hili- 
delphia,  Baltimore,  and  Charleston, 
the  acce])tance  of  the  new  system  was 
celebrated  with  no  little  pomp ;  and 


in  Philadeli)hia,  in  particular,  the  pro- 
ceedings were  on  a  scale  of  unusual 
magnificence.  In  Providence,  how- 
ever, an  attempt  to  add  to  the  cere- 
monies of  the  fourth  of  July  rejoicings 
that  the  constitution  Mas  to  go  into 
effect,  was  defeated  by  a  mob  of  a 
thousand  men  fi-om  the  neighboring 
country  towns,  some  of  thcjm  armed, 
and  headed  by  ajvidge  of  the  Su]nTme 
Court,  who  compelled  the  citizens  to 
strike  out  fi-om  their  programme  all 
reference  to  the  constitution.  The 
proceedings  in  New  York  were  like- 
wise sneered  at  in  Greenleafs  Political 
Register,  and  a  disjjaraging  account 
of  the  procession  was  given ;  and  in 
All)any  a  violent  collision  took  ])lace, 
in  which  cluljs  and  stones,  and  even 
swords  and  bayonets,  were  freely  used. 
Comjx  Carey's  Am.  Museum  for  1788, 
iii.  163-1  Go",  ii.  j7-78;  Hildreth's  U. 
S.,  2d  series, i.  2;)-3().  "The  trium])h 
of  the  constitution  party  in  Massa- 
chusetts," says  Austin,  Life  of  Gerry, 
ii.  79,  "  was  celcl)rated  ■with  all  the 
])ageantry  of  conquest.  No  victoiy 
of  the  revolution  was  aimounced  with 
greater  enthusiasm,  and  on  no  occa- 
sion was  the   exultation  of  success 


300 


NATURE   OF  THE  AMENDMENTS    PROPOSED. 


1788. 


The  amendments  to  the  constitution  were  embodied  in  nine 
articles,  the  substance  of  which  was,  that  all  powers  not  ex- 
pressly delegated  to  Congress  should  be  reserved  to  the  states  ; 
that  there  should  be  one  representative  to  every  thirty  thou- 
sand inhabitants  until  the  number  reached  two  hundred  ;  that 
the  powers  of  the  fourth  section  of  the  first  article  should  be 
exercised  only  in  case  of  the  neglect  or  refusal  of  any  state  to 
make  the  regulations  mentioned  in  it ;  that  direct  taxes  should 
be  laid  only  as  a  last  resort,  in  the  failure  of  other  sources  of 
revenue ;  that  no  commercial  monopolies  should  be  created  ; 
that  trials  for  capital  offences  should  be  preceded  by  an  indict- 
ment by  a  grand  jury,  except  in  a  few  specified  cases ;  that 
the  Supreme  Judicial  Court  should  have  no  jurisdiction  of 
causes  between  citizens  of  difi"erent  states,  unless  the  matter  in 
dispute  was  of  the  value,  at  the  least,  of  three  thousand  dol- 
lars ;  that  civil  actions  between  such  citizens  should  be  tried 
by  a  jury,  if  the  parties  requested  ;  and  that  Congress  should 
at  no  time  consent  that  any  person  holding  an  office  of  trust 
or  profit  under  the  United  States  should  accept  a  title  of 
nobility,  or  any  other  title  or  office,  from  any  king,  prince,  or 
foreign  state.^ 


more  offensively  displayed.  The  van- 
quished in  battle  had  been  treated 
with  greater  kindness  than  those  in 
debate.  Instead  of  the  coiu'teous  de- 
meanor which  the  gallant  conqueror 
of  a  foreign  foe  deems  it  honorable  to 
assume,  there  was  a  display  of  that 
supercilious  superiority  which  marks 
the  triumphs  of  a  servile  war.  The 
state  of  parties,  neither  in  the  con- 
vention nor  among  the  people,  could 
have  justified  this  most  extravagant 
rejoicing,  had  it  not  been  considered 
the  most  effective  measure  to  swell 
the  actual  strength  of  the  majority, 
and  to  extend  the  influence  of  Massa- 
chusetts into  states  where  conventions 
were  yet  to  assemlile.  Doubtful  of  tlie 
real  state  of  public  opinion,  the  con- 
stitution party  determined  to  assume 


its  control,  and  to  secure  by  apparent 
acclamation  what  had  been  carried 
with  exceeding  difficulty  thi-ough  the 
forms  of  debate." 

'  Debates,  &c.,  223,  224 ;  ElHot's 
Debates ;  Carev's  Am.  Museum  for 
1788,  iii.  161,  162,  iv.  146-158.  For 
the  amendments  proposed  by  the 
other  states,  see  Hist.  Cong.,  146  et 
seq. ;  ElUot's  Debates ;  Hildreth's  U. 
S.,  2d  series,  i.  112-118;  Pitkin's 
U.  S.,  ii.  331-335.  Pennsylvania  pro- 
posed fom-teen;  Maryland,  twenty- 
eight  ;  South  Carolina,  fom- ;  New 
llampshu-e,  twelve ;  Vu-ginia,  twenty ; 
New  York,  thhly-two;  North  Cai'O- 
lina,  twenty-six  ;  and  Rhode  Island 
twenty-one  ;  — but  in  many  cases  the 
suggestions  were  identical  or  very 
similar.     None  of  them  seriously  ai- 


CLOSE   OF   THE   CONVENTION.  301 

The  assent  and  ratification  of  the  state,  with  the  recomraen-  chap. 

dation  and  injunction  attached,  was  ordered  to  be  engrossed '^ 

on  parchment,  signed  by  the  president  and  vice  president  of  1788. 
the  convention,  countersigned  by  the  secretary,  and  transmit- 
ted "  to  the  United  States  in  Congress  assembled  ;  "  and,  after 
several  gentlemen,  who  had  formerly  opposed  the  constitution, 
had  expressed  their  intention  to  concur  in  the  action  of  the 
state,  and  to  endeavor  to  promote  unity,  the  pay  roll  was 
passed,  and  a  vote  of  thanks  to  the  president,  the  vice  presi- 
dent, and  the  reverend  clergy  who  had  officiated  as  chaplains  ; 
and  it  was  "  voted,  that,  when  the  business  of  the  convention 
shall  be  completed,  the  members  will  proceed  to  the  State 
House  to  take  an  affectionate  leave  of  each  other."  ' 

Thus  closed  the  Massachusetts  convention  for  the  ratifica- 
tion of  the  constitution.  The  small  majority  in  favor  of  that 
ratification  is  proof  that  the  constitution  did  not  meet  the 
approval  of  all ;  and  the  fact  that,  in  every  state,  many  oppo- 
nents were  found,^  shows  how  difficult — nay,  impossible  —  it 
is,  even  under  the  most  favorable  circumstances,  for  the  wisest 
and  best  to  frame  an  unexceptionable  system  of  government. 
It  will  be  conceded,  however,  by  those  who  look  at  the  sub- 
ject in  its  broadest  relations,  that  perhaps,  upon  the  whole,  it 
was  better  for  the  interests  of  the  country,  and  more  conducive 


fected  the  practical  operation  of  the  merits  of  the  instrument  ■would  not 
new  government,  or  interfered  Avith  have  seciu'ed  its  adoption.  Lideed, 
the  great  compromises  on  which  the  it  is  scarcely  to  be  doubted  that,  in 
whole  system  was  based.  some  of  the  adopting  states,  a  ma- 
'  Debates,  &c.,  224,  231.  jo^ty  of  the  ])eople  were  in  the  oppo- 
*  Marshall's  Washington,  v.  132.  sition.  In  all  of  them,  the  numerous 
"  So  balanced  were  ])arties  in  some  6f  amendments  which  were  ])roposed, 
them,"  says  the  latter,  "that  even  demonstrate  the  reluctance  Mith  which 
after  the  subject  had  been  discussed  the  new  govei-nment  was  acce])ted ; 
for  a  considerable  time,  the  fate  of  the  and  that  a  dread  of  dismemberment, 
constitution  could  hardly  be  conjee-  not  an  approbation  of  the  particular 
tured ;  and  so  small,  in  many  in-  system  mider  consideration,  had  in- 
stances, was  the  majority  in  its  favor  duced  an  acquiescence  in  it."  See 
as  to  afford  strong  ground  for  the  also  Hildreth's  U.  S.,  2d  series,  L 
opinion  that,  had  the  influence  of  29,  35. 
chai'acter  been  removed,  the  intrinsic 


302  ACTION   OF    CONGRESS. 

CHAP,  to  a  spirit  of  submission,  that  tliere  should  have  been  doubts 
^_J^^  of  the  success  of  the  sclieme,  rather  than  an  overweening  con- 
1788.  fidence  in  its  triumph.  This,  of  itself,  was  a  check  against 
innovations  and  all  rash  attempts  to  subvert  the  government. 
It  strengthened  that  conservative  element,  without  which  soci- 
ety rapidly  degenerates.  It  fostered  a  jealousy  of  both  measures 
and  men.  The  bounds  of  authority  were  watched  with  vigi- 
lance. Encroachments  and  usurpations  were  speedily  checked. 
And  the  people,  to  this  day,  cherish  a  reverential  regard  for 
that  union,  effected  at  the  cost  of  so  much  treasure  and  blood, 
and  around  which  the  hopes  of  the  nation  are  clustered.^ 
"  Our  constitution,"  wrote  John  Adams,  "  was  made  only  for 
a  moral  and  religious  people.  It  is  wholly  inadequate  to  the 
government  of  any  other."  ^  Such  has  ever  been,  and  such,  it 
is  to  be  hoped,  will  continue  to  be,  the  general  character  of 
the  people  of  this  country. 

The  ratiiicatiou  of  the  constitution  having  been  made  by 
the  vote  of  the  requisite  number  of  states,^  the  General  Con- 
Sep.  13.  gress  passed  a  resolve  "  that  the  first  Wednesday  in  January 
next  be  the  day  for  appointing  electors  in  the  several  states 
which  before  the  said  day  shall  have  ratified  the  said  constitu- 
tion ;  that  the  first  Wednesday  in  Februaiy  next  be  the  day  for 
the  electors  to  assemble  in  their  respective  states,  and  vote 
for  a  president ;  and  that  the  first  Wednesday  in  March  next 
be  the  time,  and  the  present  seat  of  Congress  [New  York] 


'  Comp.  N.   Am.   Rev.   for   July,         Massachusetts,  February  6,  1788. 

1841,  53.  ]\Iarvland,  April  28,  1788. 

2  Letter  of  Oct.   11,  1798,  to  the         South  Carolina,  May  23,  1788. 

Officers  of  the  Fu'st  Brigade  of  the         New  Hampshire,  June  21,  1788. 

Third  Dinsion  of  the  Militia  of  Mass.,         Virginia,  June  26.  1 788. 

in  Works,  ix.  229.  New  York,  July  26,  1788. 

'  The  ratification  by  the  different         N.  Carolina,  Noyember  21,  1789. 

states  took  place  as  follows  :  —  Rhode  Island,  May  29,  1790. 

Delaware,  December  7,  1787.  The  dates  yary  in  different  tables, 

Pennsylvania,  December  12,  1787.  as  Delaware,  December  3  ;  Pennsyl- 

New  Jersey,  I)ecember  18,  1787.  vania,   December    13;   New   Jersey, 

Georgia,  January  2,  1788.  December    19;    Virginia,    Jmie    25; 

Connecticut,  January  9,  1788.  North  Carolina,  December  21. 


WASHINGTON   LOOKED    TO   FOE   PRESIDENT.  303 

the  place,  for  commencing  proceedings  under  said  constitu-  chap. 

J.-        V  ,  VII. 

tion.    1  .^-.^^^ 

All  eyes,  from  the  beginning,  were  turned  to  General  Wash-  1788. 
ington  as  the  one  who,  above  all  others,  was  preeminently 
qualified  to  fill  so  important  a  station  as  that  of  first  president 
of  the  United  States.  It  was  believed,  by  those  who  knew 
him  best,  that  he  miglit  be  placed  at  the  head  of  the  nation 
without  exciting  the  spirit  of  envy ;  that  he  alone  possessed, 
in  an  unlimited  degree,  the  confidence  of  the  people  ;  and  that,' 
under  his  auspices,  the  friends  of  the  new  government  might 
reasonably  hope  to  see  it  introduced  with  a  firmness,  and  con- 
ducted with  an  ability,  a  prudence,  and  a  forecast,  which  would 
enable  it  to  resist  the  assaults  of  its  foes  and  the  plots  of  its 
adversaries.  But  Washington  Was  inclined  to  domestic  retire- 
ment, and  earnestly  desired  to  spend  the  evening  of  his  life  in 
the  bosom  of  his  family,  aloof  from  the  scene  of  political  con- 
tention. Could  any  inducements  prevail  with  him  to  relin- 
quish these  views,  and  to  gratify  the  wishes  of  his  friends  and 
the  public?  "We  cannot  do  without  you."  "You  must  be 
the  president.     No  other  man  can  draw  forth  the  abilities  of 


'  Statesman's  Manual,  ii.  1507.  trial,  but  four  were  chosen  —  Fish- 
The  biiildhio;  in  whicli  Connjress  was  er  Ames,  George  Partridge,  George 
to  meet,  and  which  the  Continental  Leonard,  and  George  Thatcher.  The 
Congress  had  previously  occupied,  was  vacancies  were  subsequently  fdled  by 
the  old  City  Hall,  of  New  York,  situ-  the  choice  of  Elbridge  Gerry,  Benja- 
ated  on  Wall  Street,  opposite  Broad  min  Goodhue,  Jonathan  Grout,  and 
Street  —  the  site  of  the  present  Theodore  Sedgwick.  Bradibrd,  ii. 
United  States  Custom  House;  but,  335;  Austin's  Life  of  Gferry,  ii.  chap, 
as  this  structure  had  fallen  into  de-  iii. ;  Hildreth's  U.  S.,  2d  series,  i.  42, 
cay,  repairs  were  necessary;  the  funds  43.  Samuel  Adams  was  the  com- 
for  the  same,  in  the  exhausted  state  petitor  of  Fisher  Ames ;  Grout,  from 
of  the  treasury,  were  advanced  by  the  Worcester  district,  was  an  anti- 
several  wealthy  citizens  ;  and  the  reno-  federalist,  and  a  partisan  of  Shays ; 
vated  edifice,  called  "  Federal  Hall,"'  Theodore  Sedgwick  was  a  federalist ; 
was  placed  by  the  city  at  the  dis-  the  ojijionent  of  Gerry,  in  the  .Middle- 
posal  of  the  government.  Hildreth's  sex  district,  was  Nathaniel  Gorham; 
U.  S.,  2d  series,  i.  46.  By  the  terms  and  Benjamin  Goodhue  was  from  the 
of  the  new  constitution,  ]SIassachu-  Essex  district.  Partridge  was  chosen 
setts  was  entitled  to  eight  rej)resenta-  from  the  J'lymouth  district,  and  Leon- 
tives  in  the  General  Congress  :  and  the  ard  and  Thatcher  from  the  others, 
first  election,  which  was  warmly  con-  The  senators  chosen  were  Tristram 
tested,  took  place  in  1789.  At  the  fii-st  Dalton  and  Caleb  Sti'ong. 


304  ACCEPTANCE  OF  THE  TRUST  URGED  UPON  HIM. 

CHAP,  our  country  into  the  various  departments  of  civil  life."  "  "With- 
^^^^^^  out  you,  the  government  can  have  but  little  chance  of  success, 
1788.  and  the  people  of  that  happiness  which  its  prosperity  must 
yield."  Such  was  the  burden  of  the  letters  he  received  from 
his  companions  in  arms,  and  from  distinguished  civilians.' 
Nor  were  these  persuasions  without  their  effect.  At  first,  his 
scruples  seemed  to  be  insurmountable.  Distrust  of  his  own 
abilities,  and  the  modesty  which  had  always  distinguished  his 
character,  led  him  to  fear  that,  amidst  so  many  obstacles  as 
must  necessarily  arise,  and  the  conflict  of  opinion  which  had 
not  yet  subsided,  it  would  be  difficult,  if  not  impossible,  for 
the  best  intentioned  to  manage  so  prudently  as  to  escape  all 
censure  ;  and  though  he  was  ready  to  sacrifice,  at  the  call  of 
his  country,  personal  ease  and  domestic  tranquillity,  he  could 
not  conceal  from  himself  the  fact,  that,  to  extricate  the  coun- 
try from  its  financial  embarrassments,  and  to  establish  a  gen- 
eral system  of  policy  which,  if  pursued,  would  insure  permanent 
felicity  to  the  nation,  required  a  more  than  ordinary  degree 
of  patriotism,  and  an  abnegation  of  self  and  of  the  motives 
which  are  often  most  powerful  with  the  aspiring,  to  discharge 
successfully  the  arduous  duties  which  his  station  would  im- 
pose.2 


'  Sparks's  Washington,  ix.  371  et  sonable  compact  in  ci\il  societj'.     It 

seq. ;  Marshall's  Wasliington,  v.  133  was  to  be,  in  the  fh-st  instance,  in  a 

-150;  Hamilton's  Works,  i.  474.  considerable  degree,  a  government  of 

-  See  liis  letters  to  difierent  friends,  accommodation,  as  well  as  a  govern- 
in  Sjjarks's  Washington,  x.  "  Al-  ment  of  laws.  Much  was  to  be  done 
though,"  he  wrote  to  Catharine  Ma-  by  prudence,  much  by  conciliation, 
caulay  Graham,  January  9,  1790,  much  by  firmness.  Few,  who  are  not 
"neither  the  ]n-esent  age  nor  posterity  philosophical  sj^eculators,  can  reahze 
may  possibly  give  me  full  credit  for  the  dithcult  and  dehcate  ])art  wliich  a 
the  feelings  which  I  have  experienced  man  in  ray  situation  had  to  act.  All 
on  this  subject,  yet  I  have  a  conscious-  see,  and  most  admu-e,  the  glare  which 
ness,  that  nothing  short  of  an  absolute  hovers  round  the  external  happiness 
conviction  of  duty  could  ever  have  of  elevated  office.  To  me,  there  is 
brought  me  upon  the  scenes  of  public  nothing  in  it  beyond  the  lustre  which 
Hfe  again.  The  estabUshment  of  our  may  be  reflected  from  its  connection 
new  government  seemed  to  me  to  be  with  a  power  of  jn-omotiug  human 
the  last  great  experiment  for  pro-  feUcity." 
motmg  human  happiness  by  a  rea- 


HIS  ACQUIESCENCE   AND    CHOICE.  305 

Happily  for  the  country,  he  did  not  long  remain  in  suspense,  chap. 
Convinced  as  he  was  that  "  nothing  but  harmony,  honesty,  Jl^^ 
industry,  and  frugality  "  were  "  necessary  to  make  us  a  great    1789. 
and  happy  people,"  he  was  at  the  same  time  ready  to  acknowl- 
edge that  "  the  present  posture  of  affairs,  and  the  prevailing 
disposition  of  his  countrymen,  promised  to  cooperate  in  estab- 
lishing these  four  great  and  essential  pillars  of  public  felici- 
ty;"  ^  and  when  he  was  informed  by  Charles  Thompson,  the  Apr.  14. 
secretary  of  the  old   Congress,  that,  by  the  unanimous  and 
uninfluenced  vote  of  an  immense  continent,^  he  was  called  to 
the  chief  magistracy,  he  left  his  home,  where  his  hopes  had  Apr.  16. 
been  garnered,  to  "  embark  again  on  the  tempestuous  ocean  of 
public  life."  ^     John  Adams,  of  Massachusetts,  who  had  re- 
ceived the  next  highest  vote,  was  to  be  associated  with  him 
in   the   office   of  vice  president ;   and,   two   days   before  the 
arrival   of  Washington    at   New   York,  —  whither    he   was 
attended  by  the  prayers  of  the  people,  and  by  warm  demon- 
strations of  unbounded  respect,  —  Mr.  Adams  took  his  seat  in 
the  Senate,  and  addressed  that  body  in  a  dignified  speech,  con-  Apr.  21. 
gratulating  them  upon  "  the  formation  of  a  national  constitu- 
tion, and  the  fair  prospect  of  a  consistent  administration  of  a 
government  of  laws."  ^  * 


»  Marshall's  Washington,  v.  150.  Jun.,  and  Moses  Gill.     Bradford,  ii, 

^  The  electors  met  in  the  different  335. 
states  in  February,  1789,  to  cast  their  ^  Washington  to  Edward  llutledge, 
votes    for    president,    Szc;    and    the  May  5,  1789,  in  Sparks's  Washing- 
elections  of  senators  and  re])resenta-  ton,  x.  1. 

tives  to   Congress  took   place  about  '*  Jour.   Sen.,  14,   15 ;   J.  Adams's 

the  same  time.     Washington  received  Works,    ix.  ;   Hist.     Cong.,    25-27  ; 

sixty-nine  votes  —  the  whole  number  Marshall's  Washington,  v.   161,162; 

cast;    and    John    Adams    thirty-fom-,  Sparks's    Washington,    x.    Aj)p.     1  ; 

thus   lacking  one  of  a  majority,  but  Hildreth's  U.  S.,  2d  series,  i.   53-58. 

sufficient,  as  the  constitution  stood,  to  It  should  be  observed  that,  on  the  day 

make  him  vice  president.     Hildreth's  appointed  for  the  assembling  of  Con- 

U.  S.,  2d  series,  i.  40,  48,  49.     The  grcss,  — March  4,  1789,  — only  eight 

electors  from  Massachusetts  were  Wil-  senators  and  thirteen  rcjiresentatives 

liam  Cushing,  William  Shepard,  Wil-  ai)])eared,  —  not  a  quorum  of  either 

liam    Sever,  Walter   Spooner,  David  body;  nor  was  it  until  the  first  of 

Sewall,   Caleb   Davis,  Francis  Dana,  April  that  a  quorum  of  the  House 

Samuel   Henshaw,    Samuel   Phillips,  was  present,  and  it  was  the  sixth  be- 
YOL.  III.                20 


306  CEREMONIES   OP   INAUGURATION. 

CHAP.      The  ceremonies  of  inauguration  were  adjusted  by  Congress ; 

^J^3^  ^^^^  ^^  the  day  assigned,  the  illustrious  Washington  appeared 
1789.  in  the  senate  chamber,  to  take,  in  the  presence  of  both  Houses 
'  of  Congress,  the  solemn  oath  prescribed  by  the  constitution. 
Great  preparations  had  been  made  for  this  event.  Public 
curiosity  was  fully  aroused  ;  and,  to  gratify  the  wishes  of  the 
multitudes  who  had  thronged  thither  to  witness  the  imposing 
scene,  an  open  gallery,  adjoining  the  senate  chamber,  was 
selected  as  the  place  in  which  the  oath  should  be  administered. 
The  oath  was  taken  ;  the  chancellor  exclaimed,  "  Long  live 
George  Washington !  "  the  first  message  was  delivered,  and 
listened  to  attentively  ;   the  replies  of  the  Senate  and   the 

^'^y  I  House  were  returned  ;  and,  amidst  the  hearty  congratulations 
of  its  friends,  the  government  of  the  United  States  was  peace- 
ably established.^ 

It  is  impossible  to  reflect  upon  the  incidents  described  in 
this  chapter  without  being  impressed  with  a  sense  of  devout 
gratitude,  that  the  crisis,  whicli  threatened  for  a  time  to  be 
attended  with  disastrous  results,  should  have  been  passed 
through  so  safely,  and  that  the  issue  should  have  been  the 
revival  of  confidence  and  of  public  security.  The  agitation, 
ifldeed,  had  been  too  great  to  be  instantly  calmed  ;  and  that 
the  active  opponents  of  the  new  system  should  immediately 
become  its  friends,  or  relinquish  the  fears  of  its  stability  they 
had  so  often  expressed,  would  have  been  a  victory  of  reason 


fore  a  quorum  of  the  Senate  appeared,  ident,  and  members  of  Congi'ess  pro- 
Jour.  Sen.  and  House  ;  Hist.  Cong. ;  ceeded  to  St.  Paul's  Chapel,  to  hear 
Statesman's  Manual ;  Hiklreth.  &c.  divine  service,  performed  by  the  Right 
'  Jour.  Senate,  10-20,  22,  23,  26,  Rev.  Samuel  Provost,  chaplain  of 
27;  Jour.  H.  of  R.,  11,  12,  15,  19,  Congress,  lately  ordained  bishop  of 
20,  24,  27,  28 ;  Sparks's  Washing-  New  Yoi-k.  In  the  evening  there  was 
ton,  X.,  A]ip.  i.,  and  Life  of  Wash-  a  display  of  fireworks  at  the  Batter}', 
ington ;  Marshall's  Washington,  v.  and  the  houses  of  the  French  and 
167-175;  Hist,  of  Congress,  28-37  ;  Spanish  ministers  were  illuminated. 
Pitkin's  Hist.  U.  S.,  ii.  318-325  ;  Hil-  The  legislature  of  Massachusetts  for- 
dreth's  U.  S.,  2d  series,  i.  56-58.  At  w^arded  an  adch-ess  to  Washington 
the  conclusion  of  the  ceremonies  of  soon  after  his  inauguration,  which  is 
inauguration,  the  president,  vice  pres-  given  in  Bradford,  ii.  336,  337. 


CHARACTER  OP   THE   CONSTITUTION".  307 

over  passion,  or  a  surrender  of  individual  judgment  to  the  chap. 
decision  of  a  majority,  examples  of  which  are  rarely  given  in  .j!j^ 
the  conduct  of  human  affairs,'    Yet,  whatever  misgivings  were    1789. 
cherished  in  secret,  and  whatever  murmurs  were  0])enly  ut- 
tered, there  was  a  general  acquiescence  in  the  will  of  the  peo- 
ple, and  a  general  readiness  to  cooperate  in  sustaining  the 
government,  that  the  experiment  of  its  utility  might  be  fairly 
tried,  and  that  its  failure,  if  it  did  fail,  might  result  from  its 
inherent  defects  rather  than  from  external  opposition.     That 
it  has  not  yet  failed,  is  proof,  not  only  of  the  wisdom  of  its 
framers,  but  of  the  virtue  of  the  people.     Had  the  people 
been  fickle,  the  government  could   never  have  subsisted  to 
this  time. 

There  are  grave  questions  connected  with  our  great  national 
compact  which  have  long  excited  the  attention  of  the  thought- 
ful. Whether  the  system,  in  all  its  parts,  is  adjusted  in  the 
best  manner ;  whether  there  are  defects  which  it  is  possible 
to  remedy ;  whether  innovations  have  not  crept  in,  which  have 
tended  to  divert  it  from  its  original  intention ;  and  whether 
the  evils  it  was  designed  to  obviate  have  not,  to  some  extent, 
appeared  in  a  new  form,  and  with  a  promise  of  increasing  and 
dangerous  growth,  are  points  upon  which  the  wisest  have 
differed  in  opinion.  It  should  be  borne  in  mind  that,  if  no 
human  system  of  government  is,  or  can  be,  absolutely  perfect, 
checks  and  balances,  however  useful,  are  like  two-edged  swords, 
capable  of  doing  great  mischief ;  and  that  the  passions  of  men 
are  often  their  executioners,  and  always  to  be  dreaded  when 
heated  and  inflamed.  Yet  confidence  is  necessary  in  the  suc- 
cess of  our  "  experiment "  —  a  confidence  based  upon  the 
arrangements  of  Providence.  If  we  are  true  to  ourselves,  true 
to  our  country,  and  true  to  our  God,  we  have  nothing  to  fear. 
Recreancy  to  such  principles,  a  selfish  imprudence,  and  con- 

^  Marshall's  Washington,  v.  176, 177. 


308 


QUESTIONS   CONNECTED   WITH  IT. 


CHAP,  tempt  of  an  authority  superior  to  all  human  enactments,  and 
^_J^  binding  upon  all  nations,  will  assuredly  result  in  our  signal 
1789.    defeat.  1 


*  « If,"  says  the  author  of  Political 
Sketches,  12,  "  a  theatre  for  the  dis- 
play of  the  great  drama  of  the  human 
character  was  ever  fondly  formed  in 
the  brain  of  a  Locke,  or  a  Sidney,  the 
United  States,  at  this  moment,  and 
in  that  indeed  preceding  their  rev- 
olution, realized  the  philosophical 
expectation.  So  nearly  have  they 
approached  perfection,  that  the  great 
and  unexceptionable  correctness  and 
purity  of  their  democracies  are  the 
only  objections  raised  against  their 
practicability  and  duration.  But  in 
this  objection  a  number  of  false  prem- 
ises are  assumed  ;  j^remises  -which  the 
history  of  mankind  will  by  no  means 
warrant ;  which  the  indolence  of  some, 


and  the  depravity  of  others,  have  ad- 
mitted for  purposes  of  speculative  ar- 
gument." For  excellent  remarks  on 
the  constitution  and  its  value,  see  Story 
on  the  Const. ;  the  Writings  of  Wash- 
ington, and  John  Adams  ;  Webster's 
Works,  passim  ;  Curtis's  Hist,  of  the 
Const. ;  Austin's  Life  of  Gerry,  vol.  ii. 
chap,  ii.,  &c.  In  1791,  James  Sullivan, 
Esq.,  afteiTvards  Governor  SulHvan, 
published,  at  Boston,  a  series  of  "  Ob- 
servations upon  the  Government  of 
the  U.  S.  of  America,"  in  a  pamphlet 
of  fifty-six  pages,  to  which  a  reply  was 
published  at  Charleston,  S.  Carolina, 
in  1792,  by  a  citizen  of  that  state,  in 
a  pamphlet  of  fifty  pages. 


CHAPTER    VIII. 

FROM  THE  ADOPTION  OF  THE  FEDERAL  CONSTITUTION  TO 
THE  ELECTION  OF  ELBRIDGE  GERRY. 

By  the  adoption  of  the  state  constitution,  in  1780,  Massa- chap. 
chnsetts,  as  an  independent  commonwealth,  secured  for  her  ^_^ 
citizens  an  admirable  system  of  internal  government,  eminently  1789. 
adapted  to  promote  their  prosperity  ;  and,  by  the  adoption  of 
the  federal  constitution  in  1788,  her  relative  position  in  the 
Union  was  established.  Her  history,  therefore,  from  this  time 
forth,  is  of  a  twofold  character  —  internal  and  external.  It 
is  impossible  to  do  justice  to  the  conduct  of  her  statesmen, 
or  to  sketch  in  full  the  part  she  has  taken  in  developing  the 
greatness  of  the  country,  without  speaking  as  well  of  her 
actions  abroad  as  of  her  measures  at  home  —  of  the  strength 
she  has  lent  to  the  national  councils,  and  of  the  steps  by  which 
her  own  progress  has  been  essentially  promoted.  In  both 
these  respects  she  has  ever  maintained  a  commanding  posi- 
tion ;  her  views  and  her  principles  have  been  of  vital  impor- 
tance ;  the  weight  of  her  influence  has  been  every  where  felt ; 
and  no  state  in  the  Union  stands  higher,  this  day,  in  the  esti- 
mation of  intelligent  foreigners  and  intelligent  Americans, 
than  Old  Massachusetts. 

Soon  after  his  inauguration  as  president  of  the  United 
States,  General  Washington,  desirous  to  revisit  the  spot  where 
he  had  first  served  as  commander-in-chief  of  the  army  of  the 
revolution,  and  anxious  to  observe  personally  the  condition  of 
the  country,  and  the  disposition  of  the  people  towards  the 
government  and  its  measures,  as  well  as  to  recruit  his  health, 
which  was  feeble,  availed  himself  of  the  opportunity  which  the 

(309) 


310  Washington's  visit  to  boston. 

CHAP,  recess  of  CongTess  afforded  for  a  respite  from  official  cares  to 
^^^^'  make  the  tour  of  the  Eastern  States.  The  resolution  once 
1789.    taken,  it  was  carried  into  effect.     He  commenced  his  journey 

*  in  company  with  Major  Jackson  and  Mr.  Lear,  gentlemen  of 
his  family  ;  and,  after  passing  through  Connecticut  and  Mas- 
sachusetts, and  as  far  to  the  north  as  Portsmouth,  New  Hamp- 
shire, he  returned  by  a  different  route  to  New  York,  where  he 

Nov.13.  arrived  in  the  following  month.     The  incidents  of  this  jour- 

•  ney  are  detailed  in  the  papers  with  considerable  fulness  ;  and 
the  reception  of  his  excellency  by  the  citizens  of  Boston,  the 
executive  of  the  commonwealth,  and  the  inhabitants  of  the 
towns  which  he  visited  in  his  progress,  was  such  as  had  never 
before  been  given  to  any  individual.^ 

Oct.  24.  The  procession  in  Boston  was  of  unusual  length,  and  all 
classes  were  represented  in  it  —  the  highest  officers  in  the 
stafe,  as  well  as  those  in  the  humbler  walks  of  life,  uniting  in 
expressions  of  respect  to  their  visitor.  The  people,  indeed, 
were  "  universally  animated  with  the  liveliest  sentiments  of 
gratitude  and  veneration,"  and  manifested  their  feelings  "  by 
various  demonstrations  of  joy  and  exultation."  ^    "  We  meet 


'  Marshall's   Washington,  v.  224,  in  the  Massachusetts   Magazine   for 

225;  Bradt'ord,  ii.  342  et  seq.     The  January,  1790.     This  arch,  which  was 

State  of  Khode  Island  had  not,  at  considered  as  a  model  of  elegance  and 

this  time,  ratified  the  federal  consti-  beauty,  was  designed  by  Mr.  C.  C. 

tution ;  and  it  was,  prolmbly,  for  this  Bulfinch,  and  the  colonnade  by  Mr. 

reason,  that  '\^''ashington  did  not  \isit  Dawes.      The   former   was   eighteen 

it  during  liis  tour.     Comp.  Sparks's  feet   high,  and  was   composed   of  a 

Wasliington,  x.  39,  41,  46,  note,  76.  central  arch,  fourteen  feet  wide,  and  a 

The    enthusiasm    of   the   peoj)le    is  smaller  arch  on  each  side,  seven  feet 

graphically  portrayed  in  a  letter  of  wide,  "  with  an  Ionic  pillai-  and  proper 

Trumbull  to  Wolcott,  of  Connecticut,  imposts  between  them."     The  fi-ieze 

"We  have  gone  through,"  says  he,  exhibited   thu'teen   stars,   on  a  blue 

"  all  the   po])ish  grades  of  worship,  ground,  and  a  handsome  white  cor- 

and  the  president  returns  all  fragrant  nice  was  carried  to  the  height  of  the 

with  the  odor  of  incense."     Hildreth's  platform.     Above  was  a  painted  bal- 

U.  S.,  2d  series,  i.  150.  ustrade,    of  interlaced   work,    in  the 

^  For  an  account  of  the  proceed-  centre  of  which  was  an  oval  talilet, 

ings  in  Boston,  see  Mass.   Mag.  for  inscribed  on  one  side,  "  To  the  man 

1789,   and  the    Boston   newspapers,  who  unites  all  hearts,"  and  on   the 

A  "  (iescri})tion  of  the  triumjihal  arch  other,  "  To  Columbia's  favorite  son." 

and  colonnade  erected  in  honor  of  the  At  the  end  adjoining  the  State  House 

president  of  the  U.  States,"  appeared  was  a  panel,  decorated  with  a  trophy, 


ADDRESS  OF  THE  GOVERNOR  AND  COUNCIL.  311 

you,  sir,  at  this  time,"  was  the  language  of  the  address  of  the  chap. 
Governor  and  Council,  "  with  our  hearts  replete  with  the  _^ 
warmest  affection  and  esteem,  to  express  the  high  satisfaction  1789. 
we  feel  in  your  visit  to  the  Commonwealth  of  Massachusetts. 
We  can  never  foi'get  the  time  when,  in  the  earliest  stage  of 
the  war,  and  the  day  of  our  greatest  calamity,  we  saw  you  at 
the  head  of  the  army  of  the  United  States,  commanding  troops 
determined,  though  then  undisciplined,  by  your  wisdom  and 
valor,  to  prevent  a  sanguine  and  well-appointed  army  of  our 
enemies  from  spreading  devastation  through  our  country,  and, 
sooner  than  we  had  reason  to  expect,  obliging  tliem  to  aban- 
don the  capital.  We  have  since  seen  you  in  your  high  com- 
mand, superior  to  the  greatest  fatigues  and  hardships,  success- 
fully conducting  our  armies  through  a  long  war,  until  our 
enemies  were  compelled  to  submit  to  terms  of  peace,  and 
acknowledge  that  independence  which  the  United  States,  in 
Congress  assembled,  had  before  asserted  and  proclaimed.  We 
now  have  the  pleasure  of  seeing  you  in  a  still  more  exalted 
station,  to  which  you  have  been  elected  by  the  unanimous 
suffrages  of  a  free,  virtuous,  and  grateful  country.  From  that 
attachment  which   you  manifestly  discovered  while  in  your 


composed  of  the  arms  of  the  United  of  the  State  House  was  the  door 
States,  of  the  Commonwealth  of  Mas-  through  Mhich  the  ]iresidcnt  passed 
sachusetts,  and  of  France,  crowned  to  the  bahistrade,  descending  from  a 
with  a  laurel  wreath,  over  which  was  jjlatform,  by  four  easy  steps,  to  the 
the  inscription,  "  Boston,  relieved  tioor  of  the  gallery,  which  was  fur- 
March  17,  1776."  Over  the  central  nished  with  armed  chairs,  and  spread 
arch  a  rich  canopy,  twenty  feet  high,  with  rich  carjjets.  On  this  platform 
was  erected,  with  the  American  eagle  was  a  pedestal,  covered  with  green, 
perched  iibove.  The  colonnade  was  supporting  the  figure  of  Plenty,  with 
erected  at  the  west  end  of  the  State  her  cornucopiie  and  other  emblems. 
House,  adjacent  to  the  arch.  It  was  As  soon  as  the  president  entered  this 
composed  of  six  large  columns,  fifteen  colonnade,  he  was  saluted  by  three 
feet  higli,  and  a  balustrade  hung  in  huzzas  from  the  citizens,  and  an  ode, 
front,  with  Persian  carpets,  on  which  written  for  the  occasion,  was  sung  by 
were  wrought  thirteen  roses.  The  a  select  choir  of  singers,  seated  under 
circle  of  this  colonnade  measured  the  canopy  erected  over  the  arch, 
forty-four  feet,  and  projected  boldly  "The  whole,"  it  is  said,  "  formed  an 
into  the  midn  street,  so  as  to  exhibit  agreeable  spectacle,  and  heightened 
in  a  strong  light,  "  The  man  of  the  the  pleasui'e  of  the  da)'." 


people."      The  central  west  window 


312  KEPLY  OF   WASHINGTON. 

CHAP,  military  command  to  the  civil  liberties  of  your  country,  we 
^3^^  do  assure  ourselves  that  you  will  ever  retain  this  great  object 
1789.    in  your  view,  and  that  your  administration  will  be  happy  and 
prosperous. 

"  It  is  our  earnest  prayer  that  the  divine  benediction  may 
attend  you  here  and  hereafter  ;  and  we  do  sincerely  wish  that 
you  may,  through  this  life,  continue  to  enjoy  that  greatest  of 
earthly  blessings,  to  be  '  accepted  by  the  multitude  of  your 
brethren.'"! 

The  reply  of  Washington  was  in  a  similar  strain  ;  and  he 
congratulated  the  citizens  upon  the  prosperity  of  their  com- 
monwealth, and  the  evidences  of  plenty  which  were  every 
where  visible.^  The  proceedings  in  the  other  towns  were 
equally  patriotic  ;  and  each  seemed  to  vie  with  the  other  in 
expressions  of  unbounded  respect  and  good  will.^ 

By  the  adoption  of  the  constitution  of  the  United  States, 
the  citizens  of  Massachusetts,  as  well  as  of  the  rest  of  the 
Union,  were  divided  into  two  parties,  which,  with  various  for- 
tunes and  under  different  names,  have  continued  to  our  own 
day,  and  which  were  known  at  that  time  as  federalists  and 
anti-federalists.  The  former  of  these  titles  was  assumed  by 
the  friends  of  the  new  constitution,  and  the  latter  was  em- 
ployed to  designate  its  opponents.    Those  opponents,  however, 


»  Bradford,  ii.  343,  344.     On  the  227  ;  and  for  the  reply  of  Washing- 
reception  of  Washington  by  Govern-  ton,  ibid.  228. 

or  Hancock,  and  the  embarrassment  ^  For  the  proceechngs  at  Newburj'- 

which  the  conduct  of  the  latter  occa-  port,    see    Cushing's    Newburyport ; 

sioned,  see   Sparks's  Wasliington,  x.  and     Coffin's     Newburj',     262-264. 

47,  48,  and  App.  No.  \'ii.  The    addi-ess    there     delivered    was 

^  Marshall's  Washington,  v.  226.  w^-itten  by  .Tolui  Qiiincy  Adams,  after- 

"  Yom-  love  of  Hberty,"  said  he, "  your  wards  president  of  the  United  States, 

respect  for  the  laws,  your  habits  of  who   was   a  student   at    law  in   the 

mdustry,  and   yom-   practice   of  the  office  of  Theophilus   Parsons,  Esq., 

moral  and   reHgious   obhgations,  are  and  who  had  been  appointed  to  pre- 

the  strongest  claims  to  national  and  pare  it  by  a  vote  of  the  to^vn.     For 

individual  happiness.     And  they  will,  the  proceedings  in  other  to-wns,  see 

I  trust,  be  firmlv  and  lastingly  estab-  Felt's  Salem,  ii.  66,  67,  and  Ipswich, 

Ushed."      For   the   Addi-ess  "of   the  206;   Lewis's   Lyim,   224;  Brooka's 

Cincinnati  of  Mass.,  see  Marshall,  v.  Medford,  69. 


DIVISION   OF  PARTIES.  313 

insisted  that  these  appellations  were  not  rightly  used,  and  chap. 
that  the  names,  if  interchanged,  would  have  been  much  more  J[!^^ 
appropriately  applied.  So  far  from  being  inimical  to  the  Union,  1789. 
or  unfriendly  to  its  interests,  they  declared  themselves  as 
ready  as  others  to  support  and  defend  it ;  and  they  repudiated 
the  charge  of  disloyalty  to  the  government,  or  of  wishing  to 
prevent  its  peaceful  administration.^  Yet  the  friends  of  the 
new  constitution,  flushed  with  success,  in  the  hour  of  their  tri- 
umph may  possibly  have  forgotten,  in  some  cases,  to  wear  their 
honors  with  becoming  meekness  ;  and,  according  to  their 
opponents,  "  past  political  services,  and  the  character  of  those 
revolutionary  patriots,  which  should  have  been  considered  the 
property  of  the  nation,  were  of  no  avail  in  the  all-absorbing 
interest  of  the  present  divisions."  ^  "  The  vigilant  enemies 
of  free  government,"  wrote  Elbridge  Gerry  to  one  of  his  1788. 
friends,  "  have  been  long  in  the  execution  of  their  plan  to 
hunt  down  all  who  remain  attached  to  revolution  principles. 
They  have  attacked  us  in  detail,  and  have  deprived  you,  Mr. 
S.  Adams,  and  myself,  in  a  great  measure,  of  that  public  con- 
fidence to  which  a  faithful  attachment  to  the  public  interest 
entitles  us  ;  and  they  are  now  aiming  to  throw  Mr.  Hancock 
out  of  the  saddle,  who,  with  all  his  foibles,  is  yet  attached  to 
the  whig  cause.     There  seems  to  be  a  disposition  in  the  dom- 


'  N.Am. Rev.,  for  July,  1840,  82;  have  lived  long  enough  to  see  our 

Austin's  Life  of  Gerry,  ii.  90 ;  Brad-  misera1)le   infatuation,  and  to  depre- 

ford,  ui.  57,  58,  and  Hist.  Fed.  Gov't,  cate  and  deplore  its  consequences." 

50;    Hildreth's  U.   S.,  2d  series,    i.  =  Austin's  Life  of  Gerry,  ii.  83.    It 

31.       "  We  were    called   anti-feder-  should  be  obser\-ed,  that  this  state- 

alists,"   says   Matthew  Carey,  Olive  ment  comes  from  one  w-hose  sympa- 

Branch,  26,  ed.   1817,  "because  we  thies  were  with  the  repubUcan  party, 

were  eager  to  have  the  federal  con-  and  it  must  be  taken  accordingh-,  as 

stitution    amended    previous    to    its  an  expression  of  his  ojnnion  rather 

ratification  —  doubting   the   practica-  than  as  proof  positive  of  the  truth  of 

bility  of  amendments  afterwards.    We  the  charge.     It  is  but  foir,  however, 

were  wild  and  extravagant  enough  to  that  each  ])arty  should  be  allowed  to 

see  despotism  in  many  of  its  features ;  state  its  own -views  in  its  own  way; 

and  were  so  fatuitous  and  blind  as  and  it  must  be  left  to  the  reader  to 

not  to  have  the  slightest  idea  of  dan-  decide  upon  then*  correctness, 
gar  from  the  state  governments.  We 


314  DIVISION   OF   PAETIE8. 


CHAP,  inant  party  to  establish  a  nobility  of  opinion,  under  whose 
^^^^'  control,  in  a  short  time,  will  be  placed  the  government  of  the 


1788.  Union  and  of  the  states,  and  whose  insufferable  arrogance 
marks  out  for  degradation  all  who  will  not  submit  to  their 
authority.  It  is  beginning  to  be  fashionable  to  consider  the 
opponents  of  the  constitution  as  embodying  themselves  with 
the  lower  class  of  the  people,  and  that  one  forfeits  all  title  to 
the  respect  of  a  gentleman  unless  he  is  of  the  privileged  order. 
Is  this,  my  friend,  to  be  the  operation  of  a  free  government, 
which  all  our  labors  in  the  revolution  have  tended  to  pro- 
duce ?  "  1 

It  should  be  observed,  however,  with  reference  to  this  sub- 
ject, that  parties  were  by  no  means  new  in  America,  and  that 
the  rancor  of  political  resentment,  even  among  otherwise  amia- 
ble characters,  had  often  prompted  to  a  misrepresentation  of  the 
views  and  opinions  of  those  who  were  its  subjects.^  When 
will  it  be  conceded  that  men  may  differ  from  each  other  in 
opinion  in  politics  without  impeaching  their  integrity  or  intel- 
ligence ?  Under  proper  restrictions,  parties  are  necessary  in 
a  free  commonwealth.  They  are  the  positive  and  negative 
poles  of  government,  equalizing  the  temper  of  the  people,  pre- 
venting the  encroachments  of  usurped  authority,  and  provok- 
ing discussion,  which  elicits  truth.^     So  far,  therefore,  from 


'  Austin's  Life  of  Gerry,  ii.  85,  86.  Thomas     M'Kean,    September     20, 

^  "You  say,"  wa'ote  John  Adams  to  1779,  "  is  highly  useful  and  necessary, 

William  Keteltas,  November  25, 1812,  to  balance  individuals,  and  bodies,  and 

Corresp.  in  Works,  x.  23,  "  our  di-  interests,  one    against   another,   and 

vivsions  began  with  federaUsm  and  anti-  bring  the  truth  to  hght,  and  justice 

federalism.     Alas!    they  began  with  to  prevail."     Washington  also  wrote 

human  nature.     They  have  existed  in  to   Hamilton,   August   26,   1792,   in 

America  from  its  first  plantation.     Li  Sparks's  Washington,  x.  283,  "  Dif- 

every   colony   di\isions   always    pre-  ferences  in  pohtical  opinions  are  as 

vailed."   Jefferson  also  ^\Tote  to  John  unavoidable   as,  to   a   certain   point, 

Adams,  "  The  same  political  parties  they  may,  perhaps,  be  necessary.    But 

which  now  agitate  the  United  States  it  is  exceedingly  to  be  regretted,  that 

have  existed  through  all  time."     Ad-  subjects    cannot    be   discussed   with 

ams's  Works,  &c.,  50.  temper,  on  the  one  hand,  or  decisions 

^  "  An  opposition  in  Parliament,  in  submitted  to  A^ithout  having  the  mo- 

a  House  of  Assembly,  in  a  Council,  tives  which  led  to  them  improperly 

in  Congress,"  wrote  John  Adams  to  implicated,  on  the  other.     And  tiiis 


DIVISION  OP   PARTIES.  315 

condemning  indiscriminately  eitlier  federalists  or  anti-federal-  chap. 
ists,  let  it  ratlier  be  conceded  that  both  were  honest,  and  acted  J^^^ 
conscientiously  in  the  advocacy  of  their  measures.     It  is  only    i789. 
when  parties  degenerate  into  factions,^  ripe  for  rapine  and 
eager  for  spoils,  that  their  influence  is  dangerous  and  positively 
to  be  dreaded.     In  a  healthy  state,  and  in  the  exercise  of  their 
normal  and  legitimate  functions,  they  are  no  more  to  be  dep- 
recated than  the  differences  of  opinion  which  are  elsewhere  to 
be  found  —  the  parties  in  philosophy  and  in  morals  which  have 
sprung  up.    Yet  how  often  have  the  most  reputable  characters 
bad  reason  to  exclaim,  — 

"  The  little  dogs,  and  all,  — 
Tray,  Blanche,  and  Sweetheart,  —  see,  they  bark  at  me  ! "  ^ 

"  Every  difference  of  opinion,"  said  Jefferson,  in  his  inaugural 
address,  "  is  not  a  difference  of  principle.  We  have  called  by 
different  names  brethren  of  the  same  principles.  We  are  all 
republicans  ;  we  are  all  federalists."  ^    And  the  remark,  how- 


regret  borders  on  chagrin  when  we  and  now  are,  the  fear  that  they  shall 

find  that  men  of  abilities,  zealous  pa-  lose  the  elections,  and,  consequently, 

triots,  having  the  same  general  object  the  loaves  and  fishes,  and  that  their 

in  view,  and  the  same  upright  inten-  anUigonists  will  get  them.     Both  par- 

tions,  will  not  exercise  more  charity  ties  have  excited  artificial  terrorism ; 

in  deciding  on  the  opinions  and  actions  and,  if  I  were  summoned  as  a  witness 

of  one  another.     When  matters  go  to  to  say,  upon  oath,  which  jiarty  had 

such  lengths,  the  natural  inference  is,  excited  the  most  terror,  and  which 

that  botli  sides  have  strained  the  cords  had  really  felt  the  most,  I  could  not 

beyond  tlieir  bearing,  and  that  a  mid-  give  a  more  sincere  answer  than  ia 

die  course  would  be  found  the  best,  the  vulgar  style,  '  Put  them  in  a  bag 

until  experience  shall   have  decided  and  shake  them,  and  then  see  wliich 

on  the  right  way,  or  (which  is  not  to  will  come  out  first.' " 
be  expected,  because  it  is  denied  to         '^  King  Lear,  Act  iii.  Sc.  6. 
mortals)  there  shall  be  some  infallible         ^  Message,  in  Works ;  Statesman's 

rule  by  which  we  can  forejudge  events."  Manual,  i.    loU;  comp.  also  N.  Am. 

'  Parties  degenerate  into  factions  llev.    for   July,    1840,    84.     "  Both 

when   their   aim  is  solely  to  secure  ])arties,"  says  Guizot,  Essay  on  Wash- 

their  own  triumph ;  and,  in  this  sense,  ington,  83,  "  were  sincerely  friendly 

federalists    and    anti-federalists,    fed-  to  a  republican  government   and  the 

eralists   and   republicans,  Avhigs  and  union  of  the  states.    The  names  wliich 

democrats,  have  all,   at  times,  been  they  gave  one  another,  for  the  sake 

factious.     "  The  real  terrors  of  both  of  mutual  disparagement,  were  still 

parties,"  says  John  Adams,  Corresp.  more  false  than  their  original  denomi- 

in  Works,  x.  48,  "  have  always  been,  nations  were  imperfect  and  impi-operly 


316  BENEFITS    OF   THE    ADOPTION   OF   THE    CONSTITUTION. 

CHAP,  ever  intended,^  was  perfectly  just ;  for  both  parties,  "  practi- 
^^^^'  cally,  and  so  far  as  the  immediate  affairs  of  the  coimtry  were 
1789.  concerned,  differed  less  than  they  either  said  or  thought,  in 
their  mutual  hatred."  ^  It  may  be  that  "  the  federal  party 
was,  at  the  same  time,  aristocratic  —  favorable  to  the  prepon- 
derance of  the  higher  classes,  as  well  as  to  the  power  of  the 
central  government  ;  "  and  that  "  the  democratic  party  was 
also  the  local  party  —  desiring  at  once  the  supremacy  of  the 
majority  and  the  almost  entire  independence  of  the  state  gov- 
ernments." ^  But  if  such  a  difference  did  exist,  the  lines  of 
demarcation  were  not  closely  drawn,  and  they  were  frequently 
overstepped  on  one  side  and  on  the  other. 

The  benefits  to  all  the  states  from  the  adoption  of  the 
federal  constitution  were  immediate  and  substantial.  Order 
promptly  arose  out  of  confusion.  Mutual  confidence  was 
strengthened.  The  arts  and  employments  of  life  were  en- 
couraged. Commercial  enterprise  rapidly  increased.  The 
credit  of  the  government,  by  wise  and  efficient  provisions  in 
the  finances  of  the  country,  the  regulation  of  foreign  trade, 
and  the  collection  of  the  revenues,  was  speedily  restored.  And 
the  nation,  from  a  state  of  embarrassment  and  weakness,  made 
steady  advances  to  wealth,  to  power,  and  to  vital  prosperity.'* 


opposed   to   each    other."      On   the  June  15,  Washington  verj'  truly  says, 

composition  of  the  two  parties,  see  "  The  misfortune  is,  that  the  enemies 

Tucker's  Life  of  Jefferson,  i.  483-485.  to  the  government,  always  more  ac- 

'  What  does  Mr.  Jefferson  mean,  tive  than  its  friends,  and  always  on 

when,  in  speaking  of  his  first  inaugu-  the  watch  to  give  it  a  stroke,  neglect 

ral  address,  he  says,  it  "  was,  from  the  no  opportunit}-  to  aim  one.     If  they 

nature  of  the  case,  all  profession  and  tell   the   truth,  it   is   not  the  whole 

promise "  ?     Tucker's  Life  of  Jetfer-  truth,  —  by  which  means    one   side 

son,  ii.  183.  only  of    the    picture    is    exhibited; 

*  Guizot's  Essay  on  Washington,  Mhereas,  if  both  sides  were  seen,  it 

83.     Comp.  "  Falkland,"    by  Fisher  might,  and  probably  would,  assume  a 

Ames,  in  Works,  147,  ed.  1809.  different  form  in  the  ojnnion  of  just 

^  The  Correspondence  of  Washing-  and  candid  men,  who  are  disposed  to 

ton  shows  at  how  early  a  date  these  measm-e   matters    by   a    continental 

divisions  appeared;  and  Dr.   Stuart,  scale."     Writings,  x.  97. 
in  a  friendly  letter  of  June  2,  1790,         *  Ames's  Eulogy  on  Washington, 

opened  the  "catalogue  of  public  dis-  in  Works,  122;  Bradford,  iii.  17,  18. 

.contents."     In  his  reply  to  this  letter,  Comp.  Tucker's  Life  of  Jefferson,  i.  354. 


RESUMPTION   OF  THE   STATE   DEBTS.  317 

The  public  debt  was  still  large  ;  and  the  most  intelligent  chap. 
acknowledged  the  difficulty  of  removing  it  at  once.  At  the  J[^^ 
close  of  the  revolution,  the  continental  or  national  debt  was  1790. 
upwards  of  forty-two  millions  of  dollars  ;  and  every  state  had 
a  large  demand  on  the  general  government  for  services  ren- 
dered for  the  common  defence,  amounting,  in  all,  to  twenty- 
five  millions  of  dollars  more.i  Each  state,  likewise,  was 
burdened  with  private  debts  for  expenses  incurred  for  its  own 
protection  ;  and  the  debt  of  Massachusetts,  on  this  account, 
was  nearly  five  millions  of  dollars,  without  taking  into  the 
estimate  its  liability  to  pay  the  demands  of  those  who  held  the 
paper  money  emitted  during  the  war.  The  available  resources 
of  the  state  were  inadequate  to  discharge  this  debt ;  and  for 
several  years  the  interest  had  not  been  paid.  Hence  notes 
were  issued  to  creditors,  which  were  sold  at  a  ruinous  discount 
by  those  whose  necessities  required  the  sacrifice.^ 

To  remedy  these  difficulties,  and  at  the  same  time  to  revive 
public  confidence,  the  General  Congress,  in  the  sessions  of  1790, 
at  the  instance  of  Hamilton,  the  secretary  of  the  treasury,  who  Aug.  4. 
had  made  a  report  on  the  subject,  agreed  to  assume  nearly 
twenty-two  millions  of  dollars  of  the  debts  of  the  states,  which 
were  considered  to  be  properly  chargeable  to  the  government ; 
and  this  sum  was  apportioned  among  the  states  according  to 
the  expenses  which  each  had  incurred  —  four  millions  of  dol- 
lars of  the  debt  of  Massachusetts  being  thus  assumed.^    With 


'  The  national  debt,  in  1790,  was  and  Expenditures  of  the  U.  S.,  2d 
$54,000,000,  exclusive  of  the  state  ed.,  Philad.,  1801. 
debts,  wliieh  had  not  then  been  as-  ^  Bradford,  iii.  18,  19.  An  act  for 
sumed  —  an  increase  of  $12,000,000  bringing  to  a  speedy  settlement  all 
in  about  seven  years,  principallj'  owing  accounts  subsisting  between  towns, 
to  the  failure  to  pay  the  interest  which  and  such  ])ersons  as  may  have  ])een 
had  accrued.  Of  this  sum,  nearly  emj)loye(l  I)y  them  in  enlisting  and 
$12,000,000  were  due  to  foreign  pow-  pacing  soldiers  and  furnishing  sup- 
ers,—  to  the  court  of  France,  and  to  plies  for  the  late  continental  army,  was 
private  lenders  in  Holland,  with  a  passed  February  13,  1789,  in  order  to 
small  sum  to  Spain ;  and  to  this  debt  ascertain  the  state  of  public  afl'airs. 
a  preference  was  given,  to  sustain  the  Mass.  Laws  for  1788-9,  chap.  liv. 
national  credit.  Comp.  Gallatin's  ^  On  the  national  debt,  see  Jour- 
Views  of  the  Public  Debt,  lieceipts,  nals  Senate  and  House  of  Reps. ;  Hist. 


318  EESUMPTION   OF   THE   STATE    DEBTS. 

CHAP,  this  arrangement,  however,  the  people  were  not  fully  satisfied  ; 

^3^^  and  the  General  Court,  at  a  subsequent  date,  prayed  the  fed- 

1791.    eral  government  to  assume  the  residue  of  the  debt  of  the 

commonwealth  of  a  similar  character ;  but  this  was  not  imme- 

Nov.  1.  diately  done,  though  commissioners  were  appointed  to  consider 
the  subject,  and  report  at  a  future  time.     When  this  report 

FeW  ^^^  made,  it  was  found  that  six  out  of  the  thirteen  states  had 
advanced  more  than  their  just  proportion  of  the  current  ex- 
penses of  the  war,  and  seven  less.  The  largest  balance  is  said 
to  have  been  in  favor  of  South  Carolina ;  and  as  Massachu- 
1794.  setts  stood  next,  after  the  lapse  of  nearly  two  years,  a  million 
and  a  quarter  of  dollars,  in  addition  to  the  former  sum,  was 
credited  to  the  state  —  making,  in  all,  between  five  and  six 
millions  assumed  by  the  general  government.  It  would  ap- 
pear, therefore,  in  fact,  that  Massachusetts,  which  had  expend- 
ed, in  all,  eighteen  millions  of  dollars,  bore  the  expenses  of 
the  war  of  the  revolution  to  the  large  amount  of  eleven  and  a 
half  millions  more  than  was  reimbursed,^  though  her  debt  was 
actually  but  five  millions,  the  rest  having  been  paid  by  almost 
incredible  exertions  and  sacrifices  during  the  war  and  after 
its  close.^ 


Cong.,  chap.  iii.,iv.,  and  vii. ;  Sparks's  000,  $2,000,000  had  been  advanced 

Wasliington,  x.  98;  Pitkin's  U.  S.,  ii.  by  Congress  during  the  war;  and  as 

3o7-;i4o,'  53S  ;  Tucker's  Life  of  Jef-  $o,250,000  Avere  afterwards  assumed, 

ferson,  i.  324-332  ;  Hildreth's  U.  S.,  the  balance   un])aid,   and   for   which 

2d  series,  i.   102-174,  206-216,  323,  the  state  was  solely  responsible,  was 

392,  493;  Bradford,  iii.   19,  20,  and  $11,750,000. 

Hist.  Fed.  Gov't,  32,  70.  Theodore  *  A  portion  of  this  money  was  raised 
Sedgwick,  EForidge  Gerry,  and  Fisher  by  an  excise  on  various  articles  of 
Ames,  three  of  the  rej)resentatives  consumption,  —  chieH}'  such  as  were 
from  Massachusetts,  took  jjart  in  the  considered  as  luxmies  ;  but  as  the  fed- 
debate  on  the  assumption  of  the  state  eral  government  took  this  matter  in 
debts  ;  and  the  principal  opposition  hand,  and  adopted  a  geneiixl  system 
to  this  measure  is  said  to  have  come  of  excise  for  the  country,  Massa- 
from  those  states  which  had  expended  chusetts  was  deprived  of  the  benefits 
the  least  during  the  war.  Jefierson  of  her  own  system,  and  was  obliged 
was  likewise  ojiposed  to  this  measure,  in  some  other  manner  to  provide  for 
and,  indeed,  to  nearly  all  the  other  the  jjayment  of  her  debt.  For  the 
measures  of  which  Hamilton  was  in  discussions  in  Co/igress  on  the  tariff, 
favor.  see  Journals  Senate  and  House  of 
'  Ofthis  disbursement  of  $18,000,-  Keps.  j  Hist.   Cong.,  chap.  iii.  j  Aus- 


INTERNAL   IMPROVEMENTS.  319 

The  assumption,  however,  of  a  portion  of  the  debt  of  the  chap. 
state  did  not  entirely  relieve  the  people ;  and  the  burdens  .^^^ 
which  remained  were,  among  some  classes,  a  cause  of  loud  and  1790 
frequent  complaint.  The  credit  of  the  general  government,  1792. 
principally  from  its  position  and  its  conceived  eflfectiveness,  of 
course  exceeded  the  credit  of  the  state  governments.  The 
former  had  matured  a  system  of  finance,  while  the  latter  had 
not.  Hence  the  paper  of  Massachusetts  was  offered  in  the 
market  at  depreciated  rates ;  and  such  was  the  distrust,  real 
or  professed,  of  the  ability  of  the  government  to  meet  its  de- 
mands, that  few  calculated  with  certainty  upon  the  payment 
of  the  interest,  much  less  the  principal,  of  the  sums  for  which 
it  was  indebted  at  any  fixed  time.  An  expectation  was, 
indeed,  cherished  of  obtaining  large  sums  from  the  sale  of  the 
wild  lands  in  the  Province  of  Maine; 'but,  as  the  value  of 
these  lands  was  merely  nominal,  and  the  expense  of  their  sur- 
vey was  great,  little  was  realized  from  this  source.  The 
lottery  system  had  also  its  advocates  ;  but  Governor  Hancock, 
who  was  opposed  on  principle  to  this  mode  of  raising  money, 
had  the  wisdom  and  firmness  to  discourage  the  speculation, 
and  the  General  Court  soon  became  satisfied  of  its  impolicy 
and  folly. ^ 

Public  embarrassments,  however,  did  not  wholly  check  pri- 
vate enterprise ;  and  a  system  of  internal  improvements  was    1792. 
commenced  in  Massachusetts,  which  spread  in  a  short  time 
over  the  whole  state.     Several  turnpikes  were  projected,  and 
some  were  completed  with  despatch.^     The  public  roads  were 


tin's  Life  of  Gerry,  ii. :  Ilildreth's  U.  1788,  chap.  xvii.     So  late  as   1794, 

S.,  2d  series,  i.  65-91,  96-101.    Mad-  the  debt  of  the  state  was  not   fully 

ison  introduced  this  sulyect ;  and  in  cancelled ;  and  an  act  was  ])assed  at 

the    debate    which    ensued    I'^lbridge  that  date  for  its  liquidation.     Mass. 

Gerry,      Benjamin     Goodhue,      and  Laws  for  1793-4,  chap.  xxix. 
Fisher   Ames    actively    participated.         -  Laws  of  Mass.    ii.     Li   1796-7, 

Lloyd's  Con<rressional  Debates.    For  additional  acts  were  passed  for  est<ib- 

theMass.   Excise  law,  see  Laws  of  lishini^  turnpike  corporations,  known 

Mass.  for  1790,  chaps,  xiv.  and  xv.  as  the  First,  Second,  and  Third  Mas- 

'  Bradford,  iii.  25.     Comp.  Mass.  sachusetts  Turnpikes,  which  were  lo- 

Laws   for    1786,  chap,   xl,  and   for  cated  in  difl'erent  pails  of  the  state. 


320 


INTERNAL    IMPROVEMENTS. 


CHAP,  repaired  at  the  expense  of  the  towns.^     And  a  canal  was  pro- 
^_3^^  jected  from  Boston  to  the  Connecticut  River,  and  even  to  the 
1792.    Hudson.    General  Cobb  and  General  Knox  were  the  principal 
'  advocates  of  this  measure  ;    but  as  the  enterprise,  from  its 
magnitude,  was  not  duly  appreciated,  there  was  little  disposi- 
tion to  engage  in  it  with  effect.^     Shortly  after,  however,  the 
Jun^22  Middlesex  Canal  was  projected  and  constructed,  chiefly  through 
the  influence  of  James  Sullivan,  Loammi  Baldwin,  and  the 
Hon.  James  Winthrop.^      The  proposal   for  a  canal   across 


'  Bradford,  iii.  34.  An  act,  pro- 
viding "  for  the  erecting  guide  posts 
upon  public  roads,"  was  passed  Feb- 
ruary 28,  1795;  and  Februaiy  28, 
1797,  an  act  Avas  passed  in  addition  to 
the  several  acts  then  in  force  respect- 
ing highways.  Mass.  LaAvs  for  1794 
-5,  chap.  Ixii.,  and  for  1797,  chap. 
Ivi.  On  the  condition  of  roads  gen- 
erally in  the  U.  S.,  in  1796,  see  Am. 
Annual  Reg.  for  1796,  34-40. 

^  Mass.  Laws  for  1792,  chap.  hii.  ; 
Hildreth's  U.  S.,  2d  series,  i.  635  ; 
Bradford,  iii.  34.  A  short  canal,  a 
mile  and  a  quarter  in  length,  was  dug 
between  Newburyport  and  Hampton, 
N.  H.,  in  1791.  Coffin's  Newbury, 
265.  Several  acts  were  also  passed, 
incorporating  comi)anies  to  open  ca- 
nals and  build  bridges,  fi-om  1791  to 
1796.  Mass.  Laws  for  1791,  chaps, 
vii.,  xxi.,  xxx-si.,  Ixi.,  Ixiii.,  and  for 

1792,  chaps,  xxii.,  xxxv.,  liii.,  Ix.,  Ixiv., 
Ixxi.,  Ixxxviii. ;   Mass.  Mag.  for  Feb. 

1793,  125.  The  canals  referred  to 
were  from  the  head  of  New  Meadow 
River  to  Merry  Meeting  Bay,  in 
Maine,  and  the  bridges  were  over 
the  Merrimac,  between  Chelmsford 
and  Dracut,  Andover  and  Methuen, 
Haverhill  and  Bradford,  and  in  the 
county  of  Essex ;  over  the  Connecti- 
cut, between  Montague  and  Green- 
field ;  over  Charles  River,  from  West 
Boston  to  Cambridge ;  across  New 
Meadow  River;  and  over  Miller's 
River,  in  Hampshire  county.  In  1796, 
an  act  was  likewise  passed  for  "  giving 
a  new  appellation  to  a  corporation  in- 
stituted A.  D.  1795,  for  bruiging  Iresh 


■water  into  Boston  by  subterranean 
pipes ;  "  and  an  act  was  passed,  Feb- 
ruary 15,  1797,  incorporating  Joshua 
Thomas,  Esq.,  and  others,  for  con- 
veying fresh  water  by  pipes  into  the 
town  of  Plymouth.  Mass.  Laws  for 
1796-7,  chaps,  i.  and  xlii.  For  fur- 
ther remarks  on  canals  in  the  U.  S., 
see  the  Am.  Annual  Reg.  for  1796, 
24-34 ;  and  for  a  list  of  canals  in 
France,  in  1811,  see  Niles's  Weekly 
Register,  i.  98. 

^  MS.  Records  of  the  Corp.  in 
the  possession  of  T.  C.  Amory,  Jun., 
Esq. ;  Mass.  Laws  for  1793,  chap. 
xxi. ;  Bradford,  iii.  35.  The  first 
meeting  of  the  company  was  held 
May  9,  1793,  and  the  act  of  incorpo- 
ration was  passed  June  22.  Addi- 
tional acts  were  passed  in  1794,  1798, 
1799,  1802,  1812,  1814.  Mr.  John 
L.  Sullivan,  of  Boston,  a  son  of  Gov- 
ernor Sullivan,  yet  living  in  New  York, 
was  early  interested  in  steam  naviga- 
tion, and,  being  employed  by  a  "  re- 
spectable incorporation  to  manage 
and  finish  their  canal  and  construct 
others,"  he  turned  his  attention  to  the 
invention  of  a  steam  tow  boat,  to  be 
used  on  these  canals,  and  so  far  "  de- 
monstrated the  practicability  of  em- 
ploying steamboats  thereon,"  that  he 
memorialized  the  legislature  of  Massa- 
chusetts, in  1814,  for  the  formation  of 
a  comjjany  to  navigate  the  Connecti- 
cut, having  already  a  boat  in  operation 
on  the  Merrimac.  Comjo.  Mass.  Laws 
for  June,  1811,  chap,  xxiii. ;  and  see 
his  Answer  to  Colden,  Troy,  1823. 
On  the  subject  of  steam  uangation, 


REVISION   OP  THE   LAWS.  321 

Cape  Cod,  to  unite  the  waters  of  Buzzard's  Bay,  on  the  south-  chap. 
west,  and  of  Barnstable  Bay,  on  the  nortli-east,  was  of  an  Z^^ 
earlier  date ;  and  a  committee  was  appointed,  by  tlie  author-    1791. 
ity  of  the  General  Court,  to  survey  the  grounds  and  ascertain 
the  practicability  of  the  work;   but,  though  they  reported 
favorably,  the  plan  was  not  prosecuted,  as  several  intelligent 
men  had  doubts  of  its  utility,  particularly  at  the  season  of  the 
year  when  such  a  passage  would  be  most  needed  ;  and  the 
state  was  not  in  a  condition  to  engage  in  so  expensive  a 
work.^ 

The  revision  of  the  laws  of  the  state  was  a  matter  of 
primary  importance ;  and,  mainly  through  the  influence  of 
Governor  Hancock,  tlie  criminal  law  was  ameliorated  —  con-  J'^^K 

Feb.  13. 

finement  to  hard  labor  being  substituted,  in  some  cases,  for 
disgraceful  punishments  in  public-  An  experiment  of  this 
kind  was  made  on  Castle  Island,  in  the  harbor  of  Boston ; 
and  the  state  prison  at  Charlcstown  was  built  a  few  years  1802. 
after.3  A  change  was  likewise  made  in  the  law  for  the  due  1792. 
observance  of  the  Sabbath,  though  substantially  but  a  reenact- 
ment  of  former  laws,  which  had  been  in  force  from  the  settle- 
ment  of  the  country.     The  provisions,  however,  were  less 


comp. Doc. Hist.  jST. Y. ii.  1011-1102;  a  more  salutary  as  well  as  a  morehu- 

Fairtax's      Memorial,     Washington,  mane  pmiishment.    He  also  expressed 

1816;  and  Niles's  Reg.  iii.  Add.,  and  the  opinion  that  capifcil  ])unishments 

V.  Add.    The  idea  of  steam  navigation  should  be  Icav.     Bradl'ord,  iii.  37. 
was  certainly  suggested  in  the  United         ^  Bradford,  iii.  37,  85.     The  first 

States  as  early  as  1788.  appro])riations  for  this  purpose  were 

'  Bradford,  iii.  33.  This  project  $100,000,  for  the  purchase  of  lands 
was  rcAaved  in  1818,  and  a  route  was  and  the  erection  of  buildings.  The 
surveyed  by  Loammi  Baldwin,  at  the  valuable  labors  of  the  Prison  Disci- 
expense  of  Israel  Thorndike.  Thomas  pHne  Society  should  not  be  forgotten 
H.  Perkins,  and  other  gentlemen  of  in  this  connection ;  and  its  able  re- 
Boston  ;  but  no  canal  was  dug.  -N.  ports  embod}-  a  mass  of  facts  relative 
Am.  Review  for  Jan.  1827,  13.  to  the  treatment  of  criminals  of  the 

-  Laws  of  Mass.  for  1788-9,  chap,  highest  imjjortance  to  the  public  wcl- 

liii.    Governor  Hancock,  in  his  speech  fare.      This  society  was  organized  in 

to  the  legislature,  in  January,   1792-  Boston,  June  30,  1825,  and  is  now, 

condemned  public  whi]jping  and  crop-  consequently,  in  the  32d  year  of  its 

i)ing  for  theft,  which  were  still  prac-  age ;   and   it   has   embraced,    among 

ti'  ed  in  the  state,  and  recommended  its  members,  many  distinguished  citi- 

confinement  to  hard  labor  as  probably  zens  and  true-hearted  philanthropists. 

VOL.  in.  21 


322  EDUCATIONAL   LAWS. 

CHAP,  severe  in  prohibiting  all  kinds  of  secular  employment ;   but 
^^^^'   travelling  on  business  was  forbidden,  as  well  as  all  traffic,  and 

1792.  keeping  open  of  shops  and  stores  ;  and  public  recreations  were 
prohibited  under  a  pecuniary  mulct.  But  the  law  was  fre- 
quently disregarded  ;  and  then,  as  previously,  it  was  found 
difficult  to  enforce,  by  penal  enactments,  a  strict  observance 
of  the  Sabbath  or  a  regular  attendance  on  public  worship.^ 

The  laws  for  promoting  public   education  were  attended 
Jun.  25.  with  more  favorable  results ;  and  recommendations  were  made 
jln^e    ^y  *'^^^  governor  for  the  appropriation  of  lands  in  the  District 
of  Maine,  for  the  support  of  schools  and  of  the  gospel  minis- 
try in  that  part  of  the  state,  and  for  a  grant  to  Harvard  Col- 
lege, whose   funds  were   inadequate   for   the   support  of  its 
1791    instructors.^    The  establishment  of  academies,  also,  dates  from 

to  '  ' 

1793.  this  period  ;  and  a  number  of  these  seminaries  were  incorpo- 
1789.    rated  by  the  legislature.^    By  the  law  of  1789,  all  towns  in 

the  state  having  two  hundred  families  were  required  to  sup- 
port a  grammar  school,  agreeably  to  former  usage,  and,  in 
addition,  were  ordered  to  employ  for  instructors  of  youth 
those  who  had  been  educated  at  some  college,  and  were  able 
to  teach  the  Greek  and  Latin  languages.  In  towns  where  the 
inhabitants  were  less,  it  was  required  that  such  as  were  quali- 
fied to  teach  the  English  language  correctly  should  be  engaged 


'  Mass.  Laws  for  1792,  chap.  haii. ;  ton,  Marblehead,  Hallowel],'Westfield, 

Bradford,  iii.   38.     In   1796,  and  in  Groton,  Portland,  &:c.     It  was  at  first 

1800,  other  laws  were  passed  on  the  ai)prehended  that  the  estabhshnient 

subject  of  public  worship,  and  for  the  of  these  academies  would  be  unfavor- 

maintenance  of  teachers   of  religion  able  to  the  support  of  the  gi-ammar 

and  morality;  and,  in  1811,  fvnther  schools,  as  the  towns  in  their  vicinity 

changes  were  made.     Laws  of  Mass.  woidd  avail  themselves  of  the  advan- 

for  1796,  1800,  and  1811;  Bradibrd,  tages  aiforded  by  such  seminaiies  for 

iii.  72-76.  a  "classical  education,  to  the  neglect 

'^  Bradford,  iii.  29.  of  the  humbler  temples  of  learning ; 

•'*  Mass.  Laws  for  1791,  1792,  and  but  the  evil  was  remedied  by  sub- 
1793;  Bradford,  iii.  47  ;  Mass.  Mag.  sequent  legislation,  though  it  has 
for  1792;  W.  Barry's  Hist.  Framing-  never  been  wholly  removed.  Wil- 
ham,  79 ;  J.  S.  Barry's  Hist.  Hano-  Hams  College,  in  the  county  of  Berk- 
over,  93 ;  Brooks's  Hist.  Medford,  shire,  was  incorporated  in  1793. 
291.  Academies  were  incorporated  Mass.  Laws  for  1793,  chap.  xv. 
in  Berwick,  Fryeburg,  Machias,  Taun- 


ESTABLISHMENT   OP   SUNDAY  SCHOOLS.  323 

in  the  business  of  education.'     By  a  "  traditionary  blindness,"  chap. 
as  has  been  "charitably  assumed,"  "  our  early  fathers  did  not  J,^^ 
see  that  females  required   and   deserved  instruction   equally    1789. 
with  males  ; "  hence  the  "  first  provisions  for  primary  schools 
•were  confined  chiefly  to  boys."     But  light  soon  broke  in,  and 
girls  were  "  allowed  to  attend  the  public  schools  two  hours 
per  day."     With   this  point  gained,  the  revolution  in  public 
opinion  was  rapid  and  encouraging  ;  and,  before  the  close  of 
the  eighteenth  century,  in  nearly  every  town  provision  was 
made  for  the  education  of  girls,  especially  in  the  summer.''* 

The  first  Sunday  school  in  America  seems  also  to  have    1790. 
originated  about  this  period  in  Philadelphia ;   but  so  little    and 
were  the  advantages  of  such  schools  appreciated  or  understood,  March, 
that  it  was  said  to  be  a  "  pity"  the  benevolence  of  their  found- 
ers "  did  not  extend  so  far  as  to  afford  them  tuition  071  days 
when  it  is  Imvful  to  follow  such  pursuits,  and  not  thereby  lay  a 
foundation  for  the  profanation  of  the  Sabbath."  ^     The  precise 
period  when  Sunday  schools  were  established  in  Massachusetts 


'  Mass.  Laws  for  1789,  chap.  xix. ;  another  change  was  made,  and  girls 

Bradford,  ii.  339,  340.     Further  at-  Avere  allowed,  equally  with   boys,  to 

tention  was  paid  to  the  subject  of  attend   the   jjublic   schools,   both   in 

education   under   the   administration  winter  and  summer, 
of  Governor  Strong,  and  a  more  effi-         ^  MS.  Commmilcation  of  Lewis  G. 

cient  system  of  instruction  was   in-  Pray;  Newburyjiort  Herald,  for  Jan. 

troduced.  12,1791;  Mass.  Mag.  for  Ma}-,  1 793 ; 

2  Brooks's  Hist,  of  Medford,  281 ;  Coffin's  Newbury,  265.  The  cele- 
Coffin's  Hist.  Newbury,  265  ;  Felt's  brated  ^latthew  fcarey  was  interested 
Ipswich,  90.  In  Boston,  girls  are  said  in  the  estabhshmcnt  of  this  school, 
nottohaveattended  the  pul)lic  schools  Avith  Bishop  "White  and  Benjamin 
for  some  years  before  and  after  the  liush ;  and  in  his  Am.  Museum  for 
revolution;  but  in  1790,  a  reform  was  1788,  iv.  32,  note,  Mr.  Carey  ex- 
introduced,  througli  the  instrumen-  pressed  his  regret  that  "  no  Sunday 
tality  of  Caleb  Bingliam,  a  native  of  schools  have  yet  been  established 
Salisbury,  Ct.,  and  one  of  the  earliest  here."  I  have  been  informed,  how- 
graduates  of  Dartmoutli  College,  after  ever,  by  Mr.  Lewis  G.  Pray,  that  a 
its  removal  to  Hanover.  The  basis  Sunday  school  was  established  in 
of  this  reform  was  tlie  admission  of  Epln-ata,  Lancaster  coimty.  Pa.,  as 
girls  to  the  free  sciiools  during  the  early  as  the  middle  of  the  last  cen- 
warmer  months,  or  from  April  to  Oc-  tury,  by  Ludwig  Thacker.  In  1783, 
tober,  and  this  jjlan  was  carried  into  also,  Bishop  Asbm-y  is  said  to  have 
effect  for  about  thirty  years,  when,  in  estai)lished  a  Sunday  school  in.  Han- 
1820,  or  very  soon  after,  through  the  over,  Va. 
exertions  of  Mr.  William  B.  Fowle, 


324 


SAMUEL   ADAMS   CHOSEN   GOVERNOR. 


1793. 
Oct.  8. 


CHAP,  is  not  settled  ;  but  there  were  several  in  existence  before  the 

J^  year  1820.» 

Upon  the  death  of  Governor  Hancock,  which  occurred  in 
the  fall  of  1793,  the  functions  of  the  chief  magistracy  de- 
volved upon  Samuel  Adams,  the  lieutenant  governor  of  the 
state,  then  in  the  seventy-third  year  of  his  age,  who  was  chosen 
governor  in  the  following  year  and  in  the  two  years  succeed- 
ing. The  character  of  Mr.  Adams  has  been  elsewhere  alluded 
to  ;  ^  and,  as  one  of  the  firmest  patriots  in  the  state,  he  was 
every  way  worthy  the  confidence  of  the  people.  For  fifty 
years,  "  his  pen,  his  tongue,  his  activity  were  constantly  exerted 


'  Before  the  year  1700,  it  was  cus- 
tomary, in  several,  if  not  all,  the 
cliurches  of  New  England,  to  cate- 
chise children,  male  and  female,  on 
Suntby,  at  the  close  of  the  morning 
service ;  and  this  custom  was  followed 
both  in  the  Plymouth  colony  and 
the  colony  of  the  Massachusetts  Bay. 
MS.  Communication  of  Lewis  G.  Pray; 
Ellis's  Hist.  Roxbury ;  Ilocords  of  the 
Plymouth  Church.  Subsequent  to 
tliis  date,  the  first  Sunday  school  in 
Boston  is  said  to  have  been  established 
in  /Vpril,  1791,  and  embraced  in  its 
objects  "  the  instruction  of  both  sexes, 
under  a  certain  age,  mIio  were  de- 
barred from  week-day  instruction  by 
condition  of  life,  habits  of  industry,  or 
other  circiuiistauces."  It  was  sup- 
jiorted  Ijy  a  liberal  subscription  of 
many  gentlemen,  but  how  long  it  was 
continued  is  not  known.  In  1797, 
a  Sunday  school  was  established  at 
Pawtuckct,  R.  I.,  under  the  auspices 
of  Samuel  Slater,  Esq.,  the  "  fatlier 
of  cotton  manul'actures  in  the  United 
States,"  in  connection  with  his  facto- 
ries, and  was  under  the  superintend- 
ence of  the  Rev.  ^Ir.  Collier,  af- 
terwards well  known  as  a  Baptist 
clergyman  of  Charlestown,  INIass., 
and  a  minister  to  the  poor  for  that 
denomination  in  the  city  of  Boston. 
In  1793,  an  article  a])peared  in  the 
Mass.  Mag.  for  March,  signed  "A.," 
advocating  Sunday  schools.     The  first 


movement  on  this  subject  in  Salem 
was  in  1807.  Felt's  Salem,  i.  495. 
In  the  foregoing  schools,  secular 
instruction  was  the  predominant, 
while  the  religious  element  was 
only  a  secondary  element.  The 
first  school  on  the  strictly  modern 
and  American  plan,  AvhoUy  devoted 
to  the  religious  instruction  of  the 
young,  is  said  to  have  been  established 
in  Beverly,  in  1810,  by  Miss  Prince 
and  Miss  Hill,  who  were  connected 
with  the  society  under  the  charge  of 
the  Rev.  Dr.  Abbott.  In  1812,  a 
school  was  established  hi  connection 
with  the  society  of  the  Rev.  Dr. 
Lowell,  in  Boston ;  and  in  1814, 
another  in  Cambridgeport,  in  the  so- 
ciety of  the  Rev.  Thomas  B.  Gannett. 
The  Salem  Street,  or  Christ  Church 
Sunday  school,  in  Boston,  Mas  estab- 
Hshed  in  1815,  and  was  conducted  on 
the  monitorial  plan,  by  the  late  Joseph 
W.  Ingraham,  Esq.  The  school  con- 
nected with  the  society  of  the  Rev. 
Dr.  Sharp  was  established  in  1816, 
and,  in  the  same  year,  the  "  Society 
for  the  Moral  and  Relig-ious  Instruction 
of  the  Poor  "  Mas  estabhshed  in  Bos- 
ton, under  M'hose  auspices  Sunday 
schools  M'ere  organized  and  brought 
into  "eneral  favor  amonuf  the  Ortlio- 
dox  churches  in  that  city,  and  through- 
out New  England.  MS.  Communi- 
cation of  Lewis  G.  Pi'av. 
^  Vol.  i.  259. 


CHARACTER   OF    SAMUEL   ADAMS.  325 

for  his  country,  without  fee  or  reward."  Some  have  called  chap. 
him  "  the  first  in  the  resolute  band  of  patriots  who  contem-  2.^^ 
plated  and  effected  the  independence  of  the  United  States."  1793. 
But  whether  this  honor  is  conceded  to  him  or  not,  —  as  it  is 
difficult  to  say  certainly  who  first  advanced  this  idea,  —  cer- 
tain it  is  that  he  was  one  of  the  most  active  of  that  band,  and 
that  he  contributed  materially  to  the  success  of  the  revolution. 
"  James  Otis,  Samuel  Adams,  and  John  Hancock,"  says  one 
who  knew  them  well,  and  who  was  himself  not  lacking  in 
devotion  to  liberty,  ^  "  were  the  three  most  essential  charac- 
ters ;  and  Great  Britain  knew  it,  though  America  does  not. 
Great,  and  important,  and  excellent  characters,  aroused  and 
excited  by  these,  arose  in  Pennsylvania,  Virginia,  Xew  York, 
South  Carolina,  and  in  all  the  other  states ;  but  these  three 
were  the  first  movers  —  the  most  constant,  steady,  persevering 
springs,  agents,  and  most  disinterested  sufferers  and  firmest 
pillars  of  the  whole  revolution."  "  Without  the  character  of 
Samuel  Adams,"  he  adds,  "  the  true  history  of  the  American 
revolution  can  never  be  written." 

The  man  of  whom  such  things  could  be  said  deserved  well 
of  his  country  ;  and  though  the  "  ingratitude  of  republics  "  has 
been  a  theme  of  frequent  and  bitter  complaint,  in  this  instance, 
at  least,  the  charge  was  not  justified,  for  the  public  was  not 
ungrateful  to  its  servant.  Mr.  Adams,  it  is  true,  was  known 
as  a  democrat ;  and  democracy,  with  many,  then  as  since,  was 
a  term  of  reproach.  He  was  not,  at  first,  an  ardent  admirer 
of  the  federal  constitution,  being  one  of  the  stanchest  advo- 
cates of  state  rights  ;  and  he  had  joined  with  Governor  Han- 
cock, in  the  Massachusetts  convention,  in  the  proposition  for 


^  John  Adams,  Corresp.  in  Works,  all  others,  for  inexorable  veng-eance, 

X.  263.     "  He  was  born  and  tempered  the  two  men  most  to  be  dreaded  by 

a  wedge  of  steel,  to  sjilit  the  knot  of  them  —  Samuel    Adams    and   Johii 

Ztg"««wi  vZ/fp  wliich  tied  North  Amcr-  Hancock;  and  had  not  James    Otis 

ica  to  Great  Britain.     Blunderheaded  been  dead,  or  worse  than  dead,  his 

as  were  the  British  ministry,  they  had  name  would  have  been  at  the  head 

sagacity  enough  to  discriminate  from  of  the  TRIUMVIRATE." 


326  FRENCH   REVOLUTION. 

CHAP,  amendments  to  the  constitution,  to  prevent  the  national  gov- 
^^^^.^^  ernment  from  assuming  undelegated  powers.^  Yet,  on  taking 
1790.  the  oath  of  lieutenant  governor,  he  did  not  hesitate  to  declare 
his  fealtj  to  the  laws  of  tlie  land.  "  I  shall  be  called  upon," 
said  he,  "  to  make  a  declaration  —  and  I  shall  do  it  most 
clieerfully  —  that  the  Commonwealth  of  Massachusetts  is,  and 
of  right  ought  to  be,  a  free,  sovereign,  and  independent  state. 
I  shall  be  called  upon  to  make  another  declaration  with  the 
same  solemnity  —  to  support  the  constitution  of  the  United 
States.  I  see  no  inconsistency  in  this  ;  for  it  must  be  intended 
that  tlicse  constitutions  should  mutually  aid  and  support  each 
other."  2 

1789-93.  Previous  to  the  commencement  of  the  administration  of  Mr. 
Adams,  the  French  revolution,  whose  progress  was  watched 
with  the  deepest  interest,  and  which  was  "  constant  in  nothing 
but  its  vicissitudes  and  its  promises,"  ^  burst  forth  in  Europe, 
and  soon  reached  a  crisis  which  threatened  the  peace  of  the 
civilized  world.  In  the  earliest  period  of  this  revolution,  the 
citizens  of  Massachusetts,  and  of  the  United  States  generally, 
notwitlistanding  there  were  sturdy  doubters  and  sceptics,  were 
in  favor  of  the  social  and  political  reform  which  it  was  ex- 
pected would  take  place  in  that  country ;  and  even  in  England 
there  was  a  large  and  respectable  class  which  entertained 
similar  views.  Hence,  in  Massachusetts,  as  well  as  in  other 
states,  public  festivities  were  held,  in  which  all  classes  united 
"  to  manifest  their  joy  for  a  regenerated  nation  which  had  long 
,„„„    been  governed  with  despotic  sway,"     At  some  of  these  meet- 

Jan.  24.  it^gg^  kidicrous  scenes  occurred  ;  and  the  behavior  of  the  clergy, 
and  even  of  "  potent  and  honorable  senators,"  in  more  than 
one  instance,  was  difficult  to  be  reconciled  to  that  dignity  of 

'  N.  Am.  Re-view  for   Oct.   1827,  sir,  is  mv  misfortune,  not  mv  fault." 
274 ;  Bradford,  iii.  28 ;  Debates  in  the         ^  Bradford,  iii.  29,  46. 
Mass.    Convention,    162.     "  I    have         ^  Ames's  Eulogy  on  Washington, 

had  my  doubts  of  the  constitution.     I  Comp.  also   his  speech  on  the  British 

could  not  digest  every  part  of  it  as  treaty  of  1794,  in  Works,  71. 
readily  as  some  gentlemen.   But  this, 


FRENCH   REVOLUTION.  327 

deportment  which   was   becoming   their   station.^     "  Citizen  chap. 
Cuif  "  and  "  Citizen  Cato"  were  familiar  appellatives  given  to  J^^^ 
servants  ;  and  they,  in  their  turn,  retorted  the  compliment  by    1793. 
addressing  executive  officers  as  "  Citizen  A,"  or  "  Citi/.eu  B." 
But  the  height  to  which  this  extravagance  was  carried  wrought 
its  cure  ;  and  those  who 

"  Thi-ew  theii-  cajjs 
As  they  would  hang  them  ou  the  homs  o'  the  moon, 
Shouting  their  emulation," 

were  among  the  first  to  repent  their  folly  .^ 

The  evils,  however,  which  sprang  from  this  source,  were  far 
less  serious  than  others  which  followed.  The  conduct  of  the 
French  minister,  "  Citizen   Genet,"  in  his  demands  u[)on  the 

May 

government,  and  his  attempts  to  exercise  within  tlic  national  to 
jurisdiction  powers  which  were  at  once  both  improper  and 
mischievous,  was  opposed  Ijy  the  prudence  and  wisdom  of 
"Washington,  who  had  recently  entered  u|)on  his  second  presi- 
dential term,^  and  who  foresaw  the  consecpiences  which  must 
inevitably  ensue  should  the  nation  be  swerved  from  the  neu- 


'  The  celebration  referred  to  in  the  also  marshalled  in  State  Street,  on 
text  was  in  honor  of  the  repulse  of  the  occasion ;  and  to  each  child  was 
the  Duke  of  Brunswick,  and  of  Du-  given  a  cake,  stami)ed  with  the  words 
roourier's  temporary  conquest  of  the  "  Lilierty  and  Equality."  A  sui)scrii>- 
Austrian  Netherlands.  An  ox,  roasted  tion  was  like\dse  raised  to  liberate 
whole,  and  covered  with  decorations,  ])risoners  coniined  for  debt.  And,  in 
with  the  Hags  of  France  and  of  the  the  evening,  balloons  ascended,  lion- 
United  States  displaced  irom  its  fires  blazecl,  and  the  State  House  and 
horns,  was  elevated  on  a  car,  drawn  other  buildings  were  splendidly  illu- 
by  sixteen  horses,  and  paraded  through  minuted,  llildreth's  U.  S.,  2d  series, 
the    streets,  followed    by   four  carts,  i.  412. 

tkawn    by    twenty-four    horses,    and  -  Com]).  Marshall's  Washington,  v. 

contaimng  sixteen  hundred  loaves  of  423,  and  Bradford,  iii.  44,  note, 

bread  and  two  hogshe^ids  of  jjunch.  ^  His    second    term    commenced 

While  these  viands  were  distributed  March  4,  179.'i ;  and,  at  this,  as  at  the 

among  a;i  immense  crowd  collected  in  former  election,  he  received  the  unan- 

State  Street,  a  select  party,  of  three  imous  vote  of  the  electors.     Mr.  Ad- 

hundi-ed  persons,  sat  down  in  Faneuil  ams  received  77  out  of  132  votes  cast 

Hall,  to  a  civic  feast,  over  which  Lieu-  lor  vice  i)resident  —  the   rest  being 

tenant    Governor    Adams    presided,  divided    between    Clinton,    Jefierson, 

assisted  by  the  French  consul.     The  and  Aaron  Buit. 
■  children  from   all   the  schools  were 


328  CONDUCT    OF   GENET. 

CHAP,  tral  position  which  it  was  its  policy  to  maintain.^  Genet, 
J[^^  whose  secret  instructions  were  in  danger  of  being  thwarted,^ 
1793.  resented  this  conduct  of  Washington,  and  appealed  to  the 
people  in  behalf  of  "  republican  France,"  in  whose  freedom 
America  had  an  interest ;  and,  influenced  by  their  attachment 
to  the  principles  of  liberty,  many  were  inclined  to  sustain  him 
in  this  appeal.  But  the  zeal  for  "  equality/'  thus  professed, 
was  carried  to  an  excess  closely  bordering  upon  licentious- 
ness ;  and  the  publications,  in  particular,  in  Freneau's  and 
Bache's  papers,  reflecting  upon  the  conduct  of  Washington, 
were  "outrages  upon  common  decency." ^  Dissensions  in  the 
cabinet  likewise  arose,  and  were  the  occasion  of  political  dis- 
putes and  resentments  which  disturbed  the  peace  of  the  nation 
for  years.  Then  was  it  that  "  democratic  societies "  were 
organized  ;  ^  and  then  was  it  that  Jefferson,  in  the  warmth  of 
his  zeal,  if  not  from  less  reputable  motives,  brought  against 
Washington  the  unjust  accusation  of  being  a  monarchist.^     It 


*  Washington's  proclamation  of  government,  and  the  officers  of  it,  are 
neutrality  was  issued  April  22,  1793.  to  be  the  constant  theme  for  news- 
.  Sparks's  Washington,  x.  535 ;  Aus-  paper  abuse,  —  and  this,  too,  without 
tin's  Life  of  Gerry,  ii.  167  ;  Pitkin's  condescenduig  to  investigate  the  mo- 
U.  S.,  ii.  358,  359;  Hildi'eth's  U.  S.,  tives  or  the  facts,  —  it  will  be  impos- 
2d  series,  i.  415.  "This  act  of  firm-  sible,  I  conceive,  for  any  man  hving 
ness,"  says  Fisher  Ames,  "  at  the  haz-  to  manage  the  helm,  or  keep  the 
ard  of  his  reputation  and  peace,  en-  machuie  together." 
titles  him  to  the  name  of  the  fii'st  of  *  On  these  societies,  see  Sparks's 
patriots.  Time  was  gained  for  the  Waslaington,  x.  454,  562 ;  Tucker's 
citizens  to  recover  their  \irtue  and  Life  of  Jefferson,  i.  488  et  seq. ;  Pit- 
good  sense ;  and  they  soon  recovered  kin's  U.  S.,  II.  387  ;  HUdreth's  U.  S., 
them.  The  crisis  was  passed,  and  2d  series,  I.  524  et  seq.  "Although 
America  was  saved."  Tucker,  Life  a  democrat  myself,"  wrote  Patrick 
of  Jefferson,  I.  422,442,  says  this  proc-  Hem-y  to  Henry  Lee,  June  27,  1795, 
lamation  was  not  cordially  received  by  "  I  Uke  not  the  late  Democratic  So- 
the  })eople,  and  their  discontents  were  cietles.  As  little  do  I  like  their  sup- 
soon  oijenly  manifested.  pression  by  law.     Silly   things  may 

^  For  these  instructions,  see  Am.  amuse  for  a  while,  but  in  a  little  time 

State  Papers,   I. ;  Pitkin's  U.  S.,   ii.  men  will  perceive  then-  delusions." 
360,  361.  a  Co,^^p  Hildreth's  U.  S.,  2d  series, 

^  AVashington  to  Henry  Lee,  July  i.  341-344.     "I  do  believe," he  aftcr- 

21,  1793,  in  Sjmrks's  Washington,  x.  wards  wrote,  "that  General  Washlng- 

359 ;  Marshall's  Washington,  v.  410  ton  had  not  a  firm  confidence  in  the 

et    seq.     See,    also,    Washington    to  durability  of  oiu'    government.     He 

Edmund  Randolph,  Aug.  26,  1792,  was  naturally  cUstrustful  of  men,  and 

■*    in  Sparks's  Washuigton,  X.  287.    "E"  inclined  to  gloomy  ajDprehensions ;  and 


CHARGES  AGAINST  WASHINGTON. 


329 


■was  on   this  occasion  that  tlie  illustrious  patriot  was  so  far  chap. 
moved  by  the  taunts  of  his  persecutors  as  to  become  excited,  JJ^ 
and  lose  his  self-command.     "  lie   had   never   but   once,"  he    1793. 
said,  "  repented  having  slipped  the  moment  of  resigning  his 
office  ;  and  that  was  every  moment  since."     l>ut  he  speedily 
recovered  his  accustomed  equanimity,  and  no  one  more  deeply 
than  himself  regretted  this  misstep.^     Th(;  difficulties  between 
Hamilton  and   Jefferson,  which   had  been   brewing  for  some 
time,  seemed  to  threaten  serious  consequences,  and  the  latter 
contemplated  resigning  his  scat  in  the  cabinet ;  but  he  was 
solicited  to  remain,  and  readily  agreed  to  postpone  his  resig- 
nation to  the  close  of  the  year,  in  spite  of  the  "  immense  diffi- 
culty "  of  his  equivocal  position.^ 


I  was  ever  persuaded  that  a  belief  that 
we  must  at  length  end  in  something 
lilie  a  British  constitution,  had  some 
weight  in  his  adojjtion  of  the  cere- 
monies of  levees,  birthdays,  pompous 
meetings  with  Congress,  and  other 
forms  of  the  same  character,  calcu- 
lated to  ])re])are  us  gradually  for  a 
change,  which  he  believed  possible, 
and  so  let  it  come  on  with  as  little 
shock  as  might  be  to  the  pubhc  mind. 
These  are  my  ojnnions  of  General 
Washington,  which  I  would  vouch 
at  the  judgment  seat  of  God,  having 
been  formed  on  an  acquaintance  of 
thirty  years."  Comp.  Tucker's  Life 
of  Jefferson,  i.  388  et  seq.,  ii.  349 ; 
Austin's  Life  of  Gerry,  ii.  62,  63. 
Yet  the  same  gentleman,  in  his  letter 
to  Van  liuren,  attempted  to  prove 
that  he  had  retained  Washington's 
confidence  to  the  last,  though  it  is 
evident  from  his  own  writings,  es- 
pecially his  Mazzei  letter,  that  he 
"  hated  hiui  with  as  much  energy  as 
he  did  all  the  other  distinguished  ied- 
eralists"  who  had  stood  in  the  way 
of  his  ])oliucal  advancement.  See 
further  Sparks's  Washington,  x.  432, 
433,  u61,  and  xi.  137-140;  Picker- 
ing's Keview,  24;  Tucker's  Life  of 
Jefferson,  i.  o  19-528;  ii.  2j.  "It 
must  be  admitted,"  says  the  latter. 


Life  of  Jefferson,  ii.  43,  "  that  if  Mr. 
Jefferson  experienced  the  most  viru- 
lent hatred  and  the  most  unfounded 
calumnies  of  his  adversaries,  he  was, 
occasionally,  not  lar  behind  them  in 
credulity  and  injustice,  and  that  he  did 
not  hesitate  to  attribute  to  them  pur- 
poses which  no  honest  mind  could 
form,  and  no  rational  mind  would  at- 
tenii)t."  For  a  note  on  ^lazzei,  see 
Tucker's  Life  of  Jefferson,  ii.  168,  169. 
He  was  an  Italian  gentleman,  of  good 
education,  who  came  to  America  a 
httle  before  the  revolution,  for  tlie 
ostensible  jun-pose  of  cultivating  the 
vine,  bringing  with  him  twelve  labor- 
ers, and  beginning  his  ex])eriment  at 
a  little  thrni  called  Colle,  in  Albe- 
marle, which  he  obtixined  from  Mr. 
Jefferson  by  ])urchase  or  loan.  At 
the  time  this  letter  was  written,  he 
had  left  the  United  States,  and  re- 
turned to  Euro])e. 

'  llildretii's  U.  S.,  2d  series,  i.  432. 
On  the  Langhorne  letter,  of  1797, 
which  seems  to  have  again  implicated 
Jefferson  in  an  attempt  to  defame 
Washington,  see  Sparks's  Washing- 
ton, xi.  218,  220,  227,  289,  292,  501 
ct  seq. ;  Hildreth's  U.  S.,  2d  series, 
ii.  122-124. 

'^  Si)arks's  Wa-<hington.  x.  306, 
307,  365,  390,  515-526;  Marshall's 


330  INSOLENCE   OF   GENET. 

CHAP.  The  conduct  of  Genet,  in  the  mean  time,  became  more 
^^^^"  insolent,  and  his  letters  to  Washington  were  conceived  in 
1793.  terms  of  great  disrespect.  Indeed,  so  far  did  his  violence 
extend,  and  so  far  was  he  deluded  by  the  flattery  of  his  fol- 
lowers with  the  hope  of  achieving  a  victory  over  the  presi- 
dent, that  he  had  fully  persuaded  himself  he  should  soon  be 
able  to  have  every  thing  his  own  way.  But  the  people  were 
not  idle  or  indiflferent  spectators  of  his  course.  Their  national 
pride  was  touched  ;  and  their  feelings  of  reverence  for  one 
who  had  served  them  so  long  and  so  faithfully  led  them,  at 
length,  to  side  with  the  government  in  silencing  the  noisy 
enthusiasm  of  the  demagogue.  His  recall  was,  therefore, 
insisted  upon ;  and  though  the  more  zealous  partisans  of 
France  labored,  in  the  newspapers  and  by  other  means,  to 
check  the  tide  of  public  sentiment,  and  defend  the  com'se  of 
the  humbled  minister,  their  efforts  were  unavailing.  Yet  the 
determination  which  was  expressed,  to  allow  no  foreign  inter- 
ference between  the  people  and  the  government,  was  coupled 
with  assurances  of  friendship  for  France  ;  nor  did  any  forget 
their  indebtedness  to  that  nation  for  its  valuable  aid  in  the  war 
of  the  revolution.! 


Washington,     v.    359 ;      Jefferson's  objects  of  severe  attack ;  and  Hamil- 

Works,   ii.    290  ;  iv.    492    et   seq.  ;  ton,  who  was  considered  as  the  author 

Tucker's  Life  of  Jefferson,  i.  333  et  of  these   schemes,   was  opposed   by 

seq. ;  ■  i.   363-369 ;  N.    Am.    ReA-iew  Jefferson  and   his  adlierents.     With 

for  Oct.  1S27  ;  Bradford's  Hist.  Fed.  John  Adams  Jefferson  was  apparently 

Gov't.    53-55;   Statesman's   Manual,  on  more  friendly  terms;  though  both 

i.  83 ;  Hildreth's  U.  S.,  2d  series,  i.  Adams   and  Hamilton  were,  in   his 

291  et  seq.,  357  et  seq.,  434,  453  ;  estimation,  leagued  in  a  conspnacy  to 

Pitkin's  U.  S.  ii.  353.     A  modification  overturn  the  repubhcan  institutions  of 

of  i^arties  had  taken   place  by  this  the  United  States,  and  to  substitute  a 

time  —  the  federalists  ha\ing  become  monarchy  and  an  aristocracy  in  their 

the  advocates  of  the  fuiancial  scheme  place  —  the   monarchy  being  princi- 

recommended  by  the  secretary  of  the  pally  patronized  by  Hamilton,  and  the 

treasm-y,  and  of  the  great  and  im-  aristocracy  by  Adams.     Tucker's  Life 

portant  measures  of  the  administra-  of  Jefferson,  i.  349.     Comp.  also,  on 

tion,  and   the  anti-federaHsts  having  this   subject,   the  parajihlet  entitled 

subsided  into  opponents  of  those  meas-  "  An  Enquiry  into  the  Princijjles  and 

ures.     The  fun  cling  system  generally,  Tendency  of  Certain  Public  Measm-es," 

the  assumption  of  the  state  debts,  the  printed  at  Philad.,  in  1794,  and  aimed 

incorporation  of  a  national  bank,  and  against  Hamilton's  measures, 

the  duties  on  domestic  spirits,  were  *  True  Picture  of  the  U.  S.  of  Am., 


DIFFICULTIES  WITH  ENGLAND.  331 

Difficulties  Tirith  England  likewise  occurred  at  this  time,  in  chap. 
consequence  of  depredations  upon  the  commerce  of  the  United  21^ 
States,  and  the  passage  of  the  celebrated  "  orders  in  council."    1793. 
Instead,  however,  of  resorting  to  force  for  redress, —  though    ^yy^  ' 
an  embargo  for  thirty  days  and  sequestrating  resolutions  were  "^^"^  ^' 
advocated  by  some,  —  a  special   embassy  was   instituted   by  Apr.  IG. 
Washington  ;  and  John  Jay,  a  man  of  the  loftiest  and  most 
disinterested  patriotism,  was  despatched  to  the  court  of  St.  May  13. 
James's,  for  the  purpose  of  negotiation.^     Tiiis  prudent  meas- 
ure was  censured  by  the  opponents  of  the  administration  as 
betraying  a  pusillanimity  unbecoming   the    executive  of   an 
independent   republic ;    and  when   a  treaty  was   concluded,  Nov.19. 
it  was  deprecated,  before  its  articles  were  known,  as  a  politi- 
cal evil  which  ouglit   not   to  be  suffered.      Hostility  to  the 
mother  country,  which  had  been  fostered  hj  the  revolution, 
was  far  from  being  eradicated  ;  and  there  was  quite  a  large 
class,  "  clad  in  English  broadcloth  and  Irish  linen,  who  import- 
ed their  conveniences  from  England  and  their  politics  from 


by  a  British  Subject,  London,  1807  ;  '  Sparks's  Washington,  x.  404- 
Sparks's  Washington,  x.  387,  401,  410,  and  A])p.  xxii. ;  Pitkin's  U.  S.  ii. 
and  message  of  Washington,  in  ibid.  396-416;  Tucker's  Life  of  Jefferson, 
xii.  96;  Pitkin's  U.  S.  ii.  362-38.J  ;  i.  481  et  seq. ;  Austin's  Life  of  Gerry, 
A  PoHtical  Sketch  of  America,  19,  20  ;  ii.  174  ;  Bradford,  iii.  49,  50,  and  Hist. 
Tucker's  Life  of  Jefferson,  i.  424-438  ;  Fed.  Gov't.  00-66  ;  Hildreth's  U.  S., 
Statesman's  Manual,  i.  80  ;  Hildreth's  2d  series,  i.  440-556 ;  Ames's  Works, 
U.  S.,  2d  series,  i.  434-441.  "The  140;  Carey's  Olive  Branch,  84,  85. 
best  thing,"  wrote  Washington  to  11.  On  the  prtnious  order,  issued  by  the 
H.  Lee,  October  24,  1793,  "that  can  King  in  council,  June  8,  1793,  see 
be  said  of  this  agent  [Genet]  is,  that  Sparks's  Washington,  x.  408;  Pit- 
he  is  totall)'  unfit  for  the  mission  on  kin's  U.  S.  ii.  396,  and  Hildreth's  U. 
which  he  is  "employed,  unless,  —  which  S.,  2d  series,  i.  440.  For  the  meas- 
I  hope  is  not  the"  case,  —  contrary  to  ures  moved  in  Congress,  in  conse- 
the  exjjress  and  unequivocal  declara-  quence  of  these  orders,  see  Sparks's 
tion  of  his  country  made  through  Washington,  x.  409 ;  and  for  a  dis- 
himself,  it  is  meant  "to  involve  us  in  cussionof  the  conduct  of  Great  Britain, 
all  the  horrors  of  a  European  war.  see  the  pamphlet  of  Juriscola,  entitled 
This,  or  interested  motives  of  his  own,  "  An  Examination  of  the  Conduct  of 
or  having  become  the  dupe  and  the  Great  Britain  respecting  Neutrals." 
tool  of  a  party,  is  the  only  solution  Philad.,  1807;  also,  "Political  Ob- 
that  can  be  given  of  his  conduct."  servations,"  published  in  1795;  Ers- 
After  his  recall.  Genet  settled  in  kine's  View  of  the  Causes  and  Con- 
America,  and  married  a  daughter  of  sequences  of  the  Present  War  with 
Governor  Clinton,  of  New  York.  France. 


332  MEETING  IN  BOSTON. 

CHAP.  France,"  who  considered  Great  Britain  as  the  principal  ag- 

^^_^_^^  gressor,  and  as  designing  to  monopolize  all  the  advantages 
1795.    of  connnercial  intercourse  between  the  two  countries.^ 

The  citizens  of  Boston,  who  in  all  periods  of  the  history  of 
the  commonwealth  had  been  accustomed  to  lead  in  political 
affairs,  and  wliose  views  and  opinions  were  generally,  though 
not  invariably,  in  unison  with  those  of  the  people,  assumed,  on 
this  occasion,  to  pass  judgment  upon  the  conduct  of  Washing- 
ton, and  censured  it  more  freely  than  circumstances  warranted. 

July  10.  Hence  a  public  meeting  was  called  for  the  purpose  of  remon- 
strating against  tlue  treaty,  and,  by  a  petition  to  the  Senate, 
of  preventing  its  ratification.  Dr.  Charles  Jarvis  was  the 
principal  speaker  ;  but  there  were  not  wanting  those  who 
objected  to  his  views,  and  who  considered  the  step  inexpedient 
and  improper.  Tlie  constitution,  it  was  said,  had  given  to  the 
\  President  and  Senate  the  exclusive  power  of  concluding  trea- 
ties ;  and  in  the  exercise  of  that  power  every  good  citizen  was 
bound  to  acquiesce.  Dawes,  and  Tudor,  and  Eustis  were*  in 
favor  of  postponing  the  subject,  or  of  referring  it  to  a  com- 
mittee to  report  at  a  future  meeting,  after  a  more  perfect 
knowledge  of  the   treaty.     But   the  popular  prejudice  was 

July  13.  strong  on  the  other  side  ;  and,  at  an  adjourned  meeting  three 
days  after,  resolutions  were  passed  to  the  effect  that  the  treaty 
was  "  injurious  to  the  commercial  interests  of  the  United 
States,  derogatory  to  their  national  honor  and  independence, 
and  might  be  dangerous  to  the  peace  and  happiness  of  tlieir 
^    and  1.5.  citizcns."^     The  Chamber  of  Commerce,  which  was  soon  after 


'  Mr.  Jay  arrived  in  England  June  ington,  xi.  32,  note,  and  App.  No.  2  ; 
15,  1794,  and  concluded  the  treaty  Hamilton's  ^A'orks,  \i.  2  et  seq. ;  Pit- 
■nath  Lord  Granville,  November  19,  kin's  U.  S.  ii.  442  et  seq. ;  Marshall's 
which  was  received  by  the  president  Wasliington,  v. ;  Tucker's  Life  of  Jet- 
March  7,  1795,  submitted  to  the  ferson,  i.  498;  Statesman's  >Lanual, 
Senate  June  8,  and  its  ratification  i.  86.  The  treaty  was  published  in 
ad^ii^ed  June  24,  with  the  exception  the  Am.  State  Papers,  and  in  pam- 
of  the  12th  article,  relating  to  the  phlet  form  for  distribution. 
West  India  trade.  See  Journals  ^  Sjiarks's  Washington,  xi.  40,  57, 
Sen.  and  II.  of  Reps. ;  Sjiarks's  Wash-  71 ;  The  Treaty  Discussed,  ^c,  28  et 


MEETING   IN   BOSTON. 


333 


convened,  took  a  more  liberal  view,  and  expressed  their  acqui-  chap. 
escence  in  the  adoption  of  the  treaty  ;  and  Washington,  in  his  Jl^^ 
reply  to  their  memorial,  while  he  declared  his  regret  at  the    1795. 
"  diversity  of  opinion  which  had  been  manifested  on  tliis  occa- 
sion," expressed  his  "  satisfaction  to  learn  that  the  commercial 
part  of  his  fellow-citizens,  whose  interests  were  thought  to  be 
most  deeply  affected,  so  generally  considered  the  treaty  as 
calculated,  upon  the  whole,  to  procure  important  advantages 
to  the  country."     "  This  sentiment,"  he  added,  "I  trust,  will 
be  extended,  as  the  provisions  of  the  treaty  become  well  un- 
derstood." ^ 


seq.,  73  et  seq. ;  Boston  Centinel  for 
July  and  Aug.  1795  ;  Boston  Chron. 
for  July  13  and  16,  1795  ;  Bradford, 
iii.  50,  51 ;  Hildreth,  2d  series,  i.  540, 
-548.  Similar  meetings  were  held  in 
New  York,  Philadelphia,  and  Charles- 
ton, S.  ('. ;  and  resolutions  were  passed 
denouncing  the  treaty  and  jjrotcsting 
against  its  ratification.  The  New  York 
Chamber  of  Commerce,  however,  con- 
curred with  the  Boston  Chamber  in 
lea\ing  the  decision  of  the  question 
with  the  constitutional  authorities ; 
ar.d  it  was,  doubtless,  this  prudence 
of  the  conservative  class  which  pre- 
vented the  country  from  being  plunged 
into  a  war.  Comp.  Sparks's  Wash- 
ington, xi.  App.  X. ;  Bradford's  Hist. 
Fed.  Gov't.  81.  "  It  is  indeed  to  be 
regretted,"  wrote  Washington  to  Pick- 
ering, July  27,  1795,  "that  ])arty 
dis])utes  are  now  carried  to  such  a 
length,  and  truth  is  so  enveloped  in 
mist  and  misrepresentation,  that  it  is 
extremely  difficult  to  know  through 
what  channel  to  seek  it.  This  difh- 
culty,  to  one  who  is  of  no  party,  and 
whose  sole  wish  is  to  piusue,  with 
undeviating  steps,  a  path  which  would 
lead  this  country  to  respectability, 
wealth,  and  happiness,  is  exceedingly 
to  be  lamented.  But  such  —  for  wise 
purjjoses  it  is  to  be  presumed  —  is  the 
turbulence  of  human  passions  m  party 
disputes,  when  victory  more  than  truth 
is  the  palm  contended  for,  that  the 
post  of  honor  is  a  private  station." 


'  The  Treaty  Discussed,  &'C.,  138, 
139;  Bradford,  iii.  52.  In  the  news- 
papers, speeches,  and  resolutions  of 
the  day,  the  treaty  was  o])posed  with 
considerable  \irulence ;  and  it  was 
condemned  as  "  prostituting  the  dear- 
est rights  of  freemen,  and  layuig  them 
prostrate  at  the  feet  of  royalty ;  "  — 
"a  wanton  sacrifice  of  the  rights  of 
this  fr-ee  nation  ;  "  —  "  instilling  to 
the  dignity,  injiu'ious  to  the  interests, 
dangerotis  to  the  security,  and  repug- 
nant to  the  constitution  of  the  Unit- 
ed States  ;  "  —  containing  "  conces- 
sions incompatible  with  the  objects  of 
the  embassy,  derogatory  to  the  honor 
and  injurious  to  the  interests  of  Amer- 
ica, and  openly  and  pointedly  hostile 
to  the  cause  of  France  ;  "  —  pregnant 
with  "  manj-  evils  that  threaten  otir 
ruin  ;  "  —  "  injurious  to  the  agricul- 
ture, manufactures,  and  commerce 
of  the  United  States  ;  "  —  "  invadmg 
the  constitution  and  legislative  au- 
thority of  the  coimtry;  aljandoning 
their  important  and  well-fomided 
claims  against  the  British  govern- 
ment ;  imposing  unjust  and  imjjolitic 
restraints  on  their  commerce ;  con- 
ceding, without  an  equivalent,  im- 
portant advantages  to  Great  liritain  ; 
hostile  and  tmgrateful  to  France ; 
committing  our  peace  Mith  that  great 
republic  ;  unequal  in  every  respect  to 
America;  hazarding  her  internal  peace 
and  prosperit}-,  and  derogating  from 
her  sovereignty  atid  independence." 


334  REPLY   OF   WASHINGTON. 

CHAP.      The  reply  to  the  citizens  of  Boston  was  couched  in  different 
J^^^  terms.     "  In  every  act  of  my  administration,"  said  he,  "  I  have 
1795.    sought  the  happiness  of  my  fellow-citizens.    My  system  for  the 
'  attainment  of  this  object  has  uniformly  been,  to  overlook  all 
personal,  local,  and  partial  considerations  ;  to  contemplate  the 
United  States  as  one  great  whole ;   to  confide  that  sudden 
impressions,  when  erroneous,  would  yield  to  candid  reflection ; 
and  to  consult  chiefly  the  substantial  and  permanent  interests 
of  our  country.     Nor  have  I  departed  from  this  line  of  con- 
duct on  the  occasion  which  has  produced  the  resolutions  con- 
tained in  your  letter. 

"  Without  a  predilection  for  my  own  judgment,  I  have 
weighed  with  attention  every  argument  which  has  at  any  time 
been  brought  into  view.  But  the  constitution  is  the  guide 
which  I  can  never  abandon.  It  lias  assigned  to  the  President 
the  power  of  making  treaties,  with  the  advice  and  consent  of 
the  Senate.  It  was  doubtless  supposed  that  these  two  branches 
of  government  would  combine,  without  passion,  and  with  the 
best  means  of  information,  those  facts  and  principles  upon 
which  the  success  of  our  foreign  relations  will  always  depend  ; 
that  they  ought  not  to  substitute  for  their  own  convictions  the 
opinions  of  others,  or  to  seek  the  truth  through  any  channel 
but  that  of  a  temperate  and  well-informed  investigation. 
Under  this  persuasion,  I  have  resolved  on  the  manner  of  exe- 
cuting the  duty  before  me."  ^ 

Happy  for  all  parties  had  these  wise  counsels  been  properly 
heeded.     But  the  prejudices  and  passions  excited  by  the  rati- 


Comp.   Charleston  Gazette  for  July  .Ames,  of  Massachusetts,  delivered  a 

14,  1795  ;  Rutledge's  Speech,  in  ibid,  powerful  speech  in  Congress,  in  favor 

for  July  17,   1795;  Savannah  Reso-  of  the  ratification  of  the  treaty,  which 

lutions  ;  Richmond  Resolutions ;  Pe-  ',  is   given  in  his  Works,  58  et  seq., 

tersburg  Resolutions  ;  N.  York  Reso-  and  which  was  warmly  commended 

lutions ;    Philad.   Memorial ;  Trenton  by  President  Washington.     Sj)arks's 

Resolutions,  &c.  Washington,   xi.    127.     Comp.    Hil- 

>  Boston  Chron.  for  Aug.  17,1795;  dreth's  "U.  S.,  2d  series,  i.  G05-615. 

Sparks's   Wasliington,  xi.   42  ;   The  For  an  able  defence  of  the  treaty,  see 

Treaty  Discussed,  137  ;  Pitkin's  U.  S.  Harjier's  Address  to  his  Constituents, 

ii.  446, 447  ;  Bradford,  iii.  52.    Fisher  in  VVorks,  i.  1-46. 


INCREASE   SUMNER    CHOSEN   GOVERNOR.  335 

fication  of  the  treaty  were  too  deep-seated  to  be  immediately  chap. 
removed,  and  riots  among;  the  lower  classes  were  the  natural  ,^..,^_ 
result.     These  were  continued  in  Boston  for  severaV  nights ;    17M. 

Q  11 

houses  were  attacked ;  the  attorney  general  and  sherifl"  were 
grossly  insulted,  and,  in  one  instance,  personally  assaulted  ; 
and  Mr.  Jay,  the  negotiator  of  the  treaty,  was  burned  in 
effigy.  The  governor,  who  was  himself  opposed  to  the  treaty, 
unwisely,  as  it  would  seem,  declined  to  interfere  for  the  su|> 
pressiou  of  the  tumult,  alleging  that  it  was  "  a  mere  watermelon  / 
frolic  —  the  harmless  amusement  of  young  persons;"  but  a 
number  of  citizens  voluntarily  associated  to  prevent  the  con- 
tinuance of  excesses,  and  their  efforts  were  successful. i 

In  the  spring  of  1797,  another  change  took  place  in  the    1797. 

April. 

government  of  Massachusetts  —  Increase  Sumner,  for  several 
years  a  judge  of  the  Supreme  Judicial  Court,  being  elected  to 
the  chief  magistracy  in  the  room  of  Mr.  Adams,  who,  pleading 
the  infirmities  of  age,  had  declined  the  suffrages  of  his  fellow- 
citizens  previous  to  the  election.^  Earlier  in  the  same  year,  Mar. 4. 
a  similar  change  had  taken  place  in  a  higher  quarter  —  John 
Adams,  of  Massachusetts,  having  succeeded  Washington  as 
president  of  the  United   States.^      The   sympathies  of  Mr. 


^  Bost.  Cfiron.  for  Oct.  1,  1795,  and  He  was  a  member  of  the  General 
Mar.  1 4, 1796 ;  tlilclretli,  2cl  ser.,  i.  576,  Court  in  1776,  and  the  three  follow- 
598 ;  Bradford,  iii.  53 ;  N.  E.  Gen.  ing  years,  when  he  was  chosen  a  sen- 
Hist.  Reg.  for  April,  1854,  119.  After  ator  for  the  county  of  Suffolk.  He 
the  ratification  of  the  treaty,  Aug.  1 8,  was  a  member  of  the  convention  which 
petitions  against  it  were  circulated  formed  the  state  constitution,  in  1780, 
throughout  the  United  States,  and  a  and,  in  1782,  was  made  an  associate 
number  of  these  were  presented,  m  justice  of  the  Supreme  Judicial  Court, 
the  winter  of  1796,  from  different  In  1789  he  was  a  member  of  the  con- 
parts  of  the  Union.  Pitkin's  U.  S.  ii.  vention  for  ratifying  the  federal  con- 
454,  455.  James  Sullivan,  Esq.,  stitution,  and  in  1797  was  chosen 
afterwards  Governor  Sullivan,  was  at-  governor.  Knap])'s  Biog.  Sketches 
torney  general  of  Massachusetts  at  of  eminent  I^awyers,  ikrc. ;  Mem.  of 
this  time ;  and  the  riots  alluded  to  in  Gov.  Sumner,  in  N.  E.  Gen.  Hist. 
the  text  took  place  in  Liberty  Square.  Beg.    for   April,    1854.      The   other 

^  Mr.   Sumner  was  Ijorn  in  Box-  candidates  at  this  time  were   Moses 

burv,  Xo\embcr  27,  1746,  and  gradu-  (iill  and  James  Sullivan, 

ated  at  1  [arvard  College,  in  1767.    In  ^  Elbridge  Gerry,  the  poHticalfiiend 

1770  he  was  admitted  to  the  bar,  and  of  Jefferson,  seems  to  have  foreseen 

opened  an  office  in  liis  native  town,  tlie  consequences  of  this  election ;  and 


•^'^6  JOHN   ADAMS   CHOSEN   PEESIDENT. 

CHAP.  Sumner,  as  tliey  had  ever  been  enlisted  in  favor  of  Wasliing- 
,__^.,^  ton  and  his  administration,  were  cordially  tendered  to  the  new 
1797.  incumbent  of  the  national  chair ;  and,  in  his  first  address  to 
the  General  Court,  he  publicly  expressed  his  confidence  in  the 
talents  and  patriotism  of  Mr.  Adams.  In  this  declaration,  he 
did  but  echo  the  sentiments  of  a  majority  of  the  people  of 
Massachusetts  ;  for,  as  the  new  president  was  known  to  be 
friendly  to  commerce,  and  to  the  interests  of  the  Southern  as 
well  as  of  the  Eastern  States,  it  was  believed  he  would  pursue 
the  wise  and  prudent  policy  of  his  predecessor,  the  benefits  of 
which  were  beginning  to  be  felt  and  to  be  generally  acknowl- 
edired.' 

Unfortunately,  however,  for  the  peace  of  his  own  mind  and 
for  the  tranquillity  of  the  nation,  notwithstanding  the  ac- 
knowledged abilities  of  the  president,  and  his  life-long  devotion 
to  American  liberty,  his  opponents  were  soon  busied  in  tra- 
ducing his  character  and  impugning  his  measures,  under  the 
plea  that  he  was  an  aristocrat  at  heart,  and  was  too  much 
attached,  for  a  chief  magistrate  of  the  American  republic,  to 
the  government  of  Great  Britain  and  its  hereditary  honors.^ 
And  it  must  be  admitted  that,  on  some  points,  the  conduct  of 
Mr.  Adams  was  calculated  to  countenance  and  encourage  such 


in  a  letter  to  Jefferson,  dated  March  of  state,  see  Tucker's  Life  of  Jeffer- 
27,  1797,  he  says,  "The  consequences  son,  i.  467-472. 
of  this  election  wiU  be  repeated  strat-  '  Bradford,  iii.  62. 
agenis  to  weaken  or  destroy  the  ^  Writings  of  Hamilton,  i.  489, 
confidence  of  tlie  president  and  ^ice  490 ;  Bradford's  Hist.  Fed.  Gov't.  87, 
president  in  each  other,  from  an  assur-  88.  That  Mr.  Adams  repudiated  the 
ance  that,  if  it  continues  to  the  end  of  charge  of  being  m  favor  of  an  heredi- 
the  present  administration,  the  %1ce  tary  aristocracy,  appears  from  liis  let- 
president  will  be  his  successor;  and,  ter  to  Jeffers"on,  July  13,  1813,  in 
perhaps,  from  a  dread  of  your  politi-  AVorks,  x.  54.  "I  will  forfeit  my  life, 
cid  influence."  Austin's  Life  of  Gerry,  if  you  can  find  one  sentiment  in  my 
ii.  136.  See  also  the  Reply  of  Jef-  Defence  of  the  Constitutions,  or  the 
ferson,  in  ibid.  ii.  136  et  seq.  How  Discourses  on  Da^dla,  which,  by  a  fair 
])rophetic  these  words  were,  time  soon  construction,  can  favor  the  idea  of  the 
proved.  On  the  conduct  of  Jefierson,  introduction  of  herethtaiy  monarchy 
his  interest  in  pubHc  affairs,  and  his  or  aristocracy  in  America."  They  were 
ultimate  views,  ti-om  the  date  of  his  all  wTitten  to  strengthen  and  support 
resignation  of  the  oifice  of  secretary  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States." 


VIEWS   OP   ME.   ADAMS.  337 

suspicions.    He  had  never  been  averse  to  outward  display  —  chap. 
to  tlic  use  of  titles  and  ceremonial  distinctions ;  and  his  notions  Jl^^ 
on  "  birth  "  and  "  blood  "  were  not  very  agreeable  to  those  who    1797. 
derived   their   lineage  from  a  humble  source.^     Not  that  he 
can  be  said  to  have  advocated  in  any  of  his  writings  the  doc- 
trine of  indelible  hereditary  excellence,  — 

"  Propped  by  ancestry,  whose  grace 
Chalks  successors  their  way." 

Yet  he  seems  to  have  favored  the  idea  of  a  derivative  excel- 
lence, which  was  transmissible,  also,  to  a  certain  extent,  though 
it  would  doubtless  be  unjust  to  impute  to  him  the  intention  to 
detract  from  real  worth,  from  whatever  source  it  sprang. 

"  From  lowest  place  when  virtuous  things  proceed, 
The  place  is  dignified  by  the  doer's  deed. 
Where  gi-eat  additions  swell,  and  virtue  none, 
It  is  a  dropsied  honor.     Good  alone 
Is  good,  -without  a  name.     Vileness  is  so. 


'  Comp.  Sparks's  Washington,  x.  state  in  the  Union,  and  from  the  his- 
20 ;  Adams  to  Jefferson,  July  9  and  tory  of  every  nation,  ci\dlized  and 
13,  Aug.  — ,  and  Sept.  2  and  15, 1813,  savage,  from  all  we  know  of  the  time 
in  Works  x.  49,  52,  58,  64,  69.  of  tlie  creation  of  the  world.  .  .  . 
"  Birth  and  wealth  together  have  pre-  We  may  call  this  sentiment  a  preju- 
vailed  over  virtue  and  tiilents  in  all  dice,  because  we  can  give  what  names 
ages."  "  Has  science,  or  morals,  or  we  please  to  such  things  as  we  please ; 
philosophy,  or  criticism,  or  Christian-  but,  in  my  opinion,  it  is  a  ])art  of  the 
ity,  advanced,  or  improved,  or  en-  natural  history  of  man,  and  politicians 
lightened  mankind  upon  this  subject,  and  philosophers  may  as  well  project 
and  shown  them  that  the  idea  of  the  to  make  the  animal  Uve  without  bcines 
'  Mell  born' is  a  prejudice,  a  phantom,  or  blood,  as  society  can  pretend  to 
a  Point-no-Point,  a  Cape  Flyaway,  a  free  government  without  attention  to 
dream.  I  say  it  is  the  ordinance  of  it."  A  curious  "  Essay  on  Ilered- 
God  Almighty,  m  the  constitution  of  itary  Titles  and  University  Degrees, 
human  nature,  and  wrought  into  the  particularly  Doctorates  in  DI\-inity, 
fabric  of  the  universe.  Philosophers  by  a  New  England  Farmer,"  was 
and  politicians  may  nibble  and  quib-  printed  in  Boston,  in  1798,  "  by  Man- 
ble,  but  they  will  never  get  rid  of  it.  ning  &  I,oring,  for  Caleb  Bingham, 
Their  only  resource  is  to  control  it.  No.  44  Cornlull."  The  author  of  this 
.  .  _  .  if  you  deny  any  one  of  these  pamphlet  Avrote  against  such  dis- 
positions, I  will  prove  them  to  demon-  tinctions,  unless  "  conferred  for  actual 
stratlon,  by  examples  draAvn  from  your  merit." 
own  Virginia,  and  fi'om  every  other 

VOL.  III.  22 


338 


VIEWS  OF   MR.   ADAMS. 


CHAP. 
VIII. 

1797. 


The  property  by  what  it  is  should  go, 
Not  by  the  title."  * 

To  those,  however,  who  did  not  perceive  this  distinction, 
or  wlio  wished  to  overlook  it,  Mr.  Adams  was  the  counterpart 
of  a  genuine  republican  —  tainted  with  conceits  and  affected 
with  a  vanity  which  entirely  disqualified  him  for  the  station 
he  filled.^  Hence  the  rancor  of  his  opponents  was  increased 
by  his  success  ;  and  though  it  might,  perhaps,  be  unjust  to 
them  to  question  their  sincerity,  it  can  hardly  be  doubted  that 
too  much  stress  was  laid  upon  trifles,  and  that,  for  party  pur- 
poses, they  were  by  no  means  reluctant  to  disparage  his  patri- 
otism and  impeach  his  intentions.^  It  is  not  affirmed  tliat 
Mr.  Adams  was  perfect ;  and  it  would  be  too  much  to  assert 
that  he  was  never  mistaken.''     If  he  was  "  often  liable  to 


'^  All's  Well  That  Ends  Well,  Act 
ii.  Sc.  3. 

^  Hamilton,  in  his  letter  on  John 
Adams,  ed.  1800,  7,  while  he  did  not 
deny  his  integrity  or  patriotism,  sjioke 
of  him  as  possessing  "  an  imagination 
sublimated  and  eccentric  —  propi- 
tious neither  to  the  regular  disjilay  of 
sound  judgment,  nor  to  a  steady  per- 
severance in  a  systematic  plan  of  con- 
duct ;  "  —  "a  vanity  without  bounds ; " 
—  "a  jealousy  capable  of  discoloi-ing 
every  object ;  " —  "  disgusting  ego- 
tism and  ungovernable  inchscretion." 
"  There  are  great  and  intrinsic  defects 
in  his  character,  which  unfit  him  for 
the  office  of  chief  magistrate."  See 
also  Hamilton  to  Carroll,  July  1, 
1800,  in  Works,  vi.  446,  and  Bayard 
to  Hamilton,  Aug.  18,  1800,  in  ibid. 
457.  A  re^^ew  of  Hamilton's  pam- 
phlet, by  Cains,  was  pubHshed  at 
Baltimore,  entitled  "  A  few  Remarks 
on  Mr.  Hamilton's  late  Letter 
concerning  the  Public  Conduct  and 
Character  of  the  President,"  which  is 
worthy  of  perusal  by  those  who  wish 
to  see  both  sides  of  a  question,  though 
the  ])aniphlet  itself  is  somewhat  tart. 

'  "  No  man,  ])erhaps,"  says  Pick- 
ering, Review,  6,  "  has  ever  suffered 


more  from  disappointed  ambition  and 
mortified  vanity  than  Mr.  Adams; 
for  in  no  man  were  these  passions 
ever  more  highly  subhmated." 

■*  As  a  general  thing,  Mr.  Adams, 
though  free  in  the  expression  of  his 
opinions,  and  indulging  occasionally 
in  a  petulant  humor,  spoke  of  his 
bitterest  opponents,  in  his  calm  and 
dispassionate  moods,  with  commend- 
able moderation,  and  did  am])le  justice 
to  their  talents  and  vii'tues..  The  only 
instance  in  which  he  seems  to  have 
departed  from  this  rule  —  and  that 
not  without  strong  provocation  —  was 
in  his  treatment  of  Hamilton,  whom, 
to  the  last,  he  could  never  forgive, 
and  whom  he  held  up  to  the  world  as 
a  loathsome  libertine.  See  the  Cun- 
ningham Corresp.,  and  comp.  Hil- 
dreth's  U.  S.,  2d  series,  ii.  384  et  seq. 
When  great  men  thus  spar  with  each 
other,  and  forget  the  rules  of  Christian 
charity,  we  may  lament  their  error, 
and  wish  it  had  been  otherwise  with 
them.  But  the  sun  shines  notwith- 
standing the  s])ots  which  may  be  ob- 
served on  its  surface.  These  eclipse 
but  a  portion  of  its  brightness.  It  is 
still  the  great  reservoir  of  liglit  and 
of  heat.     And  so  is  it  with  great  men. 


DIFFICULTIES  WITH   FRANCE. 


339 


paroxysms  of  anger,"  ^  were  there  not  others  who  were  guilty  chap. 
of  similar  excesses  ?     And  why  should  he  be  singled  out  as  3!^ 
exclusively  an  object  of  censure  ?     Few,  it  is  believed,  can    1797. 
read  his  writings,  and  few  can  review  the  history  of  his  life, 
without  awarding  him  the  praise  of  acting  conscientiously,  and 
of  being  as  free  from  gross  and  palpable  faults  as  is  often 
allotted  to  the  weakness  of  humanity.     It  would  be  invidious 
to  compare  him  with  his  distinguished  associates ;  but,  with- 
out disparaging  them,  it  may  be  safely  affirmed  that,  if  he  was 
not  their  superior,  he  was  at  least  their  equal.^ 

The  difficulties  with  France,  commenced  under  the  adminis-    ' 
tration  of  Washington,  had  not  ceased  when  Adams  took  the 
presidential  chair  ;  and,  as  the  rulers  of  that  nation  were 
jealous  of  the  "  increasing  activity  of  the  commercial  relations    1796. 
betwixt  the  United  States  and  England,"^  and  seemed  desirous,   "and* 

1797 

by  their  decrees  against  American  commerce  and  their  capture  Mar.  2. 


They  have  their  faults  ;  but  tlieli" 
virtues  overbalance,  and  commend 
them  to  our  respect. 

1  Hamilton's  Letter,  ed.  1800,  38. 
"  Most,  if'  not  all  his  ministers,  and 
several  distinguished  members  of  the 
two  Houses  oi'  Congress,  have  been 
humiliated  by  the  efi'ects  of  these  gusts 
of  passion." 

-  On  the  character  of  John  Adams, 
see  his  Life,  by  his  grandson.  Charles 
Francis  Adams;  Webstei"'s  Eulogy; 
Hildreth's  U.  S.,  2d  series,  i.  293- 
296,  &c. 

^  That  France,  as  a  nation,  from 
the  outset  of  the  revolution,  sided  with 
America,  in  the  contest  with  England, 
more  from  a  desire  to  crijjple  the 
commerce  of  Great  Britain,  than  from 
any  real  regard  to  the  liberties  of  the 
United  States,  and  that,  so  soon  as 
the  inde])ende!ice  of  the  United  States 
"was  declared,  she  sought  to  divert  the 
commerce  of  this  country  into  a  new 
channel,  and  secure  its  benefits  to  her- 
self, is  evident  from  the  writings  of 
her  eminent  statesmen,  and  is,  indeed, 


distinctly  avowed  in  the  "  jSIem.  con- 
cerning the  Commercial  Relations  of 
the  U.  States  with  England,  by  Citi- 
zen Talleyrand,"  republished  at  Bos- 
ton, in  1809.  "  If,  after  the  peace," 
says  he,  p.  5,  "  which  secured  the  in- 
de[}endence  of  America,  France  had 
been  sensible  of  the  full  advantages 
of  her  position,  she  would  have  con- 
tinued, and  would  have  sought  to 
multijjly,  the  relations  which,  during 
the  war,  had  been  so  hap])ily  estab- 
lished betwixt  her  and  her  allies,  and 
which  had  been  broken  off  with  Gi-eat 
Britain  ;  and  thus,  the  ancient  habits 
being  almost  forgotten,  we  might  at 
least  have  contended  with  some  ad- 
vantage against  every  thing  which  had 
a  tendency  to  recall  them."  Speak- 
ing, also,  of  the  causes  which  had 
tended  to  reconcile  America  to  Eng- 
land, arising  from  sympathy  of  lan- 
guage, religion,  customs,  &c.,  he  adds, 
p.  13,  "They  have  taken  such  deep 
root,  that  it  would,  perhaps,  require  a 
French  establishment  in  Jimerica  to 
counteract  their  ascendency  with  any 


340 


DIFFICULTIES   WITH   FRANCE. 


CHAP,  of  American  yessels,i  to  force  this  country  into  a  war  with 
J_^^  England,  it  became  necessary,  in  the  opinion  of  the  executive, 

1797.  to  remonstrate  decisively,  and  prepare  for  the  support  of  the 
rights  of  America.  Hence  measures  were  adopted  for  the 
protection  of  the  shipping  interest,  by  building  vessels  of  war, 
fortifying  the  sea  coasts,  and  augmenting  the  forces  of  the 
nation.^  These  measures  were  naturally  attended  with  ex- 
pense ;  and  the  opponents  of  the  administration  condemned 

them  as  extravagant.      But  the  governor    of  Massachusetts 

1798.  .  . 

June,   seems  to  have  concurred  in  them  ;  and,  in  an  address^  to  the 


hopes    of  success.      Undoubtedly 

SUCH  A  POLITICAL  PROJECT  SHOULD 
NOT  BE  OVERLOOKED." 

'  Instructions  to  the  Envoys,  &c., 
Philad.,  1798;  Hildreth's  U."S.,  2d 
series,  ii.  50,  55.  The  latter  decree, 
revinng  that  of  May  9,  1793,  was  in- 
tended —  so  wrote  Barlow  —  "  to  be 
little  short  of  a  declaration  of  war ;  " 
and,  in  its  practical  application,  it 
proved  more  fatal  to  the  interests  of 
the  United  States  than  might  have 
been  supposed  from  its  terms.  An- 
other decree,  still  more  sweeping,  was 
issued  January  18,  1798,  wliich  for- 
bade the  entrance  into  any  French 
port  of  any  vessel  wliich,  at  anj^  pre- 
^^ous  part  of  her  voyage,  had  touched 
at  any  English  possession,  and  de- 
claring good  prize  all  vessels  having 
merchandise  on  board  the  ])roduce  of 
England  or  her  colonies,  whoever  the 
owners  of  the  merchandise  might  be. 

*  Speech  of  May  16,  1797,  in  Ad- 
ams's Works,  ix.  116;  Bradford's 
Hist.  Fed.  Gov't.,  94,  95 ;  Hildreth's 
U.  S.,  2d  series,  ii.  66,  88  ;  Harper's 
Obs.,  in  Works,  i.  47-154.  Tucker, 
Life  of  Jefferson,  ii.  10, 11,  judiciously 
observes  on  this  point,  "  The  blame 
of  this  state  of  things  was  thrown  by 
many  on  the  unwise  comicils  of  the 
government,  which  were  attributed  to 
its  predilections  for  Great  Britain  over 
France.  But  they  seem  rather  due 
to  the  conflict  between  those  nations  ; 
for,  when  we  consider  the  bitter  ani- 
mosity which  was  felt  by  both  nations, 


it  was  scarcely  practicable  how  the 
government  could  have  steered  clear 
of  a  war  with  either  England  or 
France,  and  the  question  only  to  be 
considered  was,  which  would  have 
most  affected  the  honor,  and  most  im- 
peded the  prosperity,  of  the  country. 
Had  the  government  not  firmly  re- 
sisted and  diligently  counteracted  the 
po])ular  sentiment  towards  France, 
or  had  not  many  of  the  causes  of  col- 
Usion  been  removed  by  the  British 
treaty,  a  war  -nith  England  would 
have  been  inevitable ;  but  after  that 
treaty,  no  course  of  mere  neutrality 
would  probably  have  restored  the  con- 
fidence and  friendl}'  feelings  of  France. 
In  short,  encourhged  by  the  known 
partiality  of  the  American  jjcople, 
nothing  would  have  satisfied  France, 
apparently,  but  war  against  Great 
Britain ;  and  her  imfriendly  senti- 
ments were  yet  fm-ther  excited  by  the 
recall  of  Mr.  Monroe,  whose  only  of- 
fence was  supposed  to  be  his  too  land 
feelings  towards  France." 

^  The  last  session  of  the  legisla- 
ture in  the  Old  State  House  was  held 
this  year;  and  Januaiy  11,  1798,  the 
General  Court  took  possession  of  the 
New  State  House,  still  standhig  near 
the  Common,  the  erection  of  which 
was  commenced  in  1795.  On  this 
occasion,  the  governor  and  legislature, 
with  the  different  officers  of  the  gov- 
ernment, moved  in  procession  to  the 
representatives'  room,  where  the  Rev. 
Dr.  Thacher,  as  chaplain  of  the  Gen- 


COMMISSTONEES   APPOINTED.  341 

General  Court,  in  the  following  year,  lie  recommended  the  chap. 
adoption  of  similar  measures  for  the  defence  of  the  sea  coasts  ^^_^^,^ 
of  the  state,  which  are  quite  extensive.     Castle  Island,  with    1797. 
his  sanction,  was  likewise  ceded  to  the  United  States,  to  be 
repaired  and  extended,  with  a  view  to  prevent  the  entrance 
of  foreign  vessels  which  might  blockade  the  town.' 

The  appointment  of  commissioners  to  the  court  of  France  May  31. 
was  another  of  the  measures  of  President  Adams,  in  which  he 
was  opposed  by  a  portion  of  his  cabinet,  between  whom  and 
his  excellency  there  was  not  an  entire  harmony  of  views  ;  and 
the  difficulties  which  sprang  from  this  source  were  lasting  and 
violent.^  Elbridge„G£rry^x)f  Massachusetts,  was  one  of  these 
commissioners^, —  a  gentleman  distinguished  for  his  intellec- 
tual ability,  and  for  his  attachment  to  the  republican  party. 
His  associates  were  Charles  Cotesworth  Pinckney,  of  South  Jun.  21. 
Carolina,  the  head  of  the  federal  party,  who  was  still  at 
Amsterdam,  and  John  Marshall,  of  Virginia,  afterwards  the 
biographer  of  Washington,  beloved  for  his  private  and  public 
virtues,  and  admired  for  his  unrivalled  powers  of  argument. 
The  reception  of  these  agents,^  however,  was  not  such  as 


eral  Court,  dedicated  the  building  "  to  14,   19,  23  ;  Hamilton's   Works,  \i. 

the  honor  of  God  and  the  people's  195,  209,  214,  216,  218,  221,  242, 

good."     For    a    description   of    the  247  ;    Bradford's  Hist.    Fed.    Gov't, 

building,  and  the  ceremonies  of  dedi-  96 ;   Hildreth's   U.  S.,    2d   series,   ii. 

cation,  &c.,  see  Fleet's  Register  for  94  et  seq.     "  The  preference  of  Mr. 

1799,  39,  40  ;  Bradford,  iii.  56 ;  Mem.  Gerry  to    Mr.    Cabot,"   wrote   John 

of  Gov.  Sumner,  in  N.  E.  Gen.  Hist.  Adams,  "  was  my  first  mortal  offence 

Register  for  Apiil,  1854,  120.  against  my  sovereign  heads  of  depart- 

'  Bradford,  iii.  63-65.  That  Wash-  mcnts,  and  their  disci]  Jes  in  all  the 
ington  approved  the  measures  of  ^Ir.  states.  It  never  was,  or  has  been, 
Adams,  is  evident  from  his  Writings,  forgiven  me  by  those  who  call  thcm- 
xi.  205,  262.  "  Believe  me,  sir,  no  selves,  or  are  called  by  others,  the 
one  can  more  cordially  approve  the  '  leading  men '  among  the  federal- 
wise  and   prudent  measures  of  your  ists." 

administration.     They  ought  to  in-  ^  Worlvs   of  J.   Adams,  ix.    150; 

spire  universal  confidence;  and  will,  Statesman's  Manual,  i.  130.    Francis 

no  doubt,  combined  with  the  state  of  Dana,  of  Massachusetts,  was  uomi- 

things,  call  from  Congress  such  laws  nated  before  Mr.  Gerry ;  but  as  he 

and  means  as  will  enable  you  to  meet  declined,  Mr.  Gerry  was  appointed  in 

the  full  force  and  extent  of  this  crisis."  his  place. 

^  Works   of  J.   Adams,   ix.    288.  ■•  Mr.    Gerry,  who  embarked   for 

Comp.  Tucker's  Life  of  Jefferson,  ii.  Europe   August   9,   and    arri\ed   at 


342 


RECEPTION    OF   THE    COMMISSIONERS. 


CHAP, 
VIII. 

1797. 
Sept.  4. 


1798. 
April. 


evinced  a  willingness  on  the  part  of  the  Directory,  confirmed 
b}'  the  revolution  of  the  eighteenth  Fructidor,  to  treat  with  the 
United  States  on  liberal  terms.  Indeed,  the  conduct  of  the 
French  rulers,  with  Talleyrand  as  secretary  of  foreign  affairs, 
justified  the  remark  of  an  eminent  patriot,  that  "  resistance  or 
unconditional  submission  was  the  only  alternative  left  to  a 
nation  within  reach  of  their  arms."  For  the  commissioners 
were  received  with  coldness  and  disrespect ;  they  were  not 
publicly  accredited ;  and  persons  were  sent,  in  a  private  and 
informal  manner,  to  ascertain  their  views,  and  learn  upon 
what  terms  the  United  States  were  willing  to  purchase  the 
friendship  of  France.^ 

In  consequence  of  this  treatment,  which  was  condemned 
alike  by  federalists  and  republicans,  two  of  the  commissioners, 
Pinckney  and  Marshall,  left  the  court.  But  Mr.  Gerry  re- 
mained, in  the  hope,  it  is  said,  of  averting  a  rupture,  and 
opening  the  way  for  a  reconciliation.     If  in  this  he  was  un- 


Paris  October  4,  in  a  letter  dated  Oc- 
tober 9,  in  Austin's  Life  of  Gerry,  ii. 
159,  note,  gives  a  rather  ludicrous 
account  of  his  rece])tion  at  the  court. 
"  The  morning  after  my  arrival,"  says 
he,  "  I  was  waited  upon  by  the  mu- 
sicians of  the  executive,  and,  the  suc- 
ceeding morning,  by  a  deputation  of 
poissardes.  or  fisherwomen,  for  pres- 
ents.. iVIajorlvutledge  was  Ivind  enough 
to  negotiate  for  me,  by  which  means  I 
avoided  the  kind  caresses  of  the  ladies, 
and  an  interview  with  the  gentlemen. 
They  expected  fifteen  or  twenty  guin- 
eas, which  each  of  us,  according  to  cus- 
tom, was  obliged  to  give  them.  When 
the  ladies  get  sight  of  a  minister,  as 
they  did  of  my  colleagues,  they  smoth- 
er him  with  their  delicate  kisses !  So 
much  for  the  dignity  of  the  corps  di- 
plomatique." 

^  What  is  our  Situation,  and  What 
our  Prospects,  by  an  American  ;  Ham- 
iUon's  Works,  vi.  274-277;  Tucker's 
Life  of  Jett'erson,  ii.  20,  28 ;  Bradford, 
iii.  68;  Harper's  Speech  of  May  29, 


1797,  in  Works,  i.  165-208.  The 
French  ])irectory  had  previously  de- 
clared "  qu'il  ne  reconnaitra,  et  ne  re- 
cevra  plus  de  ramistre  plenipotentiaire 
des  Etats  Unis,  jusqu'apres  le  redresse- 
ment  des  griefs  demande  au  gou\erne- 
ment  Americaine,  et  que  la  Rej)ublique 
Fran^aise  est  en  droit  d'en  ententh-e." 
Hamilton's  Works,  vi.  216.  For  a 
full  account  of  this  embassy,  see  the 
pamphlet  published  at  Philadelj)hia, 
by  an  order  of  Congress  of  the  22d 
June,  1798,  entitled  "Instructions  to 
the  Envoys  Extraordinary  and  Min- 
isters Plenipotentiary  from  the  U.  S. 
of  America  to  the  French  lle])ublic, 
then"  Letters  of  Credence  and  Full 
Powers,  and  the  Despatches  received 
ft-om  them  relative  to  their  Mission." 
For  cm-ious  jjamphlets  on  the  French 
side  of  the  question,  see  the  Second 
Warning,  published  at  Paris,  in  1798, 
and  Fauchet's  Sketch  of  our  Political 
Relations,  printed  at  Paris,  and  re- 
printed at  Pliiladelphia,  in  1797. 


RETURN   OF   PINCKNEY  AND   MARSHALL. 


343 


successful,  the  president,  it  would  seem,  did  not  entirely  di^ap-  chap. 
prove  of  liis  course,'  though  many  of  the  citizens  of  Massachu-  J^^^ 
setts,  and  tlie  federalists  generally,  condemned  his  vanity  in    1798. 
"  thinkino;  he  could  nesiotiate  favorablv  for  the  countrv,  when 
his  colleagues  were  convinced  tliat  no  just  or  reasonable  condi- 
tions would  be  admitted.''"  ^ 

Previous  to  the  return  of  Pinckney  and  Marshall,  the  gov- 
ernment of  the  United  States,  satisfied  that  its  course  must  be 
prompt  and  decided,  was  busied  in  devising  measures  to  bring 
things  to  a  head  ;  and,  after  the  despatches  of  the  envoys  had  May  4. 
been  presented  to  Congress,  which  served  to  open  the  eyes  of 
many,  and  to  silence  for  a  time  the  favorers  and  apologists  of 
France,^  an  act  was  passed  authorizing  the  president  to  raise  May  22. 


•  Comp.  J.  Adams  to  T.  Pickering, 
Aug.  3,  1799,  in  Works,  ix.  7.  "He 
was  nominated,  and  approved,  and 
finally  saved  the  ])eace  of  the  nation. 
He  alone  discovered  and  furnislied  tlie 
e\idence  that  X,  Y,  Z  were  employed 
by  TallejTand.  And  he  alone  brought 
home  the  direct,  formal,  official  as- 
surances upon  which  the  subsequent 
commission  proceeded,  and  jjeace  was 
made."  Yet  Pickering  was  allowed, 
at  the  ensuing  session  of  Congress,  to 
send  in  a  rejjort,  —  pruned,  indeed,  by 
Mr.  Adams,  —  in  which  the  conduct 
of  Mr.  Gerry  was  criticised  severely. 

'^  Comp.  Hamilton's  Works,  vi.  ; 
Bradford,  iii.  70  ;  Pickering's  lieview, 
77-100  ;  Hildreth's  U.  S.',  2d  series, 
ii.  262,  2G3.  That  Mr.  Gerry  was 
"  tenacious  of  his  own  peculiar  projects, 
and  estimated,  with  great  selt-com- 
placency,  the  plans  M'hich  originated 
with  himself,"  seems  to  be  admitted 
by  Mr.  Austin,  his  biographer,  to- 
gether with  the  "habitually  sus])icious 
tendency  of  his  mind."  Austin's  Lii'e 
of  Gerry,  ii.  307.  That  Mr.  Gerry, 
however,  did  not  voluntarily  enter 
upon  this  separate  negotiation,  but  for 
the  reasons  assigned  in  the  text,  is 
evident  from  his  Letter  to  Talleyrand, 
in  Austin,  ii.  209.  Washington  had 
a  less  favorable  opinion  of  Mr.  Gerry's 


course  than  President  Adams,  and 
wrote  to  Pickering,  October  18,  1798, 
Writings,  xi.  32-5,  "With  respect  to 
Mr.  Gerry,  his  own  character  and  the 
])ublic  satisfaction  require  better  e\i- 
dence  than  his  letter  to  the  minister 
of  foreign  relations  to  ])rove  the 
propriety  of  his  conduct  during  his  en- 
vovshi])."  Com]).  Pickering's  Review, 
110-143,  and  Hamilton's  Works,  vi. 
322.  The  treatment  of  Mr.  Gerry's 
fomily  during  his  absence,  as  detailed 
in  Austin's  Life  of  Gerry,  ii.  266,  267, 
reflects  little  credit  upon  the  j)arties 
concerned,  and  s])eaks  little  in  favor 
of  the  cause  the}'  had  espoused.  To 
insult  a  lady,  by  insinuating  doubts  of 
lier  luisl)and's  fidelity,  l)y  erecting  a 
guillotine  before  lier  window,  on  which 
w'as  the  etfigy  of  a  headless  man, 
smeared  witii  blood,  and  by  savage 
yells  during  the  niglit,  to  disturb  her 
repose,  were  unmanly  and  disgraceful 
acts,  for  which  no  apology  should  be 
offered,  and  which  every  good  citizen 
must  concur  in  condemning. 

•''  "  The  influence,"  says  Tucker, 
Life  of  Jefferson,  ii.  33,  "  which  these 
despatches  had  on  public  sentiment 
is  well  recollected.  Those  who  had 
been  ])reviously  alienated  from  the 
French  nation,  and  were  j)repared  to 
resist  her  lawless  com-se  on  the  ocean, 


344  MEASURES  OF  THE  GOVERNMENT. 

CHAP,  a  provisional  army  of  twenty  thousand  men,  the  command  of 

J^^^  wliich  was   intrusted   to  Washington.     Authority  was    also 

1798.    given  to  the  navy  of  the  United  States  to  seize  vessels  under 

May  28.  ^^^^  ^^0  ^f  France  which  had  committed  encroachments  on 

Jun.  13.  American  commerce  ;  commercial  intercourse  between  the  two 

countries  was  suspended  ;  the  treaties  concluded  with  France 

July?,  were  declared  no  longer  binding  on  the  United  States ;  letters 

July  9.  of  marque  and  reprisal  were  empowered  to  be  issued ;  and 

other  acts  were  passed,  for  increasing  the  navy,  for  direct  and 

indirect  taxation,  and  for  appropriating  the  revenue  among 

the  officers  of  government.     Alien  and  sedition  laws  were 

likewise  passed.^ 

The  adoption  of  these  measures  was  censured  by  the  oppo- 
nents of  the  administration  with  all  the  virulence  which 
passions  inflamed  beyond  reasonable  bounds  have  ever  pro- 
duced ;  and  the  foundation  was  laid  of  personal  piques  and 
bitter  resentments,  which  have  not  ceased  with  the  passage  of 
years.  Whoever,  indeed,  speaks  freely  of  the  transactions  of 
those  days  —  of  the  intrigues  of  great  men  and  the  plots  of 
partisans  —  is  sure  to  touch  some  sensitive  point,  and  to  revive 
animosities  which  will  not  soon  be  forgotten.  There  is  no 
alternative,  however,  for  the  impartial  historian,  but  to  move 


loudly  triumphed  at  this  undisguised  Hamilton's  Works,  \i.  309  et  seq. ; 
manifestation  of  the  baseness  and  cu-  Tucker's  Life  of  Jefferson,  ii.  28-33 ; 
pidity  of  her  rulers,  which  at  once  Bradford,  iii.  67,  and  Hist.  Fed.  Gov't, 
justified  their  previous  course,  and  97-102  ;  Austin's  Life  of  Gen-y,  iii. 
was  likely  to  strengthen  their  cause  271,  272;  Hildi-eth's  U.  S.,  2d  series, 
with  the  people.  All  the  timid  and  ii.  195  et  seq.;  Harper's  Letter  of 
wavering  of  the  other  party,  the  neu-  July  23,  1798,  in  Works,  i.  268-287. 
ter  between  both  parties,  and  a  few  The  frigate  Constitution  was  built  in 
elevated  minds,  who  forgot  party  dis-  Boston  at  this  time,  which  was  con- 
tinctions  in  then*  sensibility  to  the  sidered  one  of  the  best  ships  belong- 
national  honor,  swelled  the  list,  and  ing  to  the  United  States.  The  other 
thus  gave  to  the  administration  and  two  frigates  voted  by  Congress,  were 
anti-Gallican  party  a  decisive  majority  the  United  States  and  the  Constella- 
of  the  people."  tion.  Besides  these,  it  appears  from 
'  Works  of  J.  Adams,  ix.  159,  the  official  reports,  that  not  less  than 
160 ;  S])arks's  Washington,  xi.  242  365  ]jrivate  armed  vessels  were  com- 
et seq.,  and  App.  Xos.  11  and  12;  missioned,  movmting  2733  gims,  and 
Mai-shall's  Washington,  v.  735-746  ;  mamied  by  6874  seamen. 


EE-ELECTION   OP   MR.    SUMNER. 


345 


straiglit  forward  ia  the  discharge  of  his  duty,  dealing  as  fairly  chap 


YIII. 


1799. 


with  the  one  side  as  with  the  other.  It  would  not  be  difficult, 
did  the  disposition  exist,  to  find  fault  with  both  sides  ;  nor 
would  it  be  difficult  to  substantiate,  by  copious  quotations 
from  newspaper  pasquils,  anonymous  notes,  and  fatherless 
pamphlets,  charges  of  misconduct  against  even  the  best  char- 
acters. But  it  is  unwise  to  judge  men  by  their  splenetic 
humors,  or  by  the  foibles  aud  passions  which  often  betray 
them.  Moods  of  misanthropy  are  common  to  all  ;  and  impulse 
prompts  to  many  a  hasty  censure  and  reproof,  which  is  after- 
wards regretted,  if  it  is  not  retracted.^ 

The  reelection  of  Mr.  Sumner  as  governor  of  Massachusetts 
was  warmly  opposed  in  this  and  the  following  year,  in  conse- 
quence of  his  sympathy  with  President  Adams  ;  but  he  was 
chosen  in  the  latter  year  by  a  very  large  majority,  receiving  -A-priil- 
at  least  three  fourths  of  the  whole  number  of  votes  cast.^  To 
the  grief  of  Lis  friends,  he  died  before  taking  the  oath  of  June  7. 


1799. 


^  The  state  of  feeling  in  Massachu- 
setts, and  the  views  of  the  peojjle 
relative  to  Mr.  Adams's  administra- 
tion, may  be  gathered  fi-om  the  ad- 
di'esses  a]jproving  his  course,  from  the 
legislature  of  the  state,  the  grand 
jury  of  the  county  of  Plymouth,  the 
students  of  Harvard  College,  the  citi- 
zens of  Boston,  and  from  a  number 
of  other  towns.  The  replies  to  these 
addresses  are  given  in  the  Works  of 
John  Aduns,  ix.  189  et  seq.  Comp. 
also  Hildreth's  U.  S.,  2d  series,  ii. 
207  et  seq.  For  the  opinion  of  Ham- 
ilton on  the  situation  of  the  country, 
and  the  views  of  those  who  were  "  de- 
termined to  go  every  length  with 
France,"  see  his  Works,  vi.  289, 
Letter  to  Washington,  May  19, 1798, 
and  reply  of  Washington,  in  ibid. 
290.  Tucker,  however.  Life  of  Jeffer- 
son, ii.  24,  judiciously  observes,  that 
"  this  imputation  of  sacrificing  the 
interests  of  the  United  Stixtes  to  those 
of  a  foreign  nation,  was  indeed  haliit- 
'  ually  made  by  both   parties  against 


their  opponents,  but,  as  to  the  gi'eat 
Ijody  of  the  people,  and  even  of  the 
politicians,  it  was  utterly  unfounded. 
Yet,  as  each  one  was  ])ersuaded  that 
the  ])olicy  of  our  government,  and 
perhaps  its  character,  was  hkely  to  be 
affected  according  as  the  ])ower  of 
these  nations  in  Euro]3e  and  their  in- 
fiuence  here  prevailed,  each  was  led 
to  take  an  interest  in  French  or  Eng- 
lish affairs,  on  account  of  the  interest 
they  took  in  their  country's  welfare ; 
and  it  is  not  M'onderfid  that,  with 
many,  objects  first  pursued  on  other 
accounts  should  be  afterwards  ])ur- 
sued  for  their  own ;  and  that,  in  a 
few  instances,  the  secondary  consider- 
ation became  the  first  in  regard  aud 
im]xn'tance." 

-  The  whole  vote  was  33,000,  of 
which  Mr.  Sumner  received  2j,000. 
One  hundred  and  eighty  towns  gave 
him  a  unanimous  vote.  Bradford, 
iii.  65 ;  Mem.  of  Gov.  S.,  in  X.  E. 
Gen.  Hist.  Reg.  for  April,  1854,  123. 


846 


CALEB   STRONG   CHOSEN  GOVERNOR. 


CHAP,  office  ;  and  Moses  Gill,  the  lieutenant  governor,  occupied  the 
^^^^  chair  for  the  rest  of  the  year.^  The  successor  of  Mr.  Gill  was 
1800.  .  Caleb  Strong,  a  gentleman  of  "  uncommon  talents,  of  great 
political  knowledge  and  experience,  and  of  unblemished  mor- 
als." ^  His  competitor,  Mr.  Gerry,  was  the  candidate  of  the 
republican  party  ;  and  it  is  proof  of  the  confidence  of  the 
people  in  liis  integrity  that  the  vote  for  him  was  large,  though 
insufficient  to  secure  his  election. ^  The  two  parties,  indeed, 
—  the  federalists  and  republicans,  —  were  quite  nearly  bal- 
anced in  Massachusetts  at  this  time  ;  and  such  was  the  state 
of  public  feeling,  that  "  ministers  and  judges  entered  the  arena 
of  political  strife,"  and  "  the  temples  of  devotion  and  justice 
became  altars  of  desecration."  ^  It  is  a  sad  illustration  of 
the  weakness  of  humanity  to  find  a  meeting  of  free  citizens, 
preparatory  to  the  election  of  national  representatives,  de- 


'  Mo.ses  Gill,  the  lieutenant  gov- 
ernor of  ^Massachusetts,  had  held  this 
office  for  several  years,  and  was  "  es- 
teemed as  an  ardent  ])atriot,  and  a 
shicere  friend  to  the  liberties  of  the 
people."  He  Avas  a  gentleman  of  re- 
spectable talents,  and  discharged  the 
duties  of  his  office  Avith  commendable 
diligence.  His  administration  was  too 
short,  however,  to  be  particularly 
distinguished,  nor  is  his  name  usually 
given  in  the  list  of  the  governors  of 
the  state,  though  it  ])roperly  belongs 
there,  as  he  served  for  a  full  year. 
The  death  of  Washington,  which  oc- 
cuiTed  December  14,  1799,  was  a 
severe  stroke  to  the  nation,  and  to  the 
federal  party  es])eciall_\-,  with  which 
he  had  been  connected ;  and  the 
dowifall  of  this  party  and  the  triumph 
of  its  opponents  may  be  dated  from 
this  period.  Public  services  were 
held  in  all  the  states  on  the  occasion 
of  the  funeral  of  Wasliington,  and 
numerous  eulogies  were  delivered  and 
published. 

^  Biog.  of  Gov.  Strong,  ed.  1820 ; 
Boston  Centinel  for  Maich  11,  1812; 
Bradford,  iii.    77.     Mi-.    Strong  was 


bom  at  Northampton,  in  1744,  and 
entered  early  into  public  life,  being  a 
member  of  the  Committee  of  Corre- 
spondence of  Northampton,  in  1775, 
and  of  the  Massachusetts  legislature 
m  1776,  with  the  intre])id  Hawley. 
He  was  a  member  of  the  Constitu- 
tional Convention  of  1780,  and  was 
chosen  councillor  in  the  same  year, 
and  senator  in  1781.  He  was  one 
of  the  five  delegates  tq  the  Federal 
Convention,  in  1787,  and  a  member 
of  the  Massachusetts  Convention  of 
1788.  From  1789  to  1797,  he  was 
also  a  senator  in  the  Congress  of  the 
United  States,  after  Avhich  he  retii'ed 
to  private  life,  until  chosen  to  the 
chief  magistracy  of  Massachusetts  in 
1800.  He  was  now,  therefore,  in  the 
56th  year  of  his  age ;  and  his  abilities 
and  experience  abundantly  qualified 
liim  for  the  responsible  station  to 
which  he  was  called,  and  Avhich  he 
filled  with  so  much  credit  to  himself 
and  the  state. 

*  Austin's  Life  of  GeiTy^  ii.  302. 

*  Austin's  Life  of  Gerry,  ii.  296, 
note. 


FOURTH    PRESIDENTIAL   CANVASS.  347 

scribed  as  "  a  convention  of  Parisian  cutthroats,  assembled  in  chap. 
solemn  divan  for  the  purpose  of  selecting  some  devotee  of  ,__^_^ 
republicanized   France   as   a   candidate    for   the    democratic    1798. 
suffrages  in  this  district  for  federal  representation  at  the  ap- 
proaching election."  ^    But  such  excesses  were  not  uncommon  ; 
and   all  who  participated  actively  in  political  affairs  were 
alike  subjected  to  sneers  and  reproaches. 

The  fourth  presidential  canvass,  in  the  mean  time,  was  I8OO. 
approaching ;  and,  as  dissatisfaction  with  the  administration 
of  Mr.  Adams  liad  been  increased  by  his  attempt  to  negotiate  ^^5^25. 
anew  with  France,  —  which  was  disapproved  by  a  majority  of 
the  cabinet,  and  by  the  great  body  of  the  federalists  in  both 
Houses,-  —  and  by  his  dismissal  of  Pickering  and  M'Henry, 
his  secretaries  of  state  and  war,  which  provoked  their  enmity 
against  him,  as  well  as  by  the  defensive  measures  which  were 
still  pursued,  and  the  enforcement  of  the  obnoxious  alien  and 
sedition  laws,^  the  opposition  became  violent ;  his  conduct  was 
condemned  as  "  a  heterogeneous  compound  of  right  and  wrong. 


'  Boston  Centinel  for  Oct.  17, 1798;  eving's  Review,  44-77;   Proceedings 

Austin's  Life  of  Gerry,  ii.  296,  note.  of  tfie  Va.  Assembly,  Philad.   1800; 

-  Desultory  lleflections on  the  New  Barlow's  Letters;  Bradford,  iii.  80. 
Political  Aspects,  itc,  N.  Y.,  1800;  For  Washington's  opinion  of  the 
Works  of  J.  Adams,  ix.  11,18,19,24  alien  and  sedition  laws,  see  Sparks's 
et  seq.,  131,  note,  162,  241  et  seq. ;  Washington,  xi.  345,  387;  and  for 
Hamilton's  Works,  ^i.  471,  and  Let-  Hamilton's,  see  his  Works,  vi.  388, 
ter  on  J.  Adams,  21;  Gibbs's  Fed.  389.  "The  alien  law,"  says  Carey, 
Admin,  ii.  243  et  seq.  ;  Jay's  Jay,  ii.  Olive  Branch,  83,  "I  believe,  was  never 
296  ;  Tucker's  Life  of  Jefferson,  ii.  carried  into  operation.  It  was  held 
58;  Statesman's  Manual,  i.  134;  Hil-  in  terrorem  over  several  active  and 
di-eth's  U.  S.,  2d  series,  ii.  180  et  seq. ;  influential  foreigners,  Avho,  in  the  lan- 
ILir])er's  Speech  of  March  2,  1798,  in  guage  of  the  day,  were  rank  Jacobins, 
"SVorks,  i.  209-267.  Li  this  instance,  and,  of  course,  enemies  of  God  and 
several  of  the  cabinet  were  ojjposed  to  man.  But  the  case  was  far  different 
sendhig  new  commissioners  to  France,  with  the  secUtion  law.  Several  individ- 
as  "  an  act  of  humiliation  not  to  be  uals  could  bear  testimony,  from  ex- 
submitted  to  except  under  the  pres-  perience,  to  the  severity  Mith  which 
sure  of  an  extreme  necessity,  wliich  its  sanctions  were  enforced."  Pick- 
did  not  exist."  ering,   Pieview,   11,  asserts  that   one 

^  Works  of  J.  Adams,  ix.  14,  note,  of  the  ol)jects  of  the  sedition  law  was 

291;  the  Cunningham  Correspond.;  "to  ])rotect  him  [Mr.  Adams]  from 

Hamilton's  Letter,  2d  ed.  37  et  seq. ;  the  torrents  of  calumny  pouring  upon 

Pendleton's  Addi-ess,  Boston,   1799 ;  him  from  all  the  streams  of  democ- 

Hamilton's  Works,  vi.  307, 398 ;  Pick-  racy." 


348 


CHOICE   OP  JEFFERSON. 


CHAP,  of  wisdom  and  error  ;  "  and  the  result  of  the  canvass,  after  a 
^^^^  great  deal  of  manoeuvring  and  not  a  little  tergiversation,  was 
1801.   the  election  of  Mr.  Jefferson  by  a  vote  of  the  House.^     The 
vote  of  Massachusetts  was  given  for  Mr.  Adams ;  ^  but,  as  the 
1800.    electors  were  chosen  by  the  legislature,  at  a  special  session,  it 
is  probable  that,  had  the  former  mode  of  voting  in  districts 
been  adopted,  several  votes  would  have  been  given  for  Mr. 
Jefferson.^    Yet  the  governor,  in  his  annual  address,  expressed 
himself  in  a  conciliatory  manner  towards  the  new  adminis- 
tration, although  the  result  had  not  "  corresponded  with  the 
wishes  of  many  citizens  of  this  commonwealth."     "  They  will 
reflect,"  he  observed,  "  that,  in  republics,  the  opinion  of  the 
majority  must  prevail,  and  that  obedience  to  the  laws  and 
respect  for  the  constitutional  authorities  are  essential  to  the 
character  of  a  good  citizen."  * 

Nor  were  these  prudent  counsels  without  their  effect ;  for 


1801. 
June. 


*  For  these  proceedings,  see  Ham- 
ilton's Works,  \i.  416  et  seq. ;  the 
Voter's  Text  Book,  7  ;  Tucker's  Life 
of  Jefferson,  ii.  74-82 ;  Bradford's 
Hist.  Fed.  Gov't.  117;  Statesman's 
Manual,  i.  219;  Hildreth's  U.  S.,  2d 
series,  ii.  402  et  seq.  That  Jefferson 
took  a  deep  interest  in  the  result  of 
this  election,  and  did  all  in  his  power 
to  insure  the  defeat  of  Mr.  Adams,  is 
e\'ident  ft-om  his  own  writings,  and 
from  the  admission  of  his  biographer ; 
and  the  points  upon  which  he  princi- 
pally relied  were,  "that  when  these 
counteractions  of  the  alien  and  sedition 
laws  and  the  new  taxes  should  be 
removed,  the  inherent  unpo]3ularity 
of  these  acts  would  bring  the  adminis- 
tration into  discrecht  with  the  people, 
and  give  their  rivals  the  ascendency ; 
for  the  angry  ])assions  of  party  zealots, 
deprived  of  all  other  objects,  would 
concentre  on  the  two  ol^noxious  laws 
and  other  measures  of  the  federalists, 
against  which  they  already  had  evi- 
dence of  a  strong  popular  leaning." 
Tucker's  Life  of  Jefferson,  ii.  59. 

**  The  acti\ity  of  the  opi)onents  of 


Mr.  Adams  in  Massachusetts  is  gi'aph- 
ically  portrayed  by  Fisher  Ames,  in 
his  Laocoon,  No.  1,  Works,  101. 
"The  Jacobins  have  at  last  made 
their  owii  discipHne  perfect.  They  are 
trained,  officered,  regimented,  and 
formed  to  subordination  in  a  manner 
that  om-  militia  has  never  yet  equalled. 
Emissaiies  are  sent  to  eveiy  class  of 
men,  and  even  to  every  indi\idual  man 
that  can  be  gained.  EAcry  threshing 
floor,  every  husking,  every  party  at 
work  on  a  house-fi-ame,  or  raising  a 
building,  the  very  iunerals  are  in- 
fested with  brawlers  or  wliisperers 
agamst  government.  Li  one  of  our 
towns,  it  is  a  fact,  that  the  vote  would 
have  been  unanimous  for  om*  worthy 
chief  magistrate;  but  a  turbulent 
man,  who  kept  two  great  dogs,  but 
could  not  keep  his  estate,  had  influ- 
ence enough  to  gain  five  or  six  votes 
for  the  anti-candidate.  The  only  com- 
plaint he  had  to  urge  against  the  go\'^ 
enior  was,  that  he  had  signed  the  act 
for  the  dog  tax." 

3  Bradford,  iii.  81. 

*  Bradford,  iii.  82. 


FIFTH  PRESIDENTIAL   ELECTION.  349 

the  people  of  Massachusetts,  notwithstanding  the  reflections  chap. 
which  have  been  cast  upon  tliem,  were  as  loyal  to  t]ie  consti-  ^_^^^^ 
tution  as  the  citizens  of  the  other  states.     They  might  diflfer    isoi. 
in  opinion  upon  the  character  of  political  measures,  and  ex- 
press their  dissent  with  considerable  warmth  ;  but  when  it  is 
affirmed  that  there  was  ever  a  serious  intention  on  their  part 
to  resist  the  legitimate  action  of  the  government,  the  charge 
can  be  easily  and  successfully  disproved.     In  no  part  of  the 
country  have  the  people,  as  a  whole,  behaved  with  more  pru- 
dence ;  and  if  individual  exceptions  can  be  found,  the  same 
may  be  said  of  every  other  state.     There  is  always  a  class 
of  ambitious  men,  anxious  for  their  own  aggrandizement ;  and 
if  these  do  not  succeed  in  securing  the  notoriety  they  covet, 
they  are  loud  in  their  denunciations  of  all  who  oppose  them. 

At  the  succeeding  presidential  election,  Mr.  Jefferson  was    I804. 
rechosen  ;  and  this  time,  to  the  surprise  of  almost  every  one, 
the  vote  of  Massachusetts  was  given  in  his  favor. ^    Mr.  Strong 
was  still  governor  of  the  state,  and  held  his  office  until  1807, 
when  he  was  succeeded  by  James  Sullivan,  the  attorney  gen- ,  I807. 

•'  -^   °        May  29. 

eral,  and  a  brother  of  the  late  General  Sullivan,  of  New 
Hampshire.^     Party  spirit,  in  the  mean  time,  was  increasing 

'  Bradford,  iii.  87,  88  ;  Hildi-eth's  1787,  he  was  a  memlier  of  the  Exec- 

U.  S.,  2d  series,  ii.  531.  utive   Council  and  judge  of  probate 

^  Bradford,  iii.  95.     Mr.  Sullivan,  for   the  county  of   Sutiblk;    and,  in 

who  was  born  at  Berwick,  Me.,  April  1790,  he  was  aj)]3ointed  attorney  gen- 

22,  1744,  and  who  studied  law  under  eral,  in  which  office  he  continued  un- 

his   brother,  General   Sullivan,  soon  til  June,  1807,  when  he  entered  upon 

rose  to  celebrity,  and  was  a]3j)ointed  his  duties  as  governor  of  Massachu- 

king's  attori>ey  for  the  county  in  wliich  setts.     He  was  often  a  represent^xtive 

he  resided.    He  was  a  member  of  the  from  Boston  to  the  General  Court ; 

Provincial  Congress  in  1775;  early  in  was  apjiointed  agent  by  Washington 

1776  he  was  appointed  a  judge  of" the  for  settling  the  boundaries  lietween 

Superior  Court,  and  was  a  member  of  the   United    States   and  the   British 

the  convention  for  framing  the  consti-  proAinces ;  was  long  a  member  of  the 

tution  of  Massachusetts,  in  1779  and  American  Academy  of  Arts  and  Sci- 

1780.      In    1782,    he    resigned    his  ences,  and  of  the  Humane  Society, 

judgeship,  and  resumed  his  practice  at  and  jjresident  of  the  IMassachusetts 

the" bar,  and,  in  1783,  was  appointed  Historical  Society,  and  of  the  Massa- 

a  delegate  to  Congress.     In  1784,  he  chusetts    Congregational    Charitable 

WIS  one  of  the  commissioners  for  set-  Society.     Less  of  a  party  ])olitician 

tling   the   land  controversy  between  than  many  of  his  suj^porters  \\ished 

Massachusetts   and  New  York ;    in  or  expected,  he  was  disposed  to  act, 


350  CHARACTER   OF   JEFFERSON. 

CHAP,  in  violence  ;  and  Mr.  Jefferson,  in  particular,  while  be  had 
^^_^^  many  friends,  who  almost  idolized  him,  had  also  his  opponents, 
1807.  who  concurred  in  as  heartily  condemning  his  conduct  as  his 
adherents  had  formerly  in  condemning  Mr.  Adams.  His  tal- 
ents at  intrigue,  it  was  said,  might  have  "  excited  the  envy  of 
a  Machiavel."  He  "  had  a  language  confidential,  as  well  as 
a  language  official,"  which  were  directly  at  variance.  His 
politics  were  "  tinctured  with  fanaticism,"  and  his  views  were 
"  theoretical."  And  though  he  "  possessed  in  a  remarkable 
degree  the  power  of  influencing  others,  and  using  them  as 
tools  for  the  accomplishment  of  his  designs,"  he  did  so  by 
"  stooping  to  their  prejudices,"  and  "  ministering  to  their  van- 
ity." ^  Yet  it  would  be  unjust  to  him  to  denounce  him  as  a 
demagogue,  or  to  assert,  as  did  many,  that  he  was  "  governed 
by  the  basest  motives."  True,  between  him  and  John  Adams 
the  difference  in  character  was  strikingly  marked.  Jefferson 
was  cautious,  plausible,  and  penetrating.  Adams  was  impul- 
sive, and  followed  his  own  instincts.  As  a  politician,  the 
former  was  unquestionably  the  superior.  As  a  man,  the  latter 
was  entitled  to  the  precedence.  In  intellectual  ability,  they 
were  more  nearly  equal ;  but  Jefferson,  from  his  tact,  was 


under  all  circumstances,  i^ith  candor  ried,  and  who  possessed  so  many  esti- 

and  impartiality ;  and,  as  governor  of  mable  traits  of  character.  An  original 

the  state,  he  resisted  the  \iolence  of  jjortrait   of  Governor    Sullivan  is  in 

those  who  attempted  to  introduce  a  the  possession  of  Mr.  Richard  Sulli- 

system   of  proscription,   and   of  re-  van,  of  Boston;   and   an   admu-able 

moval   fi-om   office   to    make    room  copy  of  the  same  is  in  the  possession 

for  others.     In  no  sense  of  the  word  of  T.  C.  Amory,  Jun.,  E)sq.,  also  of 

could   he    be   called    a   bigot ;    nor  Boston,  who  is  engaged  in  pre]5aring 

was   he    radical    in   his   democracy,  a  memorial  of  Governor  Sullivan,  his 

though  sincerely  attached  to  republi-  grandfather,  and  who  has  in  his  pos- 

can  principles.     He  M^as  firm  in  his  session  a  large  collection   of  private 

opinions,  }  et  moderate  in  expressing  documents  illustrative  of  his  career  as 

them  ;  and  his  views  were  the  result  a  jurist  and  statesman, 

of  deliberate  reflection  and  profoimd  '  See  the  pamphlet  entitled  "  The 

couAiction.     His  death  was  lamented  Anti-Gallican,  or   the  Lover   of  his 

as  a  public  calamity ;  and  citizens  of  own   Country,  by  a  Citizen  of  New 

all   parties    attended  his  funeral,   to  England :  Philadelphia,  published  by 

testify  their    respect   for   one  whose  William    Cobbett,     opposite    Christ 

public  ser\'ices,  extenchng  over  a  pe-  Church,   Dec.    1797."      Comp.    also 

nod  of  forty  years,  had  been  so  va-  Pickering's  Review,  18. 


CHARACTER   OF   JEFFERSON.  351 

better  adapted  to  govern  a  nation.  For  John  Adams  was  chap. 
inclined  to  rely  upon  his  own  judgment,  while  Jefferson  do-  _^_^.^;^ 
ferred,  seemingly,  to  the  judgment  of  his  friends.^  I807. 

Yet  let  it  be  said,  to  the  credit  of  Jefferson,  that,  though  as 
a  politician  he  may  have  been  unscrupulous,  and  as  a  man  not 
perfect,  he  was  a  sincere  friend  to  his  country  and  to  its  inter- 
ests as  he  understood  them  ;  nor  is  there  reason  to  doubt  the 
soundness  of  his  patriotism,  even  if  it  was  tinctured  with  a 
large  share  of  ambition.-  He  was  the  first,  indeed,  to  adopt 
the  maxim  that  "  to  the  victors  belong  the  spoils  ;  "  ^  and,  in 
his  removals  from  office,  the  competency  of  the  incumbent  was 
often  overlooked.  Under  all  the  circumstances,  however,  he 
could  hardly  be  expected  to  have  taken  a  different  course.  A 
new  party  had  come  into  power,  and  its  friends  must  be  pro- 
vided for.  Federalists  had  hitherto  governed  the  nation  ;  and 
should  the  reins  be  left  in  their  hands,  when  there  was  a  large 
number  of  republicans  ready  to  hold  them  ?  If  his  doctrine 
was  false,  has  it  since  been  repudiated  ?    Has  any  more  recent 


'  On  the  character  of  Jefferson,  see  Rev-lew,  17,  and  Tucker's  Life  of  Jef- 

Tucker's  Life    of   Jefferson,   passim  ;  ferson,  ii.  209. 

Webster's   and   Wirt's   Eulogies   on  ^  "  I  have  given,"  wrote  Jefferson, 

Adams    and   Jefferson  ;    Letters   of  "  and  will  give,  under  existing  circum- 

Tacitus,  Pliiladelphia,   1802;    Letter  stances,  only  to  republicans.     But  I 

to  aFederalist,  cS:c.,  Feb.,  1<S()5  ;  llil-  believe,  with  others,  that  deprivations 

dreth's  U.  S.,  2d  series,  i.  291-293,  of  office,  if  made  on  grounds  of  po- 

297-300,  455-457.     "  He  was  a  re-  litical  princiijles  alone,  would  revolt 

publican  and  a  philanthropist,"  says  our  new  converts,  and  give  a  body  to 

Mr.  Wirt,   "  from  the  earliest  dawii  leaders  who  now  stand  alone.    Some, 

of  his  character.     He  loved  his  own  I  know,  must  be  made.     They  must 

country  with  a  passion  no  less  intense,  be  as  few  as  ])Ossible,  done  gradually, 

deep,  and  holy  than  that  of  his  great  and  bottomed  on  some  malversation 

com])atriot,   [Adams  ;]   and  vvith  this  or  inherent  disqualification.     Where 

love  he  combined  an  expanded  phi-  we  shall   draw  the  line  between  re- 

lanthro])y  which  encircled  the  globe."  taining  all  aiul  none  is  not  yet  settled, 

^  "  1  will  not  take  leave  of  Mr.  and  will  not  be  till  we  get  our  admin- 
Jefferson  in  this  place,"  says  John  Ad-  istration  together ;  and,  ])erba]is,  even 
ams,  "  without  declaring  my  opinion,  then,  we  sh:ill  proceed  a  liitons,  bal- 
that  the  accusations  against  him  of  ancing  our  measures  according  to 
blind  devotion  to  France,  of  hostility  the  impression  we  perceive  them  to 
to  England,  of  hatred  to  commerce,  make."  Comp.  on  this  subject  Tuck- 
and  duplicity  in  his  late  negotiations  er's  Life  of  Jefferson,  ii.  91-94,  102  ; 
with  the  belligerent  powers,  are  with-  Statesman's  Manual,  i.  220,  221,  226. 
out  foundation."     Comp.  Pickering's 


352  THE   EMBARGO    LAID. 

CHAP,  president  taken  a  different  stand  ?     And  was  ever  a  party,  in 
Jl^^  the  hour  of  triumph,  known  to  prefer  its  opponents  to  its 
1807.    friends  ? 

More  serious  matters,  however,  soon  engaged  the  attention 
of  the  people  of  Massachusetts.  The  president  and  his  cabi- 
net had  long  been  suspected,  and  even  accused,  of  a  leaning 
towards  France,  and  of  a  wish  to  promote  the  views  of  that 
nation,  and  to  provoke  Great  Britain.  Spoliations  on  com- 
merce, in  which  the  Eastern  States  were  largely  interested, 
had  been  frequently  made  by  French,  as  well  as  by  English, 
vessels  ;  but,  when  the  injustice  of  this  treatment  was  remon- 
strated against,  and  indemnity  was  urged,  the  government  of 
France  attempted  to  justify  its  course  by  alleging  that  Eng- 
land was  the  first  aggressor,  and  had  been  equally,  if  not  more, 
unjust  in  its  conduct  towards  the  United  States.^ 

At  this  critical  juncture,  while  the  passions  of  all  classes 

were  highly  inflamed,  about  a  month  after  the  passage  of  the 

Nov.ii.  English  orders  in  council,  and  a  few  days  subsequent  to  the 

Dec.  17.  issue  of  Bonaparte's  Milan  decree,  an  embargo  was  laid  by  the 

Dec.  22.  president,  without  period  or  limitation.     This  feature  of  the 

bill,  which  was  contrary  to  all  precedents,  was  the  particular 

ground  of  alarm  to  Massachusetts ;  and  it  was  feared  there 

would  be  great  difficulty  in  obtaining  a  vote  of  Congress  for 

a  repeal.^    Many  of  the  citizens  of  this  state  were  vehement 


»  Bradford,    iii.    94.     Bonapai'te's  Hildreth's  U.  S.,  2d  series,  ii.  32-37. 

Berlin  decree  was  issued  November  The    pre^ious   proclamation   of   the" 

21,  1806,  declaring  the  British  Islands  English  government,  for  a  blockade 

in  a  state  of  blockade,  and  prohibiting  of  the  coast  ft-ora  the  Elbe  to  Brest, 

all   commerce   and  intercourse  A\ith  was  issued  May  16,  1806 ;  and,  at  a 

them ;  and  the  effects  of  this  decree  still  earlier  date,  or  in  the  winter  of 

were  felt  in  America,  as  well  as  in  1805-6,  m  consequence  of  British  ag- 

Eui'ope.    Carey's  Olive  Branch,  115  ;  gressions,   memorials   from    Boston, 

Hildreth's  U.  S.,   2d  series,  ii.   647,  Salem,  Newbmyport,  and  other  towns 

648.  in  Massaciiusetts,  and  from  New  York, 

*  Bradford,  iii.  97,  and  Hist.  Fed.  Philadelphia,   Baltimore,   and    other 

Gov't.   157 ;    Statesman's   Manual,  i.  cities,  were  forwarded  to  Congress, 

253-256;  Carey's  Olive  Branch,  115  protesting  against  these  aggressions, 

-120;  Pickering's  Re\iew,  33,    34;  and  denicindhig  reckess.     Am.  State 

Tucker's  Life  of  Jeiferson,  H.  248-250 ;  Papers,  1801-1806,  and  1806-1808  ; 


EFFECTS  OP  THE   EMBARGO  UPON   MASSACHUSETTS. 


353 


in  their  denunciations  ;  and,  though  the  friends  of  the  admin-  chap. 
istration  spoke  warmly  of  the  measure,  and  defended  it  with  _^^^ 
enthusiasm,  those  who  considered  the  president  as  unfriendly    1807. 
to  commerce  were  confirmed  in  their  opinions  of  his  charac- 
ter, and  condemned  him  as  a  "  traitor."^    Nor  can  it  be  doubt- 
ed that  the  business  of  Massacliusetts  was  seriously  checked. 
Agriculture  was  discouraged,  and  the  fisheries  were  abandoned. 
A  large  number  of  vessels  were  thrown  out  of  employ,  and 
hauled  up  and  dismantled.      Ship  building  was  suspended ; 
and   the   gloomiest   forebodings    pervaded    the   community.^ 
That  John  Quincy  Adams,  one  of  the  senators  from  Massa- 
chusetts, should  have  voted  for  this  measure,  and  that  John 
Adams,  his  father,  should  have  given  it  his  sanction,  occasioned 
no  little  surprise  to  many .3     Mr.  Pickering,  the  other  senator 


Carey's  Olive  Branch,  88,  89,  115. 
The  orders  in  council  of  November 
11,  1807,  are  said  to  have  reached  the 
United  States  December  18,  four  days 
before  the  embargo  was  laid.  J.  Q. 
Adams  to  H.  G.  Otis,  p.  9.  The  em- 
bargo laws,  with  accomjjanying  docu- 
ments, were  published  at  Boston,  in 
1809,  in  a  pamphlet  of  174  pages,  by 
Gushing  and  Belcher.  On  the  orders 
in  council,  see  Niles's  Register,  i.  155 
-163,  177-189,  194-198. 

'  "  There  is,"  says  Carey,  Olive 
Branch,  130,  "  no  measure  of  the  gen- 
eral government,  from  its  first  organ- 
ization to  the  present  hour,  more 
strongly  marked  with  wisdom,  with 
foresight,  and  with  attention  to  duty, 
than  this  recommendation.  There  is, 
nevertheless,  no  measure  that  has 
generated  more  factions  or  senseless 
clamor,  more  envenomed  prejudice, 
more  unblushing  misrepresentation." 
On  the  embargo  laws,  comp.  An  Ad- 
dress to  the  People  of  New  England, 
by  Algernon  Sidney,  [Gideon  Gran- 
ger,] Washington,  1808  ;  An  Address 
to  the  Congress  of  the  United  States 
on  the  UtiHty  and  Justice  of  Kestric- 
tions  upon  Foreign  Commerce,  Phil- 
adelphia, 1809  J  Blake's  Examination 

YOL.  III.  23 


of  the  Constitutionality  of  the  Em- 
bargo Laws,  Worcester,  1808;  Bar- 
ing's Inquiry  on  the  Orders  in  Coun- 
cil, 2d  Am.  ed.,  N.  Y.,  1808. 

*  Address  to  the  Congress  of  the 
U.  S.,  15,  Philad.  1809  f  Report  of 
Com.  of  Mass.  Leg.  1809  ;  Dallas  on 
the  Embargo,  Pliilad.  1809;  Pick- 
ering to  Sullivan,  5  ;  Tucker's  Life  of 
Jefferson,  ii.  265,  266.  The  registered 
tonnage  of  the  United  States  in  1807, 
emploj'ed  in  the  foreign  trade,  was 
848,306  tons ;  and  of  this  ]\Iassachu- 
setts  alone  owned  310,309  tons,  or 
more  than  one  third.  Pickering's 
Review,  34.  Is  it  sm-prising  in  this 
\'iew,  that  the  citizens  of  Massachu- 
setts should  have  complained  of  the 
imjiolic)-  of  the  embargo  ? 

^  Pickering's  Review,  29-44 ;  Brad- 
ford, iii.  98;  Hildreth's  U.  S.,  2d 
series,  iii.  37,  78.  "  The  president," 
said  Mr.  Adams,  "  has  recommended 
this  measiu'e  on  his  high  responsibil- 
ity. I  would  not  consider.  I  would 
not  deliberate.  I  would  act.  Doubt- 
less, the  president  possesses  such  fur- 
ther information  as  will  justify  the 
measure."  Pickering  to  Sullivan,  11, 
and  Review,  34.  Comp.  also  the  In- 
admissible Principles  of  the  King  of 


354 


POLICY  OF   THIS  MEASURE. 


CHAP,  from  Massachusetts,  opposed  the  act  as  improper  and  impolitic, 
^^^.^^  and  addressed  a  letter  to  Governor  Sullivan,  intended  also  for 
1807.  the  legislature  and  the  people,  embodying  his  views  upon  the 
subject.  1  To  this  Mr.  John  Quincy  Adams  replied,  in  a  letter 
to  Mr.  Otis,  in  favor  of  the  embargo.^  But  the  public  were 
dissatisfied  with  his  reasoning,  and  withdrew  their  confidence 
from  the  friends  of  the  act.^ 

Let  it  not  be  supposed,  however,  that  the  embargo  was 
entirely  unwarranted.  For  some  time,  the  posture  of  affairs 
with  England  had  been  such  as  to  threaten  a  rupture  ;  and,  to 
prevent  this  evil,  negotiations  had  been  pending  with  the  Eng- 
lish government  upon  the  subject  of  neutral  rights,  which  had 
been  violated  by  the  seizure  of  American  vessels  trading  to 
^nj  country  with  which  Great  Britain  was  at  war,  and  by 
forcibly  impressing  American  seamen  under  the  pretence  that 
they  were  British  subjects.^     The  envoys  to  whom  this  nego- 


England's  Proclamation  of  Oct.  16, 
1807,  bv  the  late  President  Adams, 
Boston, 'l 809. 

'  Corresp.  between  Pickering  and 
Sullivan,  1808 ;  Pickering's  Renew, 
35;  Bradford,  iii.  99;  Carey's  Olive 
Branch,  132;  Hiklreth's  U.'  S.,  2d 
series,  iii.  76.  Mr.  Pickeiing  was 
hanged  in  effigy  in  the  Northern  Lib- 
erties of  Philadcl])hia,  on  a  gallows 
fifty  feet  high,  for  opposing  the  em- 
bargo.    Pickering's  Re\'iew,  5. 

2  John  Q.  Adams  to  H.  G.  Otis ; 
Bradford,  iii.  99,  note  ;  Hikbeth's  U. 
S.,  2d  series,  iii.  77. 

^  It  \vas  asserted,  by  some,  that  the 
embargo  was  the  result  of  a  combi- 
nation between  the  Southern  and 
Western  States,  to  ruin  the  Eastern  ; 
but  of  this  there  is  no  adequate  proof. 
Com]).  Carey's  Olive  Branch,  131. 

■*  A^'ar  in  Disguise;  Answer  to  War 
in  Disguise.  N.  York,  1806;  Peace  or 
War,  N.  York,  1807  ;  Cases  and  Que- 
ries, N.  Y'ork,  1809 ;  Exam,  of  the 
British  Doctrine  on  Neutral  Trade, 
&c.  ;  Bradford's  Hist.  Fed.  Gov't. 
146 ;.  Carey's  Olive  Branch,  106.    "  It 


soon  appeared  from  the  despatches 
received  from  Messrs.  Monroe  and 
Pinckney,  after  they  had  entered  upon 
the  negotiation,  that  there  was  little 
probability  of  making  a  satisfactory 
adjustment  of  the  gi-eat  questions  of 
impressment,  indemnity  for  spolia- 
tions, or  the  West  Lidia  trade.  An- 
ticipating a  change  of  ministry  after 
Mr.  Fox's  death,  and  with  his  hopes 
of  a  successful  negotiation  greatly 
moderated,  the  president  thought  it 
prudent  to  give  more  explicit  instruc- 
tions to  the  American  envoys.  They 
were,  therefore,  informed  of  his  views 
on  the  subjects  of  impressments,  neu- 
tral commerce,  blockades,  East  and 
West  India  trade,  and  indemnifica- 
tion ;  and  they  were  instructed  not  to 
enter  into  any  treaty  which  did  not 
proAide  some  security  against  the 
im])ressment  of  American  seamen." 
Tucker's  Life  of  Jefferson,  ii.  223, 
224.  The  copy  of  the  treaty  was 
received  from  Mr.  Erskine,  who  had 
been  appointed  under  the  Grenrille 
administration  to  succeed,  or  rather  to 
take  th^  place  of,  Mr.  Merry,  as  min- 


POLICY  OP  THE  REJECTION  OF  THE  OFFERED  TREATY.       355 

tiation  was  intrusted  succeeded  in  effecting  a  treaty,  signed  by  chap. 
the  American  and  British  ministers,  which  was  forwarded  to  ^^^^" 
the  president ;  but,  from  its  alleged  defects,  he  declined  submit-    18O6. 
ting  it  to  the  Senate.     It  contained  no  agreement  on  the  part    1807. 
of  the  British  relinquishing  in  full  their  right  of  taking  their  ^^"'  ^' 
seamen  wherever  they  might  find  them ;    and  an  article  was 
appended  to  it,  after  it  had  been  signed,  by  which  the  English 
government  might  require  of  the  United  States,  in  case  of  an 
invasion  of  England  by  the  French,  which  was  threatened,  a 
variation  in  the  stipulations  of  the  treaty  in  favor  of  England.^ 
The  policy  of  the  president  in  thus  assuming,  in  connection 
with  Madison,  to  reject  so  important  a  measure  without  con- 
sulting the  Senate,  as   it  involved  an  unusual   exertion   of 
authority,  became  a  subject  at  once  of  newspaper  attack  and 
defence  ;  and  though  he  pleaded  in  his  vindication  his  "  sensi- 
bility to  the  sovereignty  of  the  nation,"  2  there  were  not  want- 
ing those  who  viewed  his  conduct  in  a  less  favorable  light,  and 
who  regarded  him  as  playing  into  the  hands  of  the  French. 
For,  certainly,  as  Monroe  very  sensibly  replied,  as  the  question 
of  impressment  had  been  placed  on  the  best  temporary  basis 
that  the  conflicting  prejudices  of  the  two  nations  would  admit, 


ister  from  Great  Britain  to  the  United  criminals,  equalization  of  duties,  and 
States,  and  who  reached  Wasliington  regulation  of  privateers,  the  two  la- 
in the  preceding  November.  struments  were  substantially  the  same. 
'  Real  Causes  of  the  Failure  of  the  The  new  features  were,  that  Great 
Negotiation,  Szc.  ;  Tucker's  Life  of  Britain  consented  that  the  United 
Jefferson,  ii.  224  ;  Bradford's  Hist.  States  should  have  a  circuitous  trade 
Fed.  Gov't.  146  ;  Statesman's  Manu-  with  the  colonies  of  her  enemies,  dur- 
al,  i.  251 ;  Hildreth's  U.  S.,  2d  series,  ing  existing  liostilitics ;  the  limit  of 
ii.  653-6o6.  Pinckney  and  Monroe  maritime  jurisdiction  was  extended  to 
were  the  agents  of  the  United  States ;  five  miles  from  the  coast ;  ])rovision 
and  Lords  Auckland  and  IIoMick,  was  made  in  lavor  of  shipwTccked 
afterwards  Earl  Grey,  were  the  agents  persons ;  advantages  in  navigation  or- 
of  England.  This  treat)-,  which  con-  trade  granted  by  either  party  to,  any 
sisted  of  twenty-six  articles,  was  con-  nation  were  to  extend  to  the  other; 
eluded  for  the  term  of  ten  years.  It  and  all  laws  passed  and  measures 
confirmed  the  permanent  and  unex-  taken  against  the  African  slave  trade 
pired  articles  in  the  treaty  of  1 794,  and  were  to  be  communicated  to  the  other. 
on  the  subjects  of  the  East  India  trade,  ^  Comp.  Hildreth's  U.  S.,  2d  series, 
rights  of  neutrals  and  belligerents,  ap-  iii.  27. 
pointment  of  consuls,   suiTender  of 


356       POLICY  OF  THE  REJECTION  OF  THE  OFFERED  TREATY. 

CHAP,  nothing  could  justify  the  refusal  to  ratify  but  a  fixed  determi- 
^2^^  nation,  in  case  the  matter  was  not  otherwise  arranged,  to  press 
1807.  its  decision  by  an  appeal  to  arms.^  Hatred  of  England,  it  was 
said,  was  all  that  held  his  party  together.  Take  away  this, 
and  it  would  speedily  dissolve.  But  these  censures,  it  would 
seem,  were  pushed  too  far  and  stated  too  strongly.  If  his 
own  statements  may  be  credited,  it  is  quite  certain  that  Jeffer- 
son was  not  opposed  to  a  peace  with  England  ;  nor  is  it 
necessary  to  question  his  honesty  to  account  for  his  conduct 
on  this  occasion.^  Without  doubt,  it  would  have  been  the 
most  prudent  course  to  have  submitted  the  treaty  to  the  Sen- 
ate ;  but,  if  he  was  convinced  in  his  own  mind  that  it  was 
injurious  and  dishonorable,  he  had  a  right  to  withhold  it.  Its 
adoption  might  have  averted  the  consequences  which  followed  ; 
but  those  consequences,  as  they  were  not  sought  by,  so  neither 
could  they  justly  be  charged  to,  him.^ 

Yet  the  confidence  of  the  frieuds  of  the  president  remained 
unshaken ;  and,  even  in  New  England,  his  partisans  increased. 
But  an  outrage  soon  followed  which  tended  for  a  season  to 
check  their  zeal,  and  open  their  eyes  to  a  sense  of  their  dan- 
gers. This  was  the  attack  upon  the  Chesapeake,  near  the 
Jun.  23.  capes  of  Yirgiuia,  by  the  English  ship  Leopard."*     An  indig- 


■*  Comp.  Tucker's  Life  of  Jefferson,  land.    "  No  two  countries  upon  earth," 

ii.  226,  227;  Hildreth's  U.  S.,  2cl  se-  said  he,  "have  so   many  points  of 

ries,  ii.  663  ;  iii.  27,  64.     Monroe,  it  common  interest  and  friendship ;  and 

is  said,  was  not  "  altogether  free  fi-om  their  rulers  must  be  great  bunglers, 

suspicion  that  the  treaty  with  Great  indeed,  if,  with  such  dispositions,  they 

Britain,  so  unceremoniously  rejected  break  them  asunder.    The  onh'  rivalry 

without  being  even  submitted  to  tlie  that  can  ever  arise  is  on  the  ocean. 

Senate,  had  fallen  a  ^^ctim  to  appre-  We  ask  for  peace  and  justice  from  all 

hensions  lest  the  echt  of  so  successful  nations;  and  we  will  remain  strictly 

a   negotiation,   backed,   perhaps,   by  neutral  in  fact,  though  leaning  in  be- 

federal  votes,  might  carry  its  author  hef  to  the  opinion  that  an  English 

over  Madison's  head   into  the  pres-  ascendency  on  the  ocean  is  lar  safer 

idential  chair."     Comp.,  however,  on  for  us  than  that  of  France."     States- 

this  ])oint,  Tucker's  Life  of  Jefferson,  man's  Manual,  i.  249. 
ii.  208.  3  Bradford's  Hist.  Fed.  Gov't.  147, 

*  In  his  private  corresjiondence  with  148. 
Mom-oe,  Jefferson  declared  himself  in         ''  Am.  State  Papers,  1806-1808; 

favor  of  a  permanent  peace  with  Eng-  An  Essay  on  the  Kights  and  Duties 


i^ 


1808. 
Jan.  8. 


PEESSURE   OF   THE  EMBARGO.  357 

nation  meeting  was  held  in  Virginia,  on  hearing  of  this  affair  ;  chap. 
and  a  proclamation  was  issued  by  the  president,  complaining  _.^_^ 
of  the  insolence  of  the  British  cruisers,  and  ordering  all  ships    I807. 

July  2. 

of  war  belonging  to  that  nation  to  quit  immediately  the  waters 
of  the  United  States.  A  court  of  inquiry  was  also  instituted 
to  investigate  the  conduct  of  the  commander  of  the  Chesa- 
peake ;  and  a  vessel  was  despatched  to  England,  with  instruc- 
tions to  the  American  minister  to  demand  reparation,  and  to 
suspend  all  other  negotiations  until  the  same  should  be  ob- 

ned.^ 

It  was  at  this  stage  of  affairs  that  the  embargo  was  passed. 
But  so  soon  as  the  pressure  of  this  act,  and  of  the  additional 
and  supplementary  acts,  which  were  "  as  satellites  to  the  pri- 
mary planet,"  began  to  be  felt,  the  people,  who  from  the 
outset  had  submitted  reluctantly,  complained  bitterly  of  their 
impolicy.^  That  the  real  object  of  the  embargo  was  to  oper- 
ate rather  on  Great  Britain  than  on  France  was  evident  from 
the  ground  taken  by  its  supporters ;  and  the  arrival  of  the 


of  Nations,  &c.,  by  an  American,  Bos-  312 ;  Carey's  Olive  Branch,  113 ;  Hil- 
ton, 1807,  and  App.  to  ditto,  Boston,  dreth's  U.  S.,  2d  series,  iii.  25.  "  The 
1808;  Calm  Inquu-y,  by  a  Yanlcee  mdignation  excited  by  this  invasion 
Farmer,  Boston,  1807  ;  the  Voice  of  of  national  rights,"  says  Tucker,  Lile 
Truth,  N.  Yorli,  1807  ;  Carey's  Olive  of  Jefferson,  ii.  237,  "  which  was 
Branch,  108-115;  Hildreth's  U.  S.,  heightened,  no  doubt,  by  the  feeble 
2d  series,  ii.  674-681;  Tucker's  Life  resistance  made  by  the  Chesapeake, 
of  Jefferson,  ii.  235  ;  Niles's  Weekly  pervaded  every  part  of  the  commu- 
Register,  i.  49-52,  73-78,  89-92.  nity;  and,  in  city,  town,  and  country, 
'  Am.  State  Papers,  1806-1808,  there  were  meetings  expressing  their 
281  et  seq. ;  N.  Eng.  Palladium  for  keen  resentment,  tendering  then-  sup- 
April  5,  8,  15,  1808;  Tucker's  Life  port  to  the  govenunent  in  all  measures 
of  Jefferson,  ii.  228,  229,  236  ;  Sbites-  of  retribution,  and,  in  the  mean  time, 
man's  Manual,  i.  253 ;  Hildreth's  U.  discontinuing  every  sort  of  intercourse 
S.,  2d  series,  ii.  682  ;  iii.  37,  38.  A  with  British  ships  of  war.  On  this 
meeting  "  to  strengthen  the  adminis-  question,  all  jiarties  cordiall_v  coop- 
tration,"  &c.,  was  held  in  Boston,  erated,  without  distinction;  and  the 
July  10,  over  which  Elbridge  GeiTy  countiy,  as  Mr.  Jefferson  _  properly 
presided ;  and  a  second  meeting  was  observed,  had  never  been  in  such  a 
held  July  16,  at  which  John  Q.  Ad-  state  since  the  battle  of  Lexington." 
ams,  H.  G.  Otis,  Christopher  Gore,  *  For  other  acts  enforcing  the 
T.  H.  Perkins,  John  Warren,  and  embargo,  see  Blake's  Examination, 
other  distinguished  citizens  were  pres-  11;  Hildi-eth's  U.  S.,  2d  series,  iii. 
ent.    Austin's  Life  of  Gerry,  ii.  310-  59. 


358  EESISTANCE   OP   AN   ATTEMPT   FOR   ITS   EEPEAL. 

CHAP.  British  orders  in  council,  and  of  Bonaparte's  Milan  decree, 
J^^^  served  still  further  to  increase  the  excitement. ^  To  haye 
1808.  sided  with  France,  under  these  circumstances,  would  evidently 
Feb.  18.  ^^^®  ^^^^  ruinous  to  the  commerce  of  the  country  ;  to  have 
sided  with  England  might  have  preserved  its  most  valuable 
portion.  That  the  latter  was  the  more  prudent  course  was 
the  view  taken  by  nearly  all  who  were  engaged  in  commercial 
pursuits  ;  but  the  Southern  States,  whose  interests  were  agri- 
cultural chiefly,  were  of  a  different  opinion,  and  even  imagined 
that  a  total  destruction  of  commerce  would  not  be  a  positi^^ 
evil  —  an  opinion  in  which  Jefferson  seems  to  have  concurred.^ 
Hence  a  suggestion  of  Livermore,  of  Massachusetts,  on  the 
floor  of  the  House,  that,  "  since  the  United  States  were  driven 
by  inevitable  necessity  to  choose  between  the  belligerents,  a 
regard  as  well  for  commercial  interests  as  for  the  independ- 
ence of  nations  ought  to  induce  them  to  side  with  Great 
Britain,"  was  received  with  astonishment,  as  if  it  had  been 
treasonable,  and  the  opposition  was  denounced  as  factious  and 
disorganizing.^ 

'  Comp.  Tucker's  Life  of  Jefferson,  expectations  ■would  have  been  real- 

ii.  268.     "It   must  be   recollected,"  ized." 

says  he,  "  that  the  measure  was  de-  ^  Notes  on  Virginia.  See  also 
fended  by  its  advocates,  not  as  the  Thoughts  on  the  Conduct  of  the  Ad- 
most  profitable,  but  only  as  preferable  ministration,  by  a  Friend  to  Peace, 
to  war ;  since  submission  to  the  inso-  Boston,  1808,  and  Hildreth's  U.  S., 
lent  abuses  of  power  by  the  belliger-  2d  series,  iii.  50.  "  Were  I  to  in- 
ents,  the  only  other  alternative,  was  dulge  my  own  theory,  I  should  wish 
defended  by  no  one.  It  was  there-  the  states  to  practise  neither  com- 
fore  thought  better  to  bear  the  evils  merce  nor  nangation,  but  to  stand, 
of  the  embargo  for  a  time,  serious  as  with  respect  to  Europe,  precisely  on 
they  were,  than  to  resort  to  war.  the  footing  of  China.  We  should 
There  was  a  chance  that  those  nations  thus  avoid  wars,  and  all  oui'  citizens 
would  abandon  their  lawless  pre-  would  be  husbandmen." 
tensions  when  they  found  they  were  ^  Ililcketh's  U.  S.,  2d  series,  iii.  54. 
hm-tful  to  themselves  as  well  as  to  "  Never,"  says  Carey,  Olive  Branch, 
their  enemies.  There  was  also  a  135,  "was  I  more  deceived  than  I  am 
chance  of  peace ;  and  it  was  distinctly  at  this  moment,  if  every  candid,  im- 
foreseen  that,  beyond  a  limited  time,  biased  reader  do  not  agree  with  me, 
wai-  would  be  the  j)referable,  as  well  that  the  opposition  to  the  operation 
as  the  certain  expedient.  It  is  yet  of  the  embargo  was  factious,  disor- 
believed  by  some  that,  if  persevered  ganizing,  and  impolitic  in  the  extreme ; 
in  a  httle  longer,  the  fii'st  of  these  and  that  those  who  rendered  the  law 


SIXTH    PRESIDENTIAL   ELECTION.  359 

In  the  midst  of  this  excitement,  the  fifth  presidential  cam-  chap. 

VTT  T 

paign   was   approacliing  ;    and,  as   it   had   been   understood  ,__^_^ 
between  Jefferson  and  Madison  that  the  former  was  to  decline    I8O8. 
in  favor  of  the  latter,  a  caucus  of  the  members  of  the  legisla- 
ture of  Virginia  was  called,  at  which  one  hundred  and  thirty-  Jan.  23. 
four  votes  were  cast  for  Madison,  and  forty-seven  for  Monroe.^ 
The  result  of  the  congressional  caucus,  held  the  same  night, 
was  equally  decisive  in  favor  of  Madison,  who  received  eighty- 
three  votes,  to  three  for  Monroe,  and  three  for  Clinton.^     In 
Massachusetts,  no  change  was  made  in  the  government.     Mr. 
Sullivan  was  reelected  and  qualified  as  governor  of  the  state,  MaySL 
and  Levi  Lincoln  as  lieutenant  governor.^     Yet  the  federal- 
ists, after  a  severe  struggle,  succeeded  in  obtaining  a  small 
majority  in  both  branches  of  the  legislature  ;  and  a  series  of 
resolutions  was  passed  questioning  the  constitutionality  of  the  ^ndV 
embargo,  and  condemning  it  as  an  experiment  both  novel  and 
dangerous,  doubtful  in  its  effects  abroad,  and  full  of  mischief 
at  home.'*    Displeasure  was  likewise  evinced  at  the  course  of 


nugatory  and  unavailing  have  a  high  renounce  hers,  but  the  question  might 

crime  to  answer  for  to  their  injured  be  passed  over  in  silence  " 

countryt"      John   Q.    Adams   subse-  '  Tucker's    Life   of    Jefferson,    ii. 

quently    moved    an   inquiry   in    the  260 ;    Statesman's    Manual,    i.    259 ; 

Senate,  how  soon  the  embargo  might  Hildreth's  U.  S.,   2d  series,   iii.   64. 

be  repealed;  but  the  motion  was  re-  In  speaking  of  Jefferson's  vindication 

jected.     Before  Congress  adjourned,  of  himself,  in  his   letter  to  Monroe, 

however,  a  law  was  passed,  author-  Mr.  Tucker  observes,  Life  of  Jeffer- 

izing  the  president   to   suspend  the  son,  ii.  262,  "  he  is  careful  not  to  say 

embargo  act,  in  the  event  of  a  peace  that  he  had  no  preference ;  for  it  can 

between  the  belligerents  of  Europe,  scarcely  be  doubted  that  he  thought 

or  "  if  such  changes  in  their  meas-  Mr.  Madison  had  prior  claims  to  those 

m*es  afifecting  neutral  commerce  took  of  Mr.    Monroe,  if  upon   no   other 

Elace "  as  might  "  render  that  of  the  ground,  at  least  iqjon  that  of  sen- 
fnited  States  sufficiently  safe  ; "  and  iorlty." 
"  this  law  was  passed,"  says  Tucker,  ^  Tucker's  Life  of  Jefferson,  ii.  260, 
Life  of  Jefferson,  ii.  26o,  "  because  note  ;  Statesman's  Manual,  i.  260 ; 
some  hope  was  then  entertained  that  Hildreth's  U.  S.,  2d  series,  iii.  63. 
a  peace  between  France  and  England  ■*  Boston  Palladium,  June  3,  1808. 
would  be  effected  by  the  intervention  •*  Boston  Palladium  for  June  10, 
of  Austria.  An  intimation  had  been  1808  ;  Hildretii's  U.  S.,  2d  series,  iii. 
given  by  Napoleon  that  France  woidd  76-78.  These  resolutions,  offered  by 
not  require  England  to  renounce  her  Mr.  Wheaton,  of  Norton,  were  sub- 
maritime  piinciples,  nor  would  France  stantially    as    follows  :     "  Resolved, 


360 


MR.  LLOYD  CHOSEN  SENATOR  IN  THE  PLACE  OF  MR.  ADAMS. 


CHAP.  Mr.  Adams ;  and,  as  his  senatorial  term  was  soon  to  expire, 
^^^^"   James  Lloyd,  an  eminent  merchant  of  Boston,  was  chosen  in 
1808.    his  place.     Mr.  Adams,  upon  this,  was  so  much  chagrined  that 
1809    he  resigned  his  seat  —  assigning  as  his  reason  that  he  could 
^^^*    not,  after  such  a  vote,  consistently  hold  it  longer.     But  the 
more  vehement  of  the  federal  party  doubted  his  sincerity,  and 
exclaimed,  with  upraised  hands,  that  "  treachery  was  heredi- 
tary in  the  family."  ^ 


That  the  citizens  of  Massachusetts 
have  a  natural,  necessar}-,  and  imme- 
diate interest  in  the  preservation  and 
prosperity  of  commerce,  na\igation, 
and  the  fisheries ;  to  the  successful 
extension  of  which,  under  the  late 
administration,  they  are,  ■with  the 
blessing  of  Providence,  principally  in- 
debted for  the  rapid  iraj)rovement  in 
agriculture  and  the  arts,  and  for  tlie 
unexampled  increase  of  their  domestic 
resources ;  —  That  to  secure  protec- 
tion and  encouragement  to  these  most 
important  and  unalienable  interests, 
was  a  primary  motive  for  the  acces- 
sion of  this  commonwealth  to  the 
constitution  of  the  United  States  ;  — 
That  we  therefore  view  with  anxiety 
and  alarm  the  ojjeration  of  an  em- 
bargo of  an  unprecedented  extent  and 
unlimited  duration,  by  which  not  only 
foreign  commerce  is  annihilated,  but 
the  most  grievous  restraints  and  em- 
barrassments imposed  upon  the  inter- 
com-se  between  different  states,  and 
even  between  diti'erent  parts  of  the 
same  state;  —  That  although  a  tem- 
porary embargo  may  be,  on  some  oc- 
casions, expedient  as  a  measure  of 
precaution,  and  the  right  to  imjjose  it 
may  be  admitted  as  incident  to  the 
powers  of  the  national  government  to 
regulate  commerce,  yet  the  power  to 
create  a  permanent  embargo  u])on 
foreign  and  inland  commerce,  wliich 
a  majority  of  Congress  cannot  repeal 
against  the  consent  of  the  president, 
was  not,  it  is  believed,  contemplated 
by  the  framers  of  the  constitution ; 
and  the  adoption  of  this  measure,  with 
a  view  to  coerce  foreign  nations,  is,  in 
our  estimation,  a  novel  and  dangerous 


experiment,  which  discourages  indus- 
try bj-  destrojing  its  reward,  disturbs 
the  natural  relations  of  the  citizens, 
is  equally  re])ugnant  to  the  national 
honor  and  interest,  and  while  its  ef- 
fects in  counteracting  the  oppressive 
policy  of  any  other  nation  is  at  least 
doubtfiil,  is  pregnant  with  disastrous 
consequences  to  our  own  ;  —  That, 
while  the  true  poHcy  of  the  United 
States  points  to  the  cultivation  of 
peace  and  amity  Avith  all  nations,  yet, 
if  these  blessings  be  unattainable  by 
means  consistent  with  national  honor, 
the  people  of  this  commonwealth  will 
be  ever  ready  to  sustain  all  privations, 
and  to  make  every  exertion  requisite 
to  sup]5ort  the  dignity  and  enforce  the 
reasonable  pretensions  of  the  nation ; 
and  it  being  certain  that  no  degree 
of  forbearance  and  moderation  will 
exempt  neutral  nations  at  all  times 
from  insult  and  aggression,  and  that 
the  claims  of  miUtary  ambition  can  be 
satiated  only  by  universal  dominion, 
it  is  the  duty  of  government  to  pre- 
pare for  events  which  it  may  be  im- 
possible to  avert ;  —  That  the  spuit 
and  resources  of  the  comitry  are  fully 
adequate  to  the  protection  of  its  mar- 
itime and  territorial  rights,  and  ought 
to  be  directed  and  employed  in  such 
jjreparations  as  the  experience  of  ages 
demonstrates  to  be  alone  safe  and 
eftl'C  Lual ;  —  We  cannot,  therefore,  but 
deprecate  a  system  of  measures  which, 
instead  of  jiroviding  for  the  defence 
of  our  ports  and  frontier  by  usual  and 
obAious  means,  has  impaired  oiu-  naval 
force,  and  left  us  exposed  to  every 
invader." 

'  Hildreth's  U.  S.,  2d  series,  iii.  79. 


CHAEGE   OP   AN  ATTEMPT  TO  DISSOLVE  THE  UNION.  361 

The  public  excitement  was  now  very  great.  By  the  death  chap, 
of  Mr.  Sullivan,  the  duties  of  the  chief  magistracy  devolved  ^^Jl, 
upon  Mr.  Lincoln,  a  devoted  partisan  of  Jefferson  ;  and  a  18O8. 
more  stringent  system  of  policy  was  introduced.  Meetings 
bad  been  held,  from  time  to  time,  in  the  principal  seaports,  to 
remonstrate  against  the  embargo,  and  to  point  out  the  injuries 
it  had  caused  ;  but  his  excellency,  in  his  speech  to  the  General  is'^^- 
Court,  condemned  these  meetings  as  seditious  and  uncalled 
for.i  Nor  is  there  reason  to  doubt  that  inflammatory  speeches 
were  made,  and  that  extravagant  articles  were  published  in 
the  papers.  Yet  if  a  few  individuals  were  guilty  of  such  ex- 
cesses, theirs  was  only  the  language  of  exasperated  suffering, 
inconsiderately  uttered.  Senator  Adams,  indeed,  expressed 
his  belief,  in  a  communication  to  the  president,  that,  "  from 
information  received  by  him,  and  which  might  be  relied  upon, 
it  was  the  determination  of  the  ruling  party  in  Massachu- 
setts, and  of  the  federalists  in  New  England  generally,  if  the 
embargo  was  persisted  in,  no  longer  to  submit  to  it,  but  to 
separate  themselves  from  the  Union,  at  least  until  the  existing 
obstacles  to  foreign  commerce  were  removed  ;  that  the  plan 
was  already  digested  ;  and  that,  such  was  the  pressure  of  the 
embargo  upon  the  community,  they  would  be  supported  by  the 
people."  2     But  this  was  a  false  alarm  ;  and,  though  it  was 


'  For   the    proceedings   of   the.se  do  not  remain  silent  under  the  impu- 

meetings,  see  the  newspapers  of  the  tation.     Ever  since  the  fever  of  the 

day,  and  comp.  the  governor's  speech,  time  has  passed  away,  they  maintain 

Jan.,  1809;  Carey's  Olive  Branch,  141  tliat  the  state  of  things  was  greatly 

et  seq. ;   Hikketh's  U.  S.,  2d  series,  exaggerated  by  Mr.  Adams,  and  that 

iii.  113-115.  the  existence  of  any  negotiation  or 

-  Tucker's  Life  of  Jefferson,  ii.  286;  intrigue  between  a  British  agent  and 

Statesman's     Manual,   i.   262  ;    Hil-  any  of  the  leading  politicians  of  New 

dreth's  U.  S.,  2d  series,  iii.   81,  118.  England  had  no  existence  except  in 

"  It   is    not    known,"    says    Tucker,  Mr.  Adams's  fancy,  or  rather  in  his 

"  whether  the  information  thus  com-  wilful  misrepresentations,  w  liicli,  they 

municated  by  Mr.  Adams  was  entirely  allege,  w-ere  dictated   by  a  wish  to 

accurate  ;  but  that  the  growing  dis-  recommend  himself  to  the  adminis- 

contents  of  the  country  made  some  tration ;  and  that,  in  the  mission  to 

change  expedient,  would  seem  to  be  llussia,   which   was   soon   afterwards 

very  reasonable.     It  is  but  justice  to  tendered  to  him  by  President  Madi- 

add,  that  those  who  ai'e  thus  accused  son,  he  received  tliat  reward  which 


362 


MISSION   OP   HENRY. 


1809. 
Feb. 


CHAP,  made  a  great  handle  of  by  the  friends  of  the  administration, 
J^}^  the  proof  of  such  a  conspiracy  was  principally  conjectural.^ 
The  mission  of  Mr.  Henry,  also,  who  was  sent  hither,  from 
Canada,  to  act  as  a  spy  upon  the  movements  of  the  federalists, 
was  entirely  fruitless.  Without  doubt,  it  would  have  been 
pleasing  to  England  to  have  effected  a  separation  of  the  states, 
under  distinct  and  independent  governments  ;  and  this  might 
have  been  brought  about  "  by  a  series  of  acts  and  long-con- 
tinued policy  tending  to  irritate  the  southern,  and  conciliate 
the  northern,  people."  But  this  object  could  be  attained  only 
by  "  a  slow  and  circumspect  progression,"  and  required  for 
its  consummation  "  more  attention  to  the  affairs  which  agitate 
and  excite  parties  in  this  country  than  Great  Britain  had  yet 
bestowed  upon  it."  ^ 

Fortunately  for  the  nation,  President  Jefferson  was  not 

uninfluenced  by  prudential  considerations  in  yielding  to  the 

Jan.  9.  pressure  of  public  opinion.^    The  recent  act  of  Congress  to 


had  been  the  main  object  of  his  de- 
sertion from  the  federalists." 

1  "  No  body  of  men,"  says  Brad- 
ford, iii.  105, "  either  of  the  legislature, 
or  of  towns  or  counties,  ever  seriously 
advocated  or  jiroposed  such  a  meas- 
ure in  Massachusetts.  Nor  was  there 
ever  just  reason  to  believe  that  any 
public  character,  or  indinduals  who 
had  the  coiatidence  of  their  fellow-citi- 
zens, meditated  the  dissolution  of  the 
Union  for  any  purpose  whatever.  The 
members  of  the  legislature  remon- 
strated against  the  embai'go,  and 
pointed  out  its  impolicy  and  destruc- 
tive effects.  The  people,  in  many 
towns,  did  the  same ;  and,  in  some 
cases,  exjjressed  their  fears  of  an  un- 
due foreign  influence,  and  an  utter 
disregard  of  commerce,  as  among  the 
causes  of  that  oppressive  measm-e.  It 
was  not  until  some  years  later  that 
the  story  was  made  and  cu-culated, 
for  party  purposes,  no  doubt,  that  a 
portion  of  the  patriotic  citizens  of 
Massachusetts  was  plotting,  with  the 
agents  of  a  foreign  nation,  against  the 


unity,  the  peace,  and  honor  of  their 
own  country." 

*  Bradford,  Iii.  106,  note  ;  Carey's 
Olive  Branch,  144  et  seq. ;  Am.  State 
Papers,  1811-1815;  Niles's  Weekly 
Register,  ii.  19-28;  Boston  Ceutinel 
for  March  18,  21,  and  28,  1812,  and 
Boston  Resolutions,  in  ibid,  for  March 
25,  1812 ;  Boston  Chronicle  for  March 
23,  1812;  HikU-eth's  U.  S.,  2d  series, 
iii.  284-287.  The  documents  relating 
to  Henry's  mission  were  printed  at 
Salem,  in  March,  1812,  m  a  pamphlet 
of  thirty-six  pages,  under  the  title  of 
"  The  Essex  Jmito  and  the  British 
S])y,  or  Treason  Detected."  On  the 
English  side  of  this  question,  see  Eu- 
ropean Mag.  for  1812;  Niles's  AVeekly 
Reg.  ii.  257,  289. 

^  For  Tucker's  estimate  of  Jeffer- 
son's administration,  see  his  Life  of 
Jefl'erson,  ii.  287-293.  "This  ad- 
ministration," he  observes,  "  vilified 
as  it  has  been  by  those  whose  power  it 
superseded,  and  whose  views  it  thwart- 
ed, has  been  appealed  to  by  the 
unbiased  portion  of  the  succeeding 


OVERTURES   OP  ERSKINE.  363 

enforce  the  embargo,  under  the  plea  that  eva^sions  had  taken  chap. 
place,  and  that  vessels,  cleared  only  as  coasters,  had  carried  ^^ 
cargoes  to  Europe,  was  so  vehemently  opposed,  and  the  rcso-    I809. 
lutions  of  Massachusetts  were  so  decided,  that,  joined  to  the  Feb.  2. 
prospective  election  of  Mr.  Gore,  the  candidate  of  the  feder- 
alists,' the  concurrent  remonstrances  of  the  other  New  Eng- 
land States,  and  the  defection  in  the  ranks  of  the  democrats 
themselves,  there  was  no  longer  room  to  doubt  the  necessity 
of  attempting  to  pacify  the  people,  and  to  allay  the  tumult, 
which  threatened  to  become  serious.     A  repeal  was  therefore 
urged  upon  Congress  —  a  repeal  of  the  obnoxious  embargo 
law;    and  an  act  was  passed   effecting  its   repeal  after  the  Feb.  27 
fifteenth  of  March,  so  far  as  related  to  all  countries  except 
France  and  Great  Britain,  and  as  to  them  also  after  the  end 
of  the  next  session  of  Congress.^ 

The  overtures  of  Erskine,  on  the  part  of  the  English  gov-  Apr.  17. 
ernment,  for  an  adjustment  of  the  controversy  between  Great 
Britain  and  the  United  States,  led  to  an  arrangement,  which 
was  approved  by  Madison  ;  and  a  thousand  vessels  were  cleared  Apr.  19. 
for  foreign  ports,^     An  act  was  also  passed  dropping  the  em-   June, 
bargo  provisions,  and  the  exclusion  of  foreign  armed  vessels, 
but  continuing  the  non-importation  system,  with  a  proviso 
legalizing  the  trade  with  Great  Britain  under  the  president's 
proclamation.^     But  the  hopes  which  were  thus  raised  were 
speedily  dashed,     Erskiue's  arrangement  was  disowned  by  the 
English  government,  and  his  proceedings  were  criticised  with 


generation  as  the  one  in  which  the  dreth's  U.  S.,  2d  series,  iii.  136,  137. 

country,  through  the  greater  part  of  On  the  1st  and  2d  of  March,  lS09,an 

its  course,  exjierienced   more   public  Address  to  the  People  of  Massachu- 

prosperity,  and,  through  the  whole  of  setts  was  approved  by  the  Senate  and 

it,  was    administered  more  according  House,  which    was    afterwards    jjub- 

to  the  republican   principles   of  the  lishcd  in  a  pamphlet  of  twenty-lour 

constitution,  than  any  other."  pages. 

'  Mr,  Gore  was  elected  governor         ^  Am.  State  Papers  for  1809;  Hil- 

this   year,  bv   a  majority  of  neai-ly  dreth's  U.  S.,  2d  series,  iii.   1G8  et 

3000  in  93,000  votes.  seq. ;  Carey's  Olive  Branch,  162, 180, 

-  Tucker's  Life  of  Jefferson,  ii.  286,         *  Hildi-eth's  U,  S.,  2d  series,  iii. 

287;  Carey's  Olive  Branch,  158;  Hil-  180. 


364 


MR.   GERRY   CHOSEN  GOVERNOR   OF  MASSACHUSETTS. 


CHAP,  no  little  severity.^     This  brought  upon  the  administration  a 

^3^^  storm  of  abuse  ;  and  it  was  found  difficult  to  retrieve  the  step 

1809.    which  had  been  taken.    Party  spirit  increased  in  rancor  ;  even 

democrats  were  restive,  and  the  clamors  of  the  federalists  were 

louder  than  ever. 

May.'       Shortly  after  these  occurrences,  a  new  election  took  place  in 

Massachusetts  ;  and  Mr.  Gore,  who  had  "  the  most  elevated 

ideas  of  public  and  private  duty,"  and  whose  "  conduct  was 

always  in  perfect  conformity  with  his  principles,"  ^  was  succeed- 

June2.  ed  by  Elbridge  Gerry,  who  entered  upon  the  duties  of  his 

office  in  the  following  month.^    Thus  the  democratic  party 

was  once  more  triumphant  in  the  state  ;  and  the  result  of  the 

election  was  considered  as  an  indorsement  of  the  policy  of 

Madison. 


'  An  Appeal'  to  the  People,  &c., 
N.  York,  1810  ;  the  Diplomatic  Pol- 
icy of  Mr.  Madison  Unveiled,  8-23 ; 
Robert  Smith's  Address  to  the  Peo- 
ple of  the  U.  S. 

^  Mem.  of  Gore,  in  3  M.  H.  CoU. 
iii.  191-204;  Austin's  Life  of  Geny, 
ii.  314,  315.  Mr.  Gore  was  a  lawyer 
by  profession,  and  politics  had  long 


been  his  study.  He  was  attoAey  for 
the  district  of  Massachusetts,  by  the 
appointment  of  Washington,  in  1790 ; 
was  a  commissioner  to  England,  under 
the  treaty  of  1795;  and  for  several 
years  was  a  senator  in  the  state  legis- 
lature from  the  county  of  Suffolk. 
^  Austin's  Life  of  Gerry,  ii.  3 15. 


CHAPTER    IX. 

THE  WAR  OF  1812.    HARTFORD  CONVENTION.    PEACE  DECLARED. 
REVISION  OF  THE  CONSTITUTION.     CONCLUSION. 

The  accession  of  Mr.  Gerry  to  the  chief  magistracy  of  chap. 
Massachusetts  occurred  at  a  critical  period  in  our  local  and  ^^^^ 
national  affairs.  The  general  government  had  been  compelled  isio. 
to  submit  to  a  relaxation  in  the  measure  of  non-intercourse, 
and  in  its  restrictions  on  commercial  pursuits  ;  but  intelligent 
statesmen  still  demurred  at  its  policy,  and  a  war  with  England 
was  confidently  predicted.  That  such  an  event  was  deprecated 
by  a  majority  of  the  citizens  of  Massachusetts  may  well  be 
supposed  ;  and  it  was  believed  by  many  that,  .under  the  guid- 
ance of  a  prudent  and  magnanimous  spirit,  the  difficulties 
between  the  two  governments  might  have  been  amicably  ad- 
justed. In  both  branches  of  the  General  Court,  the  majorities 
were  democratic,  and  there  was  a  harmony  of  purpose  between 
the  governor  and  the  legislature.  His  excellency,  in  all  his 
public  communications,  approved  the  course  of  the  national 
administration,  and  confined  his  favors,  by  the  advice  of  his 
friends,  to  such  as  were  its  supporters.  The  system  of  pro- 
scription adopted  by  Jefferson  was  followed  ;  and  many  were 
removed  from  office  who  had  long  and  faithfully  served  their 
country,  and  whose  principal  fault  was  that  they  were  not  of  ji',n^20. 
the  dominant  party.^  But  however  "  patriotic "  were  the 
motives  which  prompted  to  this  step,  it  was  ill  calculated  to 
conciliate  the   opposite  party  —  though,  possibly,  under  like 


'  Message  of  Governor  Gerry  of  June  20,  1811,  in  Mass.  Resolves,  217, 
218;  Bradford,  iii.  114. 

(365) 


366  REMOVALS  FROM    OFFICE. 

CHAP,  circumstances,  they  might  have  done  the  same ;  and  when 
^^_,^  "  veterans  of  the  revolution,"  equally  with  others,  were  sub- 
1811.  jected  to  privations  and  treated  with  neglect,  it  was  suspected 
that  "  meritorious  services  "  were  not  so  highly  esteemed  even 
by  republicans  as  might  have  been  inferred  from  the  letter  of 
his  excellency  written  twenty  years  before,  the  contents  of 
which  he  had  possibly  forgotten.^ 

The  lines,  however,  were  closely  drawn ;  and,  in  the  hour 
of  triumph,  those  who  in  former  days  had  condemned  others 
for  exclusiveness  "  sinned  after  the  similitude  of  the  same  trans- 
gression." The  inferior  or  County  Courts  were  organized 
Jun.  21.  anew,  to  give  an  opportunity  for  changes  in  that  quarter  ;  the 
Jun.  18.  appointment  of  clerks  of  the  judicial  courts  was  vested  in 
the  governor,  instead  of  in  the  judges  ;  and  registers  of  pro- 
Jun.  25.  bate  and  sheriff's  were  superseded  by  his  excellency's  political 
friends.^  Whether  such  proceedings  were  in  all  respects  just, 
it  must  be  left  to  the  good  sense  of  the  reader  to  decide. 
"  It  has  been  asserted  in  England,"  says  Matthew  Carey ,3 
"  that  a  tory  in  place  becomes  a  whig  when  out  of  place,  and 
that  a  whig  when  provided  with  a  place  becomes  a  tory." 
And  it  was,  perhaps,  by  a  similar  process  of  reasoning  that 
the  policy  of  political  proscription  was  justified.  It  was. 
certainly  a  convenient  way  of  adjusting  responsibilities  and 
balancing  benefits.  The  scale  turns  not  ever  to  the  side  of 
the  ins;  and  when  it  happens  to  sway  to  the  side  of  the 
oiits,  it  is  too  much,  perhaps,  to  expect  of  them  that  they 
should  fail  to  practise  that  "  disinterested  benevolence "  for 
which  they  once  pleaded  —  meaning,  of  course,  benevolence  to 
themselves  and  gratuities  to  their  friends.^ 


'  See  p.  313.  restored  to  the  offices  which  they  had 

*  Mass.  Laws  for  Jxuie,  1811,  chaps,  held  at  the  beginning  of  the  former 

viii.,  xxxiii.,   Ixxi.,  Ixxxi.  ;  Bradford,  political  year.     Bradford,  iii.  129. 

iii.  116  ;  Hildreth's  U.  S.,  2d  series,  iii.  ^  Olive  Branch,  84,  ed.  1817. 

250.    After  the  election  of  Mr.  Strong,  •*  It  was  for  this  proscription  that 

a  number  of  the  officers  thus  removed  Jefferson  applauded  Governor  Gerry, 

were,  by  the  advice  of  the  council,  especially  "  for  the  rasping  with  which 


GOVERNOR  Gerry's  political  sympathies.  367 

The  sympathy  of  his  excellency  with  the  views  of  Mr.  Mad-  chap. 
ison  became  more  apparent  the  longer  lie  continued  in  office.  ^^' 
Hence,  in  his  speech  to  the  legislature  at  the  opening  of  tlie  1812. 
new  year,  he  did  not  scruple  to  accuse  the  federal  party  of 
being  anti-republican  in  its  principles,  and  opposed  to  the 
measures  of  the  general  government.  "  Are  we  not  called 
upon,"  said  he,  "  to  decide  whether  we  will  commit  the  liberty 
and  independence  of  ourselves  and  posterity  to  the  fidelity 
and  protection  of  a  national  administration,  —  at  the  head  of 
which  is  a  Madison,  supported  by  an  executive  department,  a 
Senate,  and  a  House  of  Representatives  abounding  with  revo- 
lutionary and  other  meritorious  patriots,  —  or  to  a  British 
administration,  the  disciples  of  Bute,  who  was  the  author  of  a 
plan  to  enslave  these  states,  and  to  American  royalists,  who 
cooperated  with  that  government  to  bind  us  in  chains  while 
colonists?  Is  it  not  morally  and  politically  impossible  that  a 
doubt  can  exist  in  regard  to  the  choice  ?  "  ^ 

A  montli  later,  a  still  more  extraordinary  message  was  sent  Feb.  27. 
to  the  legislature.     The  federal  press,  during  the  past  year, 
had  reflected  severely  upon  the  conduct  of  Governor  Gerry 
and   the   policy  of  the   national   government.      The  articles 
inserted  in  those  papers  were  from  different  hands  ;  and  some 


he  rubbed  down  his  herd  of  traitors."         '  Gov.    Gen-y's   Message   of  Jan. 

"  Powers  and  preeminences  conferred  8,   1812,  in  Resolves  of  Mass.  279; 

on  them,"  he  wrote  to  General  Dear-  Bradl'ord,  iii.  119,  note.     Towards  the 

born, "  are  daggers  put  into  the  hands  close  of  this  message,  his  excellency 

of  assassins,  to  be   phmged   in  our  asserts  that,  during  the  recess  of  the 

bosoms  the  moment  the  thrust  can  General  Court,  he  had  "  received  sev- 

go  home  to  the  heart."     Comp.  Ilil-  cral  anonymous  threats  of  assassina- 

dreth's  U.  S.,  2d  series,  iii.  251.     The  tion.  for  hanng  sujjported  the  national 

State  Bank  was  incorporated  by  the  government ;  "    and   that    "  om-   late 

legislature  in  this  year,  (1811.)  with  vcnerablePresidcnt  Adams,  that  great 

a  capital  wliich  was  hnally  fixed   at  and  good  man,  who,  in  om-  conllict 

$1,800,000;    and  the  yearly  tax  of  for  hberty,  was  the  pride  of  Massa- 

one  half  per  cent,  on  this  capital  was  chusetts,  and  an  oracle  of  Congress, 

the  origin  of  the  bank  tax  since  as-  has  been  also  threatened  ■\\ith  assassi- 

sessed  upon  all  such  institutions,  and  nation  in  his  bed."     For  the  replies 

from  which  a  large  revenue  is  derived  of  the   Senate  and  House,  see  Ke- 

to  the  state.     Mass.  Laws  for  June,  solves,  284-293. 
1811,  chap.  Ixxxiv. 


368  LIBELS   CHARGED  UPON   THE  FEDERAL   PRESS. 

CHAP,  of  them,  it  must  be  conceded,  were  marked  by  a  coarseness 
^^-  and  excess  of  vituperation  which  might  well  have  excited  the 
1812.  passions  of  the  opposite  party.^  These  articles  were  deemed 
libellous  ;  and  the  attention  of  the  attorney  and  solicitor  gen- 
eral was  called  to  them,  whose  report  was  sent  in  with  the 
message  of  his  excellency,  in  which  such  action  was  called  for 
as  the  exigency  required.^ 

Upon  the  reading  of  this  message,  a  debate  ensued  ;  and  a 
member  of  the  Senate,  of  the  federal  party,  offered  a  resolution 
"  that  the  governor,  in  denouncing  various  publications  in  the 
Boston  newspapers  as  libels,  especially  after  a  grand  jury, 
upon  an  examination  of  some  of  those  publications,  had  re- 
fused to  find  bills  of  indictment,  manifests  an  alarming  dispo- 
sition to  usurp  the  power  belonging  to  the  judicial  department, 
tending  to  criminate  and  injure  the  reputation  of  individuals, 
without  affording  them  an  opportunity  of  defence ;  and  that 
the  employing  of  the  law  officers  of  the  commonwealth  in 
examining  files  of  newspapers,  for  the  purpose  of  collecting 
and  divesting  such  publications,  with  a  view  of  presenting 
them  to  the  legislature  instead  of  a  grand  jury,  is  a  departure 
from  his  constitutional  province,  and  an  infringement  upon 
private  rights."  ^ 


^  See  the  articles  in  the  Scourge,  Scourge,   fifty-one    in    the  Centinel, 

the    Centinel,    the     Repertory,    the  tliirty-three   in   the   Gazette,    thuty- 

Gazette,  the  Palladium,  and  the  Mes-  four   in   the  Repertory,  eighteen  in 

senger,  for  1811,   and  comp.    Mass.  the  Palladium,  and  one  m  the  Mes- 

Resolves  for  1812,  361-364.    In  these  senger.    Besides  these,  seventeen  were 

papers,  the  governor,  the  council,  and  rej)orted   in   the   rej)ublican   papers, 

even  the  whole  legislature,  were  vio-  \'iz. :  eight  in  the  Chronicle,  and  nine 

lently  abused ;  and  the  supreme  ex-  in  the  Patriot.     Message,  p.   1,  and 

ecutive  was   styled   a  "  slanderer,"  a  the  Table,  pp.  9-12. 

"blasphemer,"  an  "  incendiary," <Sjc.  ^  Boston  Centinel  for  1812;  Brad- 

^  Mass.   Resolves  for    1812,  3j5-  ford,  iii.  122.     In  support  of  this  reso- 

361;  Independent  Chronicle  for  March  lution,  it  was  said  that  "the  message 

16,   1812.     This  message  was  pub-  was  most  extraordinary  and  alarming, 

Ushed  in  a  pamphlet  of  twelve  ]iages,  striking  at  the  fundamental  principles 

with  a  list  of  the  jjapers  containing  of  the  constitution  and  of  ci\il  hberty ; 

the  libels.     The  libels  m  the  federal  tending,   if  suffered   to   pass  into  a 

papers  numbered  two  hundred   and  precedent,  to  break  down  the  barriers 

tlmty-six,    viz. :    ninety-nine   in   the  erected  by  the  constitution   for  the 


RE-ELECTION    OF   CALEB   STRONG.  369 

In  the  midst  of  this  excitement,  a  new  election  took  place,  chap. 
which  resulted  in  favor  of  Caleb  Strong.     The  contest  was  ^J;^^ 
"  uncommonly  animated,"  and  both  parties  were  active  ;  but    1812. 
the  friends  of  Mr.  Gerry,  witli  all  their  exertions,  could  not    ^*" 
overcome  the  prejudices  against  him.     Yet  the  vote  was  close, 
and  the  majority  for  Mr.  Strong  was  but  thirteen  hundred  and 
seventy.^     It  is  possible  that  the  conduct  of  Mr.  Gerry,  in 
districting  the  state  for  the  election  of  senators,  had  some 
influence  on  the  popular  vote ;  and  it  was  alleged  that  the 
division  thus  made,  which  the  federalists  christened  with  the 
name  of  "  Gerrymandering,"  was  "  new  and  arbitrary,"  and  was 
"  designed  to  secure  the  triumph  of  the  republican  party."  And, 
BO  far  as  the  Senate  was  concerned,  it  had  that  effect ;  but  a 
majority  of  the  House  was  of  the  federal  party.     It  happened 
then,  as  it  has  often  since,  that  the  movements  of  politicians, 
however  sagacious  in  their  own  estimation,  failed  of  effecting 
all  they  desired.     There  were  elements,  not  taken  into  the 
account,  which  operated  against  them ;  and  the  fluctuations 
of  public  opinion  were  wholly  overlooked.^ 

I 

safety  of  the  whole  people,  and  to  de-  Sti'ong,  and  attributed  it  to  the  orders 

stroy  all  personal  liberty  and  security ;  of  the  "  Junto  of  Federal  Dictators  in 

that  if  the  governor  could  thus  put  at  Boston,"  who   sent   "  runners  "   into 

defiance  the  privileges  of  trial  by  jury,  every  town,  "commanding  their  de- 

and,  with  his  law  officers,  dependent  pendants  and  adherents  to  swell  the 

on  himself,   sit  in  judgment  on  the  federal  returns,  legally  if  they  could, 


printers,  condemn  them  unheard,  and  illegaUy  if  they  must." 
proclaim  their  condemnation  to  the  ^  Comp.  Resolves  of  the  Worcester 
world,  after  the  grand  jury  had  re-  Convention  of  March  11,  Bristol  Con- 
fused to  find  bills  against  them,  no  vention  of  INIarch  12,  and  Middlesex 
class  of  citizens  was  safe  ;  all  must  Convention  of  March  19,  1812,  in 
be  liable  to  the  same  arbitrary  excr-  Boston  Centinel  for  Mai'ch  21  and 
cise  of  power."  25,  1812 ;  Iletm-ns  of  Senatorial  Votes, 

'  Celeb  Strong  had  52,696  votes,  in  Centinel  for  May  20,  1812;  Brad- 

and  Elbridge  Gerry  had  51,326.     In-  ford,  iii.  125.     Mr.  Otis,  a  member  of 

dependent  Chronicle  for  June  1, 1812;  the  Senate  from  Suffolk  county,  pro- 

Bostou  Centinel  for  Ajjril  18,  1812;  tested  against  the  act  for  districting 

Niles's  Weekly  Register,  ii.  134,  239  ;  the  state,  as  unconstitutional ;  but  the 

Carey's  Olive  Branch,  281.    The  vote  subject  was  not  discussed,  as  the  ma- 

of  the  previous  year  was  as  follows  :  jority  of  that  body  was  of  the  o])])osite 

Elbridge  Gerry,  43,328 ;  Christopher  party,    and   would    have    voted    him 

Gore,  40,142.     The  re]niblicans  were  down,  had  he  presented  a  formal  mo- 

quite  facetious  over  the  "  lanlc,  lean,  tion.     For  a  defence  of  the  ])olicy  of 

and  slippered  majority "  of  Governor  Gov.    Gerry,   see    the    Lidependent 

VOL.  in.  24 


370  Lloyd's  speech  in  congress. 

The  war  spirit,  in  the  mean  time,  was  rapidly  rising,  and 
appearances  from  all  quarters  seemed  to  portend  a  rupture 
1812.  with  Great  Britain.  Even  Lloyd,  who  had  taken  the  place 
of  John  Quincy  Adams  in  the  Senate  of  the  United  States,  in 
the  debate  on  the  navy  bill  declared  in  favor  of  rigorous  meas- 
Feb.  27.  ures.  "  Most  unquestionably,"  said  he,  "  peace  is  the  polar 
star  of  the  policy  and  the  interests  of  tliis  country.  It  should 
be  maintained  at  every  cost  short  of  essential  sacrifice.  It  is 
no  disgrace  for  an  infant  not  to  contend  with  a  giant.  If  all 
the  energy  and  force  of  the  nation  cannot  be  concentrated  to 
carry  on  the  war,  let  us  record  our  wrongs,  make  the  best  of 
the  existing  state  of  things,  and,  when  we  have  the  ability, 
punish  the  aggressors  to  the  last  letter  of  the  alphabet.  But 
if  we  are  to  go  to  war,  let  it  be  a  real  and  eflectual  war. 
Give  us  a  naval  force.  If,  with  our  commerce  abandoned  and 
our  navigation  swept  from  the  face  of  the  ocean,  our  houses 
are  to  be  battered  about  our  ears,  and  we,  at  the  same  time, 
denied  those  means  of  defence  which  the  God  of  nature  has 
given  us,  and  which  we  know  how  to  use,  then,  indeed,  the 
northern  section  of  this  Union  will  be  little  better  off  than 
the  colony  of  Jamaica,  and  there  will  be  room  to  suspect 
that,  forms  apart,  we  have  as  little  influence  in  the  councils 
of  this  government  as  we  have  in  those  of  Great  Britain. 

"  If,  however,  the  nation  is  determined  to  fight,  to  make  any 
impression  on  England  we  must  have  a  navy.  Give  us  thirty 
swift-sailing,  well-appointed   frigates ;    they  are   better   than 


Chronicle  for  March  9,  1812.  "The  the  state  regardless  of  counties,  as  the 
constitution,"  says  the  writer,  "  does  repul)licans  have  done ;  and,  in  1794, 
not  restrict  to  county  hnes  in  forming  they  wielded  the  '  car\ing  knife  '  in 
districts.  The  last  districting  is  full  such  a  manner  as  to  cut  oU'  the  county 
as  conformable  to  the  rule  of  taxes,  of  Dukes  and  Nantucket  from  Barn- 
(and  perhaps  more  so,)  as  any  pre-  stable,  and  annex  it  to  Plymouth, 
viously  ado])ted.  If  the  county  lines  although  Barnstable  intervened  he- 
are  really  wished  by  the  federalists  to  tweeu  Dukes  county  and  Plymouth." 
be  the  districting  lines,  why  have  they  For  the  proceedings  of  the  conven- 
not  heretofore  acted  ujjon  that  ])rin-  tions  a])pro\ing  the  goA-ernor's  course, 
ciple  themselves  ?  The  federal  legis-  see  Independent  Clu'onicle  for  Mai'ch 
latm-es  of  1794  and  1802  districted  19,  1812. 


Lloyd's  speech  in  congress.  371 

seventy-fours,  because  managed  easier.     Indeed,  wc   do  not  chap. 
want  seventy-fours  ;  for,  courage  being  equal,  iu  line-()f-l)attle-  _J^^ 
ship  and  fleet  engagements,  skill  and  experience  will  always    1812. 
insure  success.    We  are  not  ripe  for  thcni.     But  bolt  together, 
side  to  side,  a  British  and  an  American  frigate,  and  though 
we  should  lose  sometimes,  we  should  win  as  oflen.     Give  us, 
then,  this  little  fleet.     Place  your  navy  department  under  an 
able  and  spirited  administration ;  give  tone  to  the  service  ; 
cashier  every  officer  who  strikes  his  flag ;  and  you  will  soon 
have  a  good  account  of  your  navy.     This  may  be  said  to  be 
a  hard   tenure  of  service  ;  but,  liard  or  easy,  embark  in  an 
actual,  vigorous  w^ar,  and  iu  a  few  weeks,  perhaps  days,  I  will 
engage  completely  to  officer  your  whole  fleet  from  New  Eng- 
land alone. 

"  Give  us  this  little  fleet,  and  in  a  quarter  of  the  time  you 
would  operate  upon  her  in  any  other  way  we  would  bring 
Great  Britain  to  terms.  To  terms  —  not  to  your  feet.  No, 
sir.  Great  Britain  is  at  present  the  most  colossal  power  the 
world  ever  witnessed.  True,  she  has  an  enormous  national 
debt  of  seven  hundred  millions  of  pounds  sterling.  Her  daily 
expenditures  would  in  six  short  weeks  wipe  oft'  the  whole 
public  debt  of  the  United  States.  But  will  these  millstones 
sink  her  ?  Will  they  subject  her  to  the  power  of  France  ? 
No,  sir.  Burst  the  bubble  to-morrow  ;  destroy  the  fragile 
basis  on  which  her  public  credit  stands  ;  sponge  her  national 
debt  ;  revolutionize  her  government ;  cut  the  throats  of  her 
royal  family  ;  and,  dreadful  as  would  be  the  process,  she 
would  rise  with  renovated  vigor  from  the  fall,  and  present  to 
her  enemy  a  more  imposing,  irresistible  front  than  ever.  No, 
sir  :  Great  Britain  cannot  be  subjected  'by  France.  The  gen- 
ius of  her  institutions,  the  genuine  game-cock,  bull-dog  spirit 
of  her  people,  will  lift  her  head  above  the  waves  long  after 
the  dynasty  of  Bona})arte,  and  the  ill-gotten  power  of  France, 
collected  by  plunder,  perfidy,  and  usurpation,  shall,  like  the 
unreal  image  of  old,  have  crumbled  into  atoms. 


372  WAR    MOVEMENTS    OF    THE    ADmNISTRATION. 

"  From  this  belief,  I  acknowledge,  I  derive  a  sentiment  of 
gratulation.  In  New  England,  our  blood  is  unmixed.  "We 
1812.  are  the  direct  descendants  of  Englishmen.  We  are  natives  of 
the  soil.  In  the  legislature,  now  in  session,  of  the  respectable 
and  once  powerful  State  of  Massachusetts,  composed  of  near 
seven  hundred  members,^  to  my  knowledge  not  a  single  for- 
eigner holds  a  seat.  As  Great  Britain  wrongs  us,  I  would  fight 
her.  Yet  I  should  be  worse  than  a  l)arl)arian  did  I  not  re- 
joice that  the  sepulchres  of  our  forefathers,  which  are  in  that 
country,  would  remain  unsacked,  and  their  coffins  rest  undis- 
turbed by  the  unhallowed  rapacity  of  the  Goths  and  Saracens 
of  modern  Europe."^ 

April  1.  Already  had  the  president,  influenced  by  political  motives, 
consented  to  take  the  leadership  in  a  new  step  towards  war, 
by  a  confidential  message  to  Congress  recommending,  "  under 
existing  circumstances  and  prospects,"  an  embargo  for  sixty 
days ;  and  a  bill  for  that  purpose  was  introduced  and  passed, 

April  4.  wliich  prohibited  the  sailing  of  any  vessel  for  any  foreign  port, 
except  foreign  vessels  with  such  cargoes  as  they  had  on  board 
when  notified  of  the  act.^  Josiah  Quincy  expressed  in  strong 
terms  his  abhorrence  of  this  measure,  and  declared  that  he 
did  not  believe  the  proposed  embargo  was  a  preparation  for 
war,  but  a  refuge  from  the  question  of  declaring  war.  "  In 
every  point  of  view,"  said  he,  "  I  look  on  this  measure  as  an 
abandonment  of  our  national  rights ;  as  impolitic  ;  as  decep- 
tive ;  as  calculated  to  impress  on  the  American  people  an  idea 
tlnit  it  is  your  intention  to  maintain  commercial  rights,  which 
its  true  efieet  is  to  abandon.  Its  tendency  must  be  to  raise 
jealousy  between  the  Southern  and  the  Eastern  and  Middle 


'  The  whole  number  of  representa-  ^  Hist.  Cong,  for  1811-12;  Xiles's 

tives  this  year  was  713.     Mass.  Reg.  Weekly  Register,  ii.  92,  96-98,  105- 

for   1812;    Niles's  Weekly  Reg.  ii.  107,  121-123;  Boston  Centinel   for 

239.  April  4  and  11,   1812;  Independent 

'  Annals  of  Congress,  12th  Cong.  Chronicle  for  April   16,    1812;  Hil- 

1st  sess.  yol.  i.  131-147  ;  Hildreth's  di-eth's  U.  S.,  2d  series,  iii.  290-293. 
U.  S.,  2d  series,  iii.  278-281. 


WAR  MOVEMENTS  OP   THE  ADMINISTRATION.  373 

States.     The  flour  and  produce  of  the  Southern  States  have  chap. 
had,  during  the  whole  winter,  an  open  trade  and  free  market.     ^^• 
Those  of  the  Middle  and  Eastern  States  have  been  restrained    1812. 
by  climate  and  winter.     Is  it  by  a  course  of  policy  of  this  kind 
that  you  intend  to  conciliate  affection  or  excite  confidence  ? 
Will  it  not  be  said  that,  your  own  products  being  sold,  you 
were  indifferent  what  became  of  ours  ?  "  ^ 

Other  acts,  however,  which  speedily  followed,  were  still 
more  decisive.  For  not  only  were  arrangements  made  for 
raising  an  army ,2  but  a  bill  was  passed  denouncing  all  persons  Apr.  14. 
as  pirates  and  felons  who  might  be  engaged  in  impressing,  on 
the  high  seas,  any  American  citizens  ;  authorizing  resistance 
to  the  death  ;  requiring  the  president  to  retaliate  ;  and  assign- 
ing to  every  impressed  seaman  thirty  dollars  per  month  for 
the  period  of  his  detention,  to  be  levied  on  any  British  prop- 
erty found  in  the  United  States,  or  debt  due  to  a  British  sub- 
ject.2  It  was  for  his  concurrence  in  these  measures,  which 
were  forced  upon  him,^  that  those  who  were  eager  for  war 
engaged  to  support  Mr.  Madison  for  the  presidency  at  the 
ensuing  election,  and  Elbridge  G-erry,  of  Massachusetts,  for  the 
vice  presidency ;  and,  after  pledging  themselves  fully  to  this  May  18. 

'  Niles's  Weekly  Register,  ii.  107,  law,  as  would   enable   those   haraig 

121 ;  Hist,  Cong,  for  1811-12  ;  Hil-  property  in  foreign  ports  to  bring  the 

dreth's  U.  S.,  2d  series,  iii.  293.    The  same   home,   was    presented   in   the 

speech  of  Mr.  Quincy,  delivered  Jan-  House  by  Mr.  Reed,  and  in  the  Sen- 

iiary  25,   1812,  on  Maritime  Protec-  ate  by  Mr.  Lloyd,   April   30,    1812. 

tion,  was  printed  in  pamphlet  fonn,  Boston  Centinel  for  May  9,  1812. 
at  Alexandria,  by  S.  Snowden.  ■•  "  President   ]\Iadison  was,   with 

^  Niles's  Weekly  Register,  ii.  103,  much  difficulty,  brought  to  acquiesce 

118;  Hist.  Cong,  for  1811-12  ;   Hil-  in    warlike    measures    of    a   decisive 

dreth's  U.  S.,  2d  series,  iii.  29-3,  296.  character.     He  still  ho])ed  that  war 

^  Niles's  Weekly  Register,  ii.  147,  might  be  avoided,  either  Ir.  a  negoti- 
148;  Hist.  Cong,  for  1811-12;  Hil-  ation,  or  a  continuance  of  restrictive 
dreth's  U.  S.,  2d  series,  iii.  29(5.  This  measures  on  commerce  with  Great 
bill  was  passed  in  the  House  by  a  15ritain.  But  he  was  soon  made  to 
vote  of  53  to  28.  See,  further.  Pick-  understand  that  a  more  decided  and 
ering's  Letters,  in  Boston  Repertory  energetic  action  on  the  part  of  the 
for  1812,  and  in  Niles's  Weekly  Reg.  federal  government  was  determined 
ii.  155,  185,  201.  The  Boston  peti-  on  by  the  ardent  democrats,  whose 
tion,  signed  by  535  merchants  and  inlluence  now  jjredominated  in  Con- 
others,  praying  for  the  repeal,  or  such  gress."  Statesman's  Manual,  i.  348.  • 
modification  of  the  non-importation 


374  POSITION    OF   THE   BRITISH    MINISTRY. 

CHAP,  course,  the}'  felt  assured  of  the   cooperation  of  Madison  in 
^^'    carrying  out  their  views.  ^ 

1812.  In  the  mean  time,  in  England,  the  British  ministers  issued 
^'^'  '  a  declaration,  in  which  they  gave  a  concise  statement  of  events 
which  preceded  their  orders  in  council,  and  mentioned  the 
terms  for  their  revocation.  In  this  document  it  was  asrain 
declared  that  "  if,  at  any  time  hereafter,  the  Berlin  and  Milan 
decrees  shall,  by  some  authentic  act  of  the  French  government, 
publicly  promulgated,  be  absolutely  and  unconditionally  re- 
pealed, then,  and  from  thenceforth,  the  orders  in  council  of 
January  7,  1807,  and  April  26,  1809,  shall,  without  any 
further  order,  be,  and  the  same  are  declared  from  thence- 
forth to  be,  wholly  and  absolutely  revoked."  ^  This,  certainly, 
did  not  look  like  a  positive  intention  on  the  part  of  Great 
Britain  to  act  unjustly  towards  the  United  States  ;  nor,  while 
the  French  decrees  remained  unrepealed,  does  there  seem  to 
have  been  just  cause  to  complain  of  the  conduct  of  her  rulers, 
though  there  might  be  good  reason  to  object  to  her  orders  as 
injurious  to  neutrals,  especially  to  this  country.^     It  so  hap- 


'  Niles's  Weekly  Register,  ii.   192,  ter  of  H.  G.  Otis,  Esq.,  to  a  friend  in 

196,  276,  321  ;  iv.    21  ;   Statesman's  London,  though  severely  censured  in 

Manual,  i.  348,  3o6  ;  Hildreth's  U.  S.,  the  papers  at  the  time,  will  probably 

2d  series,  iii.   298,  333.     "  Had  not  be  viewed  at   the   present   day  in  a 

threats  to  oppose  his  reelection  driven  more  favorable  hght.    "  It  is  too  true," 

Madison  to  take  the  lead,  no  decla-  says  he,  •'  that  the  repeal  of  the  Uer- 

ration  of  war  could  have  been  can-ied  lin  and  Milan  decrees  has  h^en  less 

in  either  House  of  Congress."    At  the  formal  than  it  should  have  been,  ar.d 

caucus  referred  to  in  the  text,  Madi-  that  our  administration  have  becunie 

son   received   82   votes  —  the  whole  willing  dupes  to  the  insidious  pohcy 

number  cast ;   and  for   the  office  of  of  Napoleon.     But  why  should  your 

vice  president,  John  Langdon,  of  New  government  mind  that  ?    AVhy  siiould 

Hamjjshire,    received    64  votes,    and  they  not   embrace   an}"  pretence  for 

Elbridge  Gerry,  of  Massachusetts,  16;  restoring  harmony  between  om-  coun- 

but   the   latter  vote  was   afterwards  tries,  especially  as   it  will  of  couse- 

changed,  and  Mr.  Gerry  was  elected,  quence    be  followed    by  hostihty  on 

He  died,  however,  soon  after  entering  the  part  of  France  ?     Napoleon  wiU 

ujjon  his  duties.  renew  his  outrages  the  moment  we 

'^  European  Mag.  for  July,   1812,  are  friends,  and  the  natural  ties  which 

63 ;  Niles's    Weekly   Reg.    ii.    229  ;  cement  Great   BriUiin    and  America 

Bradford's    Hist.    Fed.    Gov't.    ISO ;  will  be  drawn  closer.     On  the  con- 

.  Statesman's  Manual,  i.  3oo.  trary,   the    scrupulous    adherence    of 

The  following  extract  from  a  let-  yom-  cabinet  to  an  empty  punctilio, 


3 


WAR    DECLARED. 


375 


pened,  however,  that,  at  that  very  time,  an  old  decree  was  chap. 

TV 

produced  by  tlie  French  government  consenting  to  the  repeal  _X-L^ 
of  its  decrees  in  regard  to  American  vessels  ;  and  this  was    isi2. 

.    May  20. 

communicated  to  Lord  Viscount  Castlereagh,  one  of  liis 
majesty's  principal  secretaries  of  state,  by  the  American  min- 
ister, in  the  following  mouth.  Tlie  repeal  of  the  orders  in  Jun.23. 
council  followed ;  but,  before  the  intelligence  reached  the 
United  States,  war  had  been  declared  by  Congress  against  Jun.  18. 
Great  Britain,  and  the  door  to  reconciliation  was  unhappily 
closed.' 

Of  the  policy  of  this  step  diflFerent  opinions  were  then,  and 
have  since  been,  entertained.  The  reasons  publicly  given  for 
the  declaration  of  war  were  substantially  as  follows  :."  the 
impressment  of  American  seamen  l)y  the  commanders  of  Brit- 
ish ships  of  war ;  their  doctrine  and  system  of  blockade  ;  and 


will  too  probably  unite  the  whole 
country  in  op]xisition  to  your  naticjn, 
and  sever  for  generations,  j3erhaps 
forever,  interests  which  have  the  most 
natural  affinity,  and  men  who  oupj'ht 
to  feel  and  love  like  brethren."  Conip. 
Boston  Centinel  for  April  25,  1812, 
and  Independent  Clu'onicle  for  April 
27,  1812. 

'  Rejjort  of  the  Com.  of  the  Sen- 
ate of  Mass.  22,  23  ;  Euro])ean  Mag. 
for  July,  1812,  63,  64;  Niles's  Reg. 
ii.  267-272,  279-281,  392;  Suppt. 
to  London  Gaz.  for  June  23,  1812; 
Bradford's  Hist.  Fed.  Gov't.  180  ; 
Hildreth's  U.  S.,  2d  series,  iii.  303- 
306,  344-347.  This  declaration  was 
drawn  by  '\^''illIam  Pinkney,  the  at- 
tornev  general.  Ino'ersoll's  Hist,  of 
the  War,  i.  14.  The  message  of  the 
president,  which  was  confidential,  was 
sent  to  Congress  on  the  1st  of  June, 
and  was  debated  with  closed  doors ; 
and  the  declaration  of  war  was  adopted 
in  the  House,  June  4,  l)y  a  vote  of  79 
to  49,  and  in  the  Senate,  June  17,  by 
a  vote  of  19  to  13.  Of  the  seventy- 
nine  members  of  the  House,  who 
voted  for  the  war,  sixty-two  resided 


south,  and  seventeen  north  of  the 
Delaware  ;  of  the  nineteen  senators 
who  voted  on  the  same  side,  four- 
teen resided  south,  and  five  north 
of  that  river.  The  whole  number  of 
members  in  both  branches  north  of 
the  Delaware,  was  sixty-eight,  of 
whom  only  twenty-one  voted  for  the 
war.  "Thus  the  war  may  be  said  to 
have  l)een  a  measure  of  the  South 
and  JVcst,  to  take  care  of  the  interests 
of  the  .North,  much  against  the  will 
of  the  latter."  Niles's"  Reg. ;  States- 
man's Manual ;  Journals  of  Cong.,  &c. 
The  revocation  of  the  British  orders, 
it  should  be  observed,  was  not  abso- 
lute, but  conditional ;  and  the  condition 
annexed  was,  that  the  government  of 
the  United  States  should  revoke  their 
recent  acts,  excluding  British  armed 
vessels  from  their  harbors  and  waters, 
and  interdicting  commerce  between 
the  two  countries.  For  the  jiroceed- 
ings  in  England,  on  this  subject,  see 
Liverpool  Mercury  of  A])ril  10,  1812  ; 
European  Mag.  "for  1812;  Niles's 
Weeklv  Reg.  ii.  189;  Indei)endent 
Chronicle  for  May  21  and  25,  1812. 


376  POLICY   OP   THIS   STEP. 

CHAP,  the  adoption  and  continuance  of  the  orders  in  council,  which 
^^'  operated  extensively  to  the  interruption  and  injury  of  the 
1812.  American  commerce."  The  two  latter,  it  was  said,  were  "  not 
to  be  tolerated  by  civilized  communities,  being  founded,  not  in 
right  or  justice,  but  in  force  :  "  and  the  former  was  declared  ta 
be  "  utterly  inconsistent  with  the  honor  and  attributes  of  an 
independent  nation."  To  these  was  also  added  "  a  long  and 
unsatisfied  demand  for  remuneration  on  account  of  depredations 
committed  by  the  subjects  of  that  government  on  the  lawful 
commerce  of  the  United  States."  ^ 

Of  the  validity  of  this  reasoning  many  were  not  satisfied  ; 
and,  though  war  with  England  had  evidently  been  contem- 
plated by  the  administration  for  some  time  previously  to  its 
formal  declaration,  and  no  patriotic  citizen  justified  in  all  re- 
spects the  conduct  of  the  British  government,  it  was  equally 
apparent,  when  all  the  facts  were  known,  that  the  cabinet  had 
highly  colored  the  British  acts  of  aggression,  and  had  kept  out 
of  sight,  or  cast  into  the  shade,  the  still  more  arbitrary  meas- 
ures of  the  French  government.^   True,  there  were  not  wanting 


'  Address  of  the  House  of  Reps,  debate,  it  is  time  to  pause,  'to  stiffen 
of  Mass.  in  Mass.  Resolves ;  Brad-  the  sinews,  to  summon  up  the  blood,' 
ford's  Hist.  Fed.  Gov't,  isl.  Mr.  and  take  our  stand  on  the  side  of  our 
Ingersoll  is  of  opinion,  Hist,  of  the  country.  The  proposition  has  long 
War,  i.  15,  that  "the  war  of  1812,  been  looked  lor.  Every  man  has  ex- 
like  the  revolution,  was  ine\itable,  peeted,  or  hoped,  or  feared  it  might 
and  defensive  ;  undertaken  for  vindi-  come.  The  people,  as  Avell  as  their 
cation,  not  for  aggrandizement,  al-  representatives  have  deeply  and  ear- 
though  Canadian  conquest  was  to  be  nestly  reflected  ujjon  it.  It  is  univer- 
oneof  its  means.  The  cause  was  just ;  sally  agreed  that  the  present  state  of 
the  prejjaration  greater ;  also  the  for-  things  cannot,  must  not,  last.  Seeing, 
bearance ;  and  the  consequences  as  then,  no  prospect  of  the  continuance 
beneficial."  See,  however,  on  the  of  peace,  —  and,  in  truth,  not  desiring 
other  side,  the  N.  Am.  Re^^ew  for  it  on  the  terms  we  now  have  it,  if 
July  1816,  234.  peace  it  can  be  called,  —  it  becomes 

^  Bradford's  Hist.  Fed.  Gov't.  181.  us  to  enter  the  contest  like  men  who 

"  Confidently  beheving,"  says  Xiles's  have  '  counted  the  cost  of  it,'  and  rec- 

Weekly  Reg.  ii.  207,  "  that  the  United  ouciled  their  minds  to  the  endurance 

States  will  soon  be  placed  in  an  atti-  of  an  evil  they  cannot  avoid."     For 

tude  to  defend  theh  rights  and  redress  Randolph's  Speech  of  Ma}-  29,  in  view 

their  grievances,  and  assiu-ed  that  the  of  the  rumor  of  an  "  intended  decla- 

momentous  question  of  war  will,  in  a  ration  of  war,"  and  for  the  debate 

few  days,  be  laid  before  Congress,  and  which    ensued,   see   Niles's  Keg.  ii. 

adopted,  without  delay  or  much  idle  259-266. 


STATE   OF   FEELING  IN  BOSTON. 


377 


some  members,  even  of  the  federal  party,  who  sanctioned  the  chap. 
course  of  the  president,  and  justified  his  policy.    And  it  would     ^^^ 
not  be  difficult  to  cull  from  their  writings  numerous  passages    1812, 
which  the  stanchest  democrat  would  have  cordially  approved.^ 
Nor  would  it  be  difficult  to  show,  also,  that  respectable  repub- 
licans were  averse  to  the  war.     In  approving  or  condemning 
the  conduct  of  the  executive,  party  feeling  did  not  always  rule, 
but  each  viewed  the  subject  from  the  standpoint  of  his  own 
interests,  and  decided  accordingly.^ 

In  Boston,  the  metropolis  of  Massachusetts,  which  had  "  long 
been  the  seat  of  discontent,  complaint,  and  turbulence,"  the 
opposition  was  quite  general.  "  Whatever  difficulty  or  dis- 
tress," it  is  said,  "  arose  from  the  extraordinary  circumstances 


^  Even  John  Adams,  the  former 
president  of  the  United  States,  who 
"  snuffed  the  battle  like  an  old  war 
horse,"  wrote  to  Elkanah  Watson, 
July  6,  1812,  "  To  your  allusion  to  the 
war,  I  have  nothing  to  say,  but  that  it 
is  with  surprise  I  hear  it  pronounced, 
not  only  by  newspapers,  ;iut  by  per- 
sons in  authority,  ecclesiastical  and 
clvi],  political  and  military,  an  unjust 
and  imnecessary  war ;  that  the  decla- 
ration of  it  was  altogether  unexpected, 
&c.  How  it  is  possible  that  a  rational, 
a  social,  or  a  moral  creature  can  say 
that  the  war  is  unjust,  is  to  me  utterly 
incomprehensible.  How  it  can  be  said 
to  be  unnecessary,  is  very  mysterious. 
I  have  thought  it  both  just  and  neces- 
sary  for  Jive  or  six  years.  How  it  can 
be  said  to  be  unexpected,  is  another 
wonder.  I  have  expected  it  more 
than  five  and  twenty  years,  and  have 
had  great  reason  to  be  thankful  that  it 
has  been  postponed  so  long.  I  saw 
such  a  spirit  in  the  British  Islands, 
when  I  resided  in  France,  in  Holland, 
and  in  England  itself,  that  I  expected 
another  war  much  sooner  than  it  has 
happened."  See  Niles's  Reg.  ii.  372, 
and  comp.  Plildreth's  U.  S.,  2d  series, 
iii.  303  ;  IngersoU's  Hist,  of  the  War, 
i.  47,  4(S.  Henry  Clay,  afterwards 
distinguished  as  a  leader  of  the  whig 
party,  in  a  debate  on  the  embargo 


question,  in  April,  1812,  also  "  warmly 
expressed  his  satisfaction  and  full  ap- 
probation of  the  ]n'esident's  message, 
and  the  proposition  before  the  com- 
mittee." And  "  he  approved  of  it, 
because  it  was  to  be  received  as  a 
direct  precursor  to  war."  Niles's 
Reg.  V.  105 ;  Statesman's  Manual,  i. 
356. 

'  Comp.  Bradford's  Hist.  Fed. 
Gov't.  181 ;  Hildreth's  U.  S.,  2d  se- 
ries, iii.  305.  "  The  Eastern  States," 
says  Ingersoll,  Hist,  of  the  War,  i. 
66,  "  were  mostly  opposed  to  the  war*  ; 
the  West  all  for  it;  the  Southern 
and  Middle  States  cU\idcd.  The  war 
administration  had  a  majority  of  about 
forty  votes  in  the  House  of  Repre- 
senttitives,  and  of  several  in  the  Senate. 
The  war  was  opposed  by  most  of  the 
merchants,  lawyers,  and  clergy,  and 
some  of  the  planters.  It  was  suj)- 
ported  generally  by  the  farmers,  jjlant- 
ers,  mechanics,  mariners,  and  the 
mass  of  the  people.  Taking  the  rea- 
soning faculty  of  the  country  for 
judge,  probably  the  declaration  of 
war  was  mostly  condemned ;  but  the 
instinctive  patriotism  of  the  young, 
the  laborious,  and  ardent,  enthusiasti- 
cally maintained  it.  Few  denied  that 
there  was  cause  enough ;  though  the 
time  and  mode  were  condemned." 
Comp.  Statesman's  Manual,  i.  351. 


378  CHARGES    AGAINST   THE   PEOPLE. 

CHAP,  of  the  times,  —  and  great  difficulty  and  distress  were  inevita- 

TV 

^^^Z^^  ^^^'  —  ^"^^  aggravated  and  magnified  to  the  highest  degree  for 
1812.  the  purpose  of  inflaming  the  public  passions.  .  .  .  From 
the  moment  when  the  war  was  declared,  they  clamored  for 
peace,  and  reprobated  the  war  as  wicked,  unjust,  and  unneces- 
sary. .  .  .  They  made  every  possible  effort  to  raise  ob- 
structions and  difficulties  in  the  prosecution  of  the  war,  and 
yet  reprobated  the  administration  for  their  imbecility  in  car- 
rying it  on.  They  reduced  the  government  to  bankruptcy 
and  reproached  it  for  its  necessities  and  embarrassments.  In 
a  word,  all  their  movements  had  but  one  object  —  to  enfeeble 
and  distract  the  government."  ^ 

This  charge,  without  doubt,  is  stated  in  terms  sufficiently 
strong,  and  there  may  be  reason  to  question  its  correctness  in 
every  particular.  Yet  the  acknowledgment  must  be  made, 
that  the  party  opposed  to  the  war  carried  their  opposition  to 
a  considerable  length,  though  they  seem  never  to  have  intend- 
ed wilfully  to  obstruct  the  government  or  thwart  its  action. 
The  pressure  of  their  grievances  had  exasperated  them  to  a 
higli  degree  ;  and  they  felt  that  their  causes  of  complaint  were 
such  as  to  justify  their  remonstrances  and  protests.  Yet  if 
the  bounds  of  prudence  were  overstepped  in  some  cases,  it 
should  not  be  inferred  that  there  was  an  organized  plan  to 
resist  the  action  of  the  government ;  nor  should  individual 
cases  of  intemperate  zeal  be  charged  to  the  body  of  the  peo- 
ple, as  if  they  approved  them.^ 


'  Carey's     Olive     Branch,     253.  clarlng  their  confidence  in  the  justice 

Com  p.  LifjersoU's  Hist,  of  the  War,  of  their  cause,  and  their  readiness  to 

i.  59.     Before  the  declaration  of  war  su]Dport  the  measures  adopted  by  the 

was  issued,  a  memorial  of  the  legis-  national  government,  with  that  energy 

lature  of  Massachusetts,  passed  by  a  and  firmness  which  becomes   a  free 

vote  of  406  to  240,  was  sent  to  Con-  people.      Indep.  Chronicle  for  June 

gress,  setting  forth  the  inexpediency  4,  8,  11,  and  15,  1812;  Niles's  Reg. 

of  a   war   with   Great  Britain,   and  ii.  274,  275.     The  memorial  of  the 

stating  the  dangers,  calamities,  and  merchants  and  others  of  New  York, 

ruin  that  would  ensue.     A  protest  of  against  war,  is  given  in  NUes's  Reg. 

the  minority  of  the  House  against  this  ii.  278,  279. 
memoiial  was  likewise  sent  in,  de-         ^  See  the  Boston  Centinel  for  1812. 


RECEPTION    OF    THE   NEWS    OP    THE   WAR   IN   BOSTON.  379 

Intelligence  of  the  declaration  of  war  readied  Boston  on  the  chap. 
twenty-third  of  June  ;  and,  as  the  General  Court  was  thou  in  _i^ 
session,  the  o-overnor  communicated  it  to  the  representatives    1812. 

^  Jan.  23. 

of  the  people.  Immediately  the  House  prepared  an  address,  j^^  26. 
which  was  adopted  by  a  vote  of  nearly  two  to  one,  regretting 
the  event,  and  expressing  their  opinion  of  its  impolicy  and 
inexpediency.  1  The  action  of  the  Senate  was  exactly  ojipo- 
site  ;  and  that  body  adopted  and  published  an  address  ajiprov- 
ing  of  the  war,  and  declaring  it,  in  their  opinion,  just  and 
necessary.^  The  vote  of  the  House,  however,  more  nearly 
expressed  the  views  of  the  people  ;  and  three  fifths,  at  least, 
if  not  a  greater  proporfion,  were  computed  to  be  opposed  to 
the  war,  both  before  and  after  its  declaration  by  Congress.^ 

The  appeal  of  the  Senate,  as  it  fell  in  with  the  plans  and 
breathed  the  spirit  of  those  who  were  hostile  to  England  and 
friendly  to  France,  was  applauded  as  a  document  of  great 
power  and  force.  "  It  was  not  sufficient "  —  such  were  its 
words  —  "  that  we  were  remote  from  European  politics,  and 
courted  peace  under  every  sacrifice ;  acquiesced  in  minor  inju- 
ries ;  remonstrated  against  those  of  a  deeper  dye  ;  forbore  until 
forbearance  became  pusillanimity  ;  and,  finally,  retired  from 
the  scene  of  controversy,  with  the  delusive  hope  that  a  sinrit 
of  moderation  might  succeed  that  of  violence  and  rapine. 
We  were  hunted  on  the  ocean  ;  our  property  was  seized  upon. 


'  Boston  Centincl  for  July  1, 1812;  OFo-anizcd,   composed   principally    of 

Address,  &c.,  pub.  in  Boston ;  Brad-  the  federalists  and   some  disaH'ccted 

ford,  iii.  130.    The  vote  in  the  House  democrats,  under  the  name   of  the 

stood  406  to  240,  which  Mas  the  same  "  jieace  party,"  which   endeavored  to 

as  the  vote  on  the  memorial  of  an  com])cl    the    government    to    make 

earlier   date,  forwarded  to   Congress,  jieace  by  raising  every  ])Ossible   ob- 

in  favor  of  peace,  and  dejirecating  the  struction  to  the  war.    Tiiis  course,  by 

erils  of  war  with  England.  the  friends  of  the  war,  was  considered 

-  The    report    and    address    were  as  actuated  more  by  feelings  of  pai'ty 

published  in  a  pamphlet  of  28  pages,  spirit  than  by  patriotism  ;  and  many 

by  Adams  and  llhoades,  of  Boston,  prominent  federalists  gave  the    gov- 

See  also  Bradford,  iii.  129.  ermnent  their  support,  so  far  as  they 

^  Bradford,  iii.  120.     Immediately  found  it  disposed  to  carry  on  the  war 

after  the  declaration  of  war  was  an-  witli  vigor   and  effect.     Statesman's 

nounced,  a  party  is  said  to  have  been  Manual,  i.  '600. 


380  APPEAL  OF   THE   SENATE   OF   MASSACHUSETTS. 

CHAP,  bj  the  convulsive  grasp  of  our  now  open  and  acknowledged 
^__3^^  enemy,  and  our  citizens  forced  into  a  cruel  and  ignominious 
1812.  vassalage.  And  when  we  retired,  we  were  pursued  to  the 
threshold  of  our  territory  ;  outrages  of  an  enormous  cast  per- 
petrated in  our  bays  and  harbors  ;  the  tomahawk  of  the  savage 
uplifted  against  the  parent,  the  wife,  the  infant,  on  our  fron- 
tiers ;  and  spies  and  incendiaries  sent  into  the  bosom  of  our 
country,  to  plot  with  the  desperate  and  ambitious  the  dismem- 
berment of  our  government,  and  involve  us  in  all  the  horrors 
of  a  civil  war. 

"The  constituted  authorities  of  the  United  States,  in  Con- 
gress assembled,  submitting  the  justice  of  their  cause  to  the 
God  of  battles,  have  at  length  declared  war  against  this  impla- 
cable foe  —  a  war  for  the  protection  of  commerce  ;  a  war  for 
the  liberties  of  our  citizens  ;  a  war  for  our  national  sovereignty 
and  independence  ;  a  war  for  our  republican  form  of  govern- 
ment against  the  machinations  of  despotism. 

"  The  Senate  affect  not  to  disguise  from  their  constituents 
that  the  times  are  times  of  peril.  The  enemies  of  republics 
are  on  the  alert.  The  present  is  deemed  the  favorable  time 
for  the  dismemberment  of  the  Union  —  that  favorite  project 
of  the  British  government,  which  has  been  attempted  by  their 
authorized  agent,  and,  we  have  alarming  proofs,  is  counte- 
nanced and  cherished  by  citizens  of  this  government.  Yes, 
we  say  with  assurance  that  a  deep  and  deadly  design  is  formed 
against  our  happy  Union.  We  say  it  from  conviction,  forced 
on  our  minds,  from  declarations  from  responsible  sources,  from 
intrigues  that  have  existed  between  the  enemies  of  republics 
and  an  authorized  British  spy,  and  from  a  settled  determina- 
tion to  oppose  the  government  in  the  prosecution  of  the  war 
now  forced  upon  us. 

"  The  Senate  will  not  assert  that  there  exists  a  party  —  in 
the  two  grand  divisions  in  which  parties  are  generally  divided 
in  the  United  States,  and  on  whicli  the  Senate  are  reluctantly 
compelled  to  animadvert  —  which  gives  countenance  to  such 


APPEAL   OF   THE   SENATE  OF   MASSACHUSETTS.  381 

nefarious  projects.  The  great  body  of  the  people  arc  Amcri-  chap. 
cans.  It  is  the  enemies  of  republics  of  whom  we  speak,  —  mon-  _J^^ 
archists  in  principle  and  by  profession,  —  who  disguise  not  I812. 
their  enmity  to  our  happy  government,  and  do  not  conceal 
their  intention  to  embrace  the  opportunity  of  popular  disaffec- 
tion and  commotion  to  attempt  a  revolution.  Deeply  impressed 
with  the  solemnity  of  the  crisis,  and  with  the  dangers  attendant 
on  our  beloved  country,  as  well  from  our  declared  enemy  as 
from  our  intestine  foes,  the  Senate  have  contemplated  the  duties 
which,  as  members  of  the  social  compact,  each  individual  owes 
to  his  country  ;  and  they  declare  them  to  be,  a  firm  support 
of  the  government  of  their  choice.  The  rightful  authority  has 
decreed.  Opposition  must  cease.  He  that  is  not  for  his  coun- 
try is  against  it.  The  precedents  on  record  will  serve  for 
your  guide.  When  engaged  with  this  same  enemy,  our  fathers 
obeyed  the  calls  of  their  country,  expressed  through  the  author- 
ity of  their  edicts.  In  imitation  of  their  example,  let  the  laws 
every  where  be  obeyed  with  the  most  prompt  alacrity  ;  let  the 
constituted  authorities  be  aided  by  the  patriotic  efforts  of 
individuals;  let  the  friends  of  the  government  rally,  under 
committees  of  public  safety,  in  each  town,  district,  and  plan- 
tation ;  let  a  common  centre  be  formed  by  a  committee  in  each 
county,  that  seasonable  information  may  be  given  of  the  move- 
ments of  the  enemy ;  let  our  young  men  who  compose  the 
militia  be  ready  to  march  at  a  moment's  warning  to  any  part 
of  our  shores,  in  defence  of  our  coast.  These  precautions  are 
rendered  necessary  against  our  external  foe,  and  the  internal 
machinations  she  may  again  attempt.  These  measures  are 
sanctified  by  the  example  of  our  fathers  in  our  revolutionary 
struggle.  And,  relying  on  the  patriotism  of.  the  whole  people, 
let  us  commit  our  cause  to  the  God  of  battles,  and  implore  his 
aid  and  success  in  the  preservation  of  our  dearest  rights  and 
privileges."  ^ 

'  Address  of  the  Senate,  26-28 ;  Niles's  Reg.  ii.  308,  309. 


382  ADDRESS  OP  THE  HOUSE. 

The  address  of  the  House  was  couched  in  different  terms. 
You  are  now,"  it  said,  "  involved  in  war.  The  event  forms 
1812.  a  new  era  to  our  national  history.  It  is  an  event  awful,  unex- 
'  pected,  hostile  to  your  interests,  menacing  to  your  liberties,  and 
revolting  to  your  feelings.  It  destroys  your  confidence  in  the 
protection  which  the  constitution  intended  to  afford  against 
all  wars  repugnant  to  the  interest  and  will  of  the  people,  and 
proves  that  your  Congress  is  in  greater  subjection  to  executive 
influence,  and  to  the  passions  of  the  few,  than  to  the  ascend- 
ency of  dispassionate  counsels.  But  your  duties  are  great  in 
proportion  to  the  magnitude  of  the  exigency,  and  the  trial 
imposed  upon  your  fortitude  and  patriotism. 

"  You  are  the  citizens  of  one  country,  and  bound  to  support 
all  constitutional  laws,  until  by  a  peaceable  change  of  men, 
you  can  effect  the  repeal  of  such  as  are  obnoxious.  You  must 
also  defend  your  country  against  invasion  by  any  foreign  ene- 
my, without  weighing  the  justice  or  necessity  of  the  war.  We 
pray  you  to  discourage  all  attempts  to  obtain  redress  of  griev- 
ances by  any  acts  of  violence  or  combinations  to  oppose  the 
laws.  Your  habits  of  obedience  to  the  dictates  of  duty,  your 
just  and  temperate  views  of  your  social  and  political  obliga- 
tions, your  firm  attachment  to  the  constitution,  are  pledges  for 
the  correctness  of  your  conduct.  When  a  great  people  find 
themselves  oppressed  by  the  measures  of  their  government,  — 
when  their  just  rights  are  neglected,  their  interests  overlooked, 
their  opinions  disregarded,  and  their  respectful  petitions  re- 
ceived with  supercilious  contempt,  —  it  is  impossible  for  them 
to  submit  in  silence.  In  other  countries,  such  occurrences  pro- 
duce tumults,  rebellion,  and  civil  war.  But  in  our  country,  a 
peaceable  remedy  may  be  found  for  these  evils  in  the  constitu- 
tion. Situated,  however,  as  you  now  are,  every  man  must  be 
quick  to  discern,  and  active  to  supply,  this  remedy.  It  must 
be  evident  to  you  that  a  president  who  has  made  this  war  is 
not  qualified  to  make  peace  ;  and  that  the  men  who  have  con- 
curred in  this  act  of  desperation  are  pledged  to  persevere  in 


ADDRESS    OF   THE    FEDERAL    MEMBERS    OF    C0N(;RESS.  383 

this  course,  rcg-ardless  of  all  consequences.  Display,  then,  the  chap. 
majesty  of  the  people  in  the  exercise  of  your  rights,  and,  sac-  ^^.^^ 
rificing  all  party  feelings  at  the  altar  of  your  country's  good,  I812. 
resolve  to  displace  those  who  have  abused  their  power  and 
betrayed  their  trust.  Organize  a  peace  party  throughout  your 
country,  and  let  all  other  party  distinctions  vanish.  Keep  a 
steadfast  eye  upon  the  presidential  election,  and  remember  that 
If  he  whose  fatal  policy  has  plunged  you  into  this  unexampled 
calamity  is  again  raised  to  the  chair,  and  if  the  abettors  of 
war  are  to  be  intrusted  with  conducting  it,  you  will  have  noth- 
ing to  expect,  for  years  to  come,  but  '  the  sword  of  the  warrior, 
and  garments  rolled  in  blood  ; '  and  that  if  you  should,  by 
your  aid,  accelerate  the  fall  of  Great  Britain,  you  would 
merely  deliver  over  your  exhausted  country  and  enslaved  pos- 
terity to  the  dominion  of  a  tyrant,  whose  want  of  power  alone 
restrains  him  from  the  exercise  of  unlimited  despotism  on  the 
ocean,  and  the  same  tyranny  in  the  new  world  which  he  has 
imposed  upon  the  old."  ^ 

The  address  of  the  federal  members  of  Congress  was  equally 
temperate.  "  The  momentous  question  of  Avar  with  Great 
Britain,"  it  said,  "is  decided.  On  this  topic,  so  vital  to  your 
interests,  the  right  of  public  debate,  in  the  face  of  the  world, 
and  especially  of  their  constituents,  has  been  denied  to  your 
representatives.  They  have  been  called  into  secret  session,  on 
this  most  interesting  of  all  your  public  relations,  altiiough  the 
circumstances  of  the  time  and  of  the  nation  aflbrded  no  one 
reason  for  secrecy,  unless  it  be  found  in  the  apprehension  of 
the  effect  of  public  debate  on  public  opinion,  or  of  public 
opinion  on  the  result  of  tiie  vote. 

"  Except  the  message  of  the  president  of  the  United  States, 
which  is  now  before  the  public,  nothing  confidential  was  com- 
municated.    That  message  contained  no  fact  not  previously 

I  Address  of  House,  in  Columbian  Centinel  for  July  1,  1812;  Niles's 
Reg.  ii.  417. 


384  ADDRESS   OP   THE    FEDERAL   MEMBERS    OF    CONGRESS. 

CHAP,  known.     No  one  reason  for  war  was  intimated  but  such  as 

TV 

^^.^^  was  of  a  nature  public  and  notorious.  The  intention  to  wage 
1812.  war,  and  invade  Canada,  had  been  long  since  openly  avowed. 
The  object  of  hostile  menace  had  been  ostentatiously  an- 
nounced. The  inadequacy  of  both  our  army  and  navy  for 
successful  invasion,  and  the  insufficiency  of  the  fortifications 
for  the  security  of  our  seaboard,  were  every  where  known. 
They  have  carefully  been  kept  in  ignorance  of  the  progress 
of  measures  until  the  purposes  of  administration  were  consum- 
mated, and  the  fate  of  the  country  sealed.  In  a  situation  so 
extraordinary,  the  undersigned  have  deemed  it  their  duty  bj"- 
no  act  of  theirs  to  sanction  a  proceeding  so  novel  and  arbi- 
trary. On  the  contrary,  they  made  every  attempt  in  their 
power  to  attain  publicity  for  their  proceedings.  All  such 
attempts  were  vain.  When  this  momentous  subject  was  stated 
as  for  debate,  they  demanded  that  the  doors  should  be  opened. 
"  It  has  always  been  the  opinion  of  the  undersigned  that  a 
system  of  peace  was  the  policy  which  most  comported  with  the 
character,  condition,  and  prospects  of  the  United  States ;  that 
their  remoteness  from  the  theatre  of  contest  in  Europe  was 
their  peculiar  felicity  ;  and  that  nothing  but  a  necessity  abso- 
lutely imperious  should  induce  them  to  enter  as  parties  into 
wars  in  which  every  consideration  of  virtue  and  policy  seems 
to  be  forgotten  under  the  overbearing  sway  of  rapacity  and 
ambition.  There  is  a  new  era  in  human  affairs  ;  the  European 
world  is  convulsed.  The  advantages  of  our  situation  are 
peculiar.  '  Why  quit  our  own,  to  stand  upon  foreign  ground  ? 
Why,  by  interweaving  our  destiny  with  that  of  any  part  of 
Europe,  entangle  our  peace  and  prosperity  in  the  toils  of 
European  ambition,  rivalship,  interest,  humor,  or  caprice  ? '  ^ 

"  In  addition  to  the  many  moral  and  prudential  considera- 
tions which  should  deter  thoughtful  men  from  hastening  into 
the  perils  of  such  a  war,  there  are  some  peculiar  to  the  United 


'  Washington. 


ADDRESS    OP   THE    FEDERAL    MEMBERS   OF    CONGRESS.  385 

States,  resulting  from  the  texture  of  the  government  and  the  chap. 
political  relations  of  the  people.    A  form  of  government  in  no     ^^" 
small  degree  experimental,  composed  of  powerful  and  inde-    1812. 
pendent  sovereignties,  associated  in  relations  some  of  which 
are  critical  as  well  as  novel,  should  not  be  hastily  precipitated 
into  situations  calculated  to  put  to  trial  the  strength  of  the 
moral  bond  by  which  they  are  united.     Of  all  states,  that  of 
war  is  most  likely  to  call  into  activity  the  passions  which  are 
hostile  and  dangerous  to  such  a  form  of  government.     Time 
is  yet  important  to  our  country  to  settle  and  mature  its  recent 
institutions.      Above  all,  it  appeared,  from  signs  not  to  be 
mistaken,  that,  if  we  entered  upon  this  war,  we  did  it  as  a 
divided  people  —  not  only  from  a  sense  of  the  inadequacy  of 
our  means  to  success,  but  from  moral  and  political  objections 
of  great  weight  and  very  general  influence. 

"  A  nation  like  the  United  States,  happy  in  its  great  local 
relations  ;  removed  from  the  bloody  theatre  of  Europe ;  with 
a  maritime  border  opening  vast  fields  for  enterprise  ;  with  ter- 
ritorial possessions  exceeding  every  real  want ;  its  firesides 
safe  ;  its  altars  undefiled  ;  from  invasion  nothing  to  fear ; 
from  acquisition  nothing  to  hope,  —  how  shall  such  a  nation 
look  to  Heaven  for  its  smiles,  while  throwing  away,  as  though 
they  were  worthless,  all  the  blessings  and  joys  which  peace 
and  such  a  distinguished  lot  include  ?  With  wliat  prayers  can 
it  address  the  Most  High,  when  it  prepares  to  pour  forth  its 
youthful  rage  upon  a  neighboring  people,  from  whose  strength 
it  has  nothing  to  dread,  and  from  whose  devastation  it  has 
nothing  to  gain  ? 

"  It  is  said  that  war  is  demanded  by  honor.  Is  national 
honor  a  principle  which  thirsts  after  vengeance,  and  is  ap- 
peased only  by  blood  ?  —  which,  trampling  on  the  hopes  of 
man,  and  spurning  the  law  of  God,  untaught  by  wiiat  is  past 
and  careless  of  what  is  to  come,  precipitates  itself  into  any 
folly  or  madness,  to  gratify  a  selfish  vanity  or  satiate  some 
unhallowed  rage  ?    If  honor  demands  a  war  with  England, 

VOL.  III.  25 


386  STATE   OF   FEELING  AT   THE   SOUTH. 

CHAP,  what  opiate  lulls  that  honor  to  sleep  over  the  wrongs  done 

TX 

^^^^^  US  by  France  ?  On  land,  robberies,  seizures,  imprisonments, 
1812.  by  French  authority ;  at  sea,  pillage,  sinkings,  burnings, 
under  French  orders.  These  are  notorious.  Are  they  unfelt 
because  they  are  French  ?  Is  any  alleviation  to  be  found  in 
the  correspondence  and  humiliations  of  the  present  minister 
plenipotentiary  of  the  United  States  at  the  French  court? 
In  his  communications  to  our  government,  as  before  tlie  public, 
where  is  the  cause  for  now  selecting  France  as  the  friend  of 
our  country,  and  England  as  the  enemy  ? 

"  At  a  crisis  of  the  world  such  as  the  present,  and  under 
impressions  such  as  these,  the  undersigned  could  not  consider 
the  war,  in  which  the  United  States  have  in  secret  been  pre- 
cipitated, as  necessary,  or  required  by  any  moral  duty  or 
political  expediency."  i 

Thus  reasoned  the  two  parties  for  and  against  the  war. 
Nor  should  it  be  forgotten  here  that  the  party  which  favored 
the  war,  out  of  New  England  especially,  was  not  only  stimu- 
lated to  assume  a  defiant  position  by  the  encroachments  of 
Great  Britain,  and  the  diffusion  through  its  body  of  political 
exiles  from  England  and  Ireland,  but  by  the  growing  spirit 
of  adventure,  and  the  thirst  for  distinction  on  the  field  of 
battle,  which  twenty  years  of  foreign  disturbance  had  natu- 
rally generated.  At  the  south  these  feelings  were  more  prev- 
alent than  at  the  north  ;  for  there  was  a  large  number  of 
enterprising  young  men,  left  in  idleness  by  the  institution  of 
slavery,  who,  as  they  read  of  the  battles  of  Europe,  sighed  for 
swords  and  for  military  glory. ^    But  the  people  of  Massachu- 


'  Address  of  the  House  of  Reps.,  ^  Hildreth's  U.  S.,  2d  series,  iii. 

passim.     Comp.  Xiles's  Reg.  ii.  309-  318.     "If  there  was  a  probability  of  a 

316  ;  Hildreth's  U.  S.,  2d  series,  iii.  war  with  France  instead  of  England," 

320-323.     The  name  of  Josiah  Quin-  said  the  republicans,  "it  would  lose 

cy,  of  Massachusetts,   stands  at  the  all  its  horrors  with  the  federal  party, 

head   of   the   list   of   subscribers   to  The   Centinel  would   not  then  pul> 

this  address,  and  the  document  ^\as  lish   labored   extracts  from  sermons 

draughted   by  him,  and   revised  by  preached  in  England,  describing  the 

his  associates.  miseries  and  devastations  of  wai"  5  nor 


REQUISITIONS  UPON   MASSACHUSETTS.  387 

setts,  wlio  were  principally  engaged  in  commercial  pursuits,  chap. 
and  whose  spirit  of  thrift  was  greater  than  their  thirst  for  ^^,_^ 
military  renown,  were  inclined  to  peace  —  not  from  cowardice,    1812. 
nor  from  a  willingness  to  sacrifice  the  interests  of  their  coun- 
try, but  from  a  ])rofound  conviction  that  peace  was  the  policy 
of  the  nation,  and  would  subserve  its  interests  better  than 
war.     Nor  is  there  reason  to  question  the  sincerity  of  this 
conviction,  whatever  may  be  thought  of  the  correctness  of 
their  position.^ 

The  requisition  upon  Massachusetts  for  a  detachment  of 
militia,  which  innnediately  followed  the  declaration  of  war,  jun.22.' 
led  to  a  correspondence  between  General  Dearborn  and  Gov- 
ernor Strong,  in  which  the  state  of  public  feeling  was  palpably 
manifested.  General  Dearborn  had  been  recently  appointed 
to  command  the  United  States  troops  then  stationed  in  Mas- 
sachusetts, and,  by  the  authority  of  the  president,  wrote  to  the 
governor  for  a  detachment  of  forty-one  companies  of  artillery 
and  infantry,  eight  of  which  were  to  be  marched  to  Rhode 
Island,  and  the  rest  to  be  stationed  within  the  limits  of  Mas- 
sachusetts. To  this  requisition  the  governor  made  no  reply, 
his  objection  being  that  he  was  in  doubt  whether  the  exigency 
had  occurred  which  the  constitution  contemplated  to  justify 
the  president  in  calling  the  militia  into  actual  service.     The 

would  there  be  any  combinations  their  action  in  the  tented  field.' " 
among  the  pretended  disci])les  of  Lidej).  Chronicle  for  May  14,  1812. 
Washington  for  obstructing  the  na-  '  The  Congregational  clergy  of 
tional  loan.  On  the  contrary,  we  Massachusetts  very  generally  depre- 
should  be  called  upon  to  '  unfurl  the  cated  the  war,  and  a  large  nuniljcr  of 
American  banner  against  France  ; '  then*  sermons  were  j;rinted  and  cu'- 
we  should  be  reminded  of  the  intrejjid  culated  in  the  community.  Many 
deeds  of  Americans  during  the  revo-  of  these  are  in  the  possession  of  the^ 
lution,  and  of  all  the  '  pride,  pomp,  author,  and  a  still  larger  number  may 
and  circumstance  of  glorious  war.'  be  found  in  the  Collection  of  Tracts 
We  should  be  told  that  war  opened  a  of  the  Mass.  Hist.  Soc,  and  of  the 
vast  field  for  the  dls])lay  of  enteri)rise  Am.  Ant.  Soc.  Mr.  Ingersoll,  in  his 
and  genius,  and  afforded  high-s])irited  Hist,  of  the  War,  i.  52  et  seq.,  con- 
young  men  an  opportunity  of  signal-  demns  the  course  of  this  class  of  our 
izing  themselves.  Our  choice  sjnrits  citizens,  and  "  the  eastern  pulpit  fid- 
would  all  be  called  upon  to  spurn  the  minations  against  the  wax" 
dull  pursuits  of  civil  life,  and  '  use 


388 


COURSE   OF    GOVERNOR   STRONG. 


CHAP,  state  was  not  invaded,  nor  was  it  in  immediate  danger  of 
^^.^_;_^  invasion,  whatever  the  future  movements  of  the  enemy  might 
1812.  be.^  There  was  no  intention  on  his  part  to  resist  the  laws  of 
the  federal  government,  or  oppose  their  enforcement  within 
constitutional  bounds.  It  was  his  sincere  desire  to  fulfil  as 
well  his  duties  as  the  chief  magistrate  of  an  independent  com- 
monwealth as  to  obey  the  laws  of  the  general  government. 
His  situation  was  peculiar,  and  in  some  respects  novel.  His 
motives  were  open  to  suspicion,  should  the  rancor  of  party 
spirit  see  fit  to  impeach  them ;  and  there  might  be  a  difi"erence 
of  opinion  as  to  the  propriety  of  his  course.  But  he  had  no 
alternative  save  to  follow  his  own  convictions,  guided  by  the 


^  Speech  of  Gov.  Strong,  of  Aug. 
14,  1812,  in  Mass.  Resolves;  Niles's 
Reg.  ii.  286,  iii.  116;  Bradford,  Hi. 
132,  133.  Major  General  Hemy 
Dearborn,  the  commander-in-chief  of 
the  northern  army,  and  father  of  Gen- 
eral H.  A.  S.  Dearborn,  Avas  distin- 
guished as  an  officer  in  the  war  of  the 
revolution,  in  Avhich  he  served  with 
credit  to  himself  and  his  country. 
Soon  after  the  peace,  he  moved  into 
the  District  of  Maine,  where  he  was 
engaged  for  several  years  in  agiicul- 
tural  pursuits.  He  was  also  appointed 
major  general  of  the  militia,  and 
elected  to  represent  the  district  of 
Kennebunk  in  the  Congress  of  the 
United  States.  On  the  accession  of 
Mr.  Jefferson  to  the  presidency,  he 
was  appomted  secretary  of  war ;  and 
during  a  long  and  arduous  discharge 
of  the  important  duties  of  his  office, 
even  his  political  enemies  gave  him 
credit  for  the  economy,  despatch,  and 
2:)unctuality  which  he  introduced  into 
the  department.  His  papers,  wliich 
are  valuable,  are  in  the  possession  of 
his  grandson,  Wm.  L.  Dearbom, 
Esq.,  and  are  in  an  excellent  state  of 
preservation.  His  son,  General  H. 
A.  S.  Dearborn,  was  distinguished  for 
his  devotion  to  the  interests  of  science, 
and  his  advocacy  of  internal  improve- 
ments. He  was  commissioner  on  the 
survey  for  a  canal  from  Boston  to  the 


Hudson  River,  in  1825 ;  was  chosen 
first  president  of  the  Massachusetts 
Horticultiu-al  Society,  in  1829;  was 
one  of  the  proprietors  of  Moimt  Au- 
burn, and  laid  out  the  grounds  in 
1831;  was  chairman  of  the  buildmg 
committee  of  the  Bunker  Hill  Monu- 
ment Association;  wrote  u])on  and 
advocated  the  Western  Railroad,  in 
1838 ;  was  an  advocate  of  internal 
improvements  in  Maine,  and  Aisited 
that  state  in  1833  and  1850;  was 
a  commissioner  for  establishing  the 
boundary  line  of  Boston  Harbor,  in 
1839;  and  projected,  designed,  and 
laid  out  the  grounds  of  the  Forest 
Hill  Cemetery,  in  Roxbury,  in  1848. 
MS.  notes,  furnished  by  W.  L.  Dear- 
born, Esq.  See  also  Niles's  Weekly 
Reg.  ii.  177 ;  Indep.  Chronicle  for 
]May  7,  1812.  Of  the  forty-one  com- 
panies referred  to  in  the  text,  five 
were  for  Passamaquoddy ;  one  for 
ISIacliias  ;  three  for  Castine  ;  two 
for  Damariscotta  and  Wiscasset  ; 
one  for  Kennebunk  ;  five  for  Port- 
land; four  for  jNIarblehead,  Salem, 
Cape  Ann,  and  Xewburyport ;  twelve 
for  Boston ;  and  eight  for  Rhode 
Island.  MS.  Letter  of  Gen.  Dear- 
born. Letters  similar  to  that  sent  to 
Governor  Strong  were  forwarded  to 
Governors  Plumer,  of  New  Hamp- 
shire, Griswold,  of  Connecticut,  and 
Jones,  of  Vermont. 


CORRESPONDENCE  WITH  GENERAL  DEARBORN. 


389 


best  light  it  was  in  his  power  to  obtain.    And  that  he  encleav-  chap. 
ored  to  obtain  such  light  is  evident  from  his  applying  for  ^J.^^ 
advice  to  his  Council,  and  to  gentlemen  who  were  eminent  for    1812. 
their  legal  abilities.^ 

Upon  the  renewal  of  General  Dearborn's  call,  the  governor  Jun.  26. 
again  declined  calling  out  the  militia.  Yet,  under  his  author- 
ity as  commander-in-chief,  he  issued  a  general  order  requiring  July  3. 
them  to  be  in  preparation  to  march  at  the  shortest  notice  to 
any  place  of  danger,  for  the  defence  of  the  inhabitants,  agreea- 
bly to  the  directions  of  their  immediate  officers.  Orders  were 
also  issued  for  completing  the  detachments  required  in  April, 
and  for  making  the  returns  without  delay  to  the  adjutant  gen- 
eral. Three  major  generals  were  likewise  designated  to  take 
the  command  of  the  militia  when  called  into  service.^ 

At  this  stage  of  affairs,  a  letter  was  received  by  the  gov-  July  27. 
ernor  from  the  secretary  of  war,  urging  him  to  order  out  the 
militia,  in  accordance  with  the  request  of  General  Dearborn  ; 
but  the  governor  declined ;  and  General  Dearborn  left  the 
seaboard,^  with  most  of  the  troops  in  the  forts,  and  marched  July  22. 


'  Bradford,  iii.  133,  134,  and  Hist. 
Fed.  Gov't,  185-187,  224,  note. 
Comp.  Hildi-eth's  U.  S.,  2d  series, 
iii.  372-374. 

""  Bradford,  iii.  134,  135,  293-296. 
Governor  Strong  was  not  only  cen- 
sured, at  the  time,  by  the  friends  of 
the  administration,  but,  subsequently, 
by  some  of  his  own  party,  for  decHning 
to  order  the  militia  uito  the  service 
of  the  United  States,  as  he  was  re- 
quested. But  the  position  assumed 
by  him  has  often  been  avowed  since, 
and  the  same  doctrine  w'as  asserted 
by  the  State  of  Vu-ginia,  and  by  the 
government  of  Connecticut.  Comp. 
Bradford,  iii.  140, 142,  note,  and  Hist. 
Fed.  Gov't.  224-227,  246,  notes; 
Niles's  Reg.  iii.  4,  5,  22-25.  In  the 
schedule  of  the  apportionment  of  the 
militia,  by  mtue  of  a  resolve  of  Con- 
gress of  April  10,  1812,  the  quotas 
are  given  as  foUows :  — 


New  Hampshire, 
Massachusetts,  . 
Connecticut,  .  . 
llhode  Island,  . 
Vermont,  .  . 
New  York,  .  . 
New  Jersey, 
Pennsylvania,  . 
Delaware,  .  . 
Marjiand,  .  . 
Virginia,  .  .  . 
North  Carolina, 
South  Carolina, 
Georgia,  .  .  . 
Kentucky,  .  . 
Ohio,  .  ■.  .  . 
Tennessee,    .     . 


3,500 

10,000 
3,000 
1,500 
3,000 

13,500 
5,000 

14,000 
1,000 
6,000 

12,000 
7,000 
5,000 
3.500 
5.500 
5,000 
2,500 


100,000 
See  Niles's  Reg.  ii.  286. 

^  General  Dearborn  was  ordered  to 
Albany  June  26,  in  a  letter  I'rom 
Eusrts,  the  secretary  of  war,  to  wliich 


390  THE  governor's  defence. 

CHAP,  to  Canada.  1     lu  a  subsequent  message  to  the  legislature,  the 

,^Jj^  governor  defended  his  course  on  the  ground  that  he  "  pre- 

1812.    sumed,  if  this  state  was  in  danger,  the  regular  troops  would 

Oct. 

not  have  been  ordered  to  the  north-west  frontiers  ;  and  if  they 
were  so  ordered,  the  militia  were  not  liable  to  be  called  into 
service,  and  stationed  in  the  forts  of  the  United  States  to  do 
garrison  duty,  when  no  danger  of  invasion  appeared."  "  I 
have  been  fully  disposed,"  he  added,  "  to  comply  witli  the  re- 
quirements of  the  constitution  of  the  United  States,  and  the 
laws  made  in  pursuance  thereof,  and  sincerely  regret  that  a 
request  should  have  been  made  by  an  officer  of  the  national 
government  with  which  I  could  not  constitutionally  comply. 
But  it  appeared  to  me  that  this  requisition  was  of  that  char- 
acter ;  and  I  was  under  the  same  obligation  to  maintain  the 
rights  of  the  state  as  to  support  the  constitution  of  the  United 
States."  2 

But  whatever  may  have  been  the  views  of  the  governor  or 
of  the  people  of  the  policy  or  expediency  of  the  war  with 
Great  Britain,  as  war  was  declared  by  the  proper  authorities, 
it  was  the  duty  of  all  to  sustain  the  government.^    Nor  were 


he  replied  July  1,  informing  that  offi-  in  the  possession  of  W.  L.  Deai-bora, 

cer  of  the  state  of  affairs  in  Massa-  Esq.     Though  not  very  voluminous, 

ehusetts,  and  at  the  east  generally ;  it  is  quite  interesting,  not  onl)-  for  the 

and  July  22   he  left  for  Greenbush.  liglit  it  sheds  upon  the  Aiews  of  the 

Dearborn  MSS.  parties,  but  upon  the  character  of  the 

*  Dearborn  MSS. ;  Niles's  Reg.  ii.  gentlemen  who   conducted   the   dis- 

358;    Bradford,  iii.   13o,   136.     The  cussion.     Both,  it  would  seem,  were 

letter  of  Governor  Strong,  in  reply  to  sincere  in  their  opinions,  and  acted 

tliat  of  the  secretary  of  war,  dated  from  deliberate  convictions  of  duty. 

August  5,  1812,  is  given  in  Bradford,  The  brave  old  general  stood  his  ground 

iii.    136-139.      The   opinion   of   the  with  becoming  dignit)-,  and  detended 

judges  with  whom   he    consulted  is  his  side  of  the  question  with  ability ; 

also  given  in  ibid.   137,  note.     For  and  the  letters  of  Governor   Strong 

the  opinions  of  Lloyd  and  Otis  on  this  were  equally  able  and  equally  cour- 

matter,  see  ibid.  140,  141,  note.     In  teous.     Whatever  may  be  our  opin- 

the  newspapers  of  the  day,  this  sub-  ions,  therefore,  of  the  merits  of  this 

ject  was  also  discussed  at  length.  controversy,   it  would   be  unjust   to 

2  Speech  of  Gov.  Strong,  in  Mass.  reflect  ujwn  either  of  the  gentlemen 

Resolves  for  1812  ;  Bradford,  iii.  139,  concerned  in  it. 
149-152.     The    correspondence    be-        ^  "Let  me  urge  upon  you,"  said 

tween  Governor  Strong  and  General  Dr.  Channhig,  in  one  of  his  sermons, 

Dearborn  has  been  preserved,  and  is  "  the   important   duty   of  cherishing 


RECEPTION  OP  THE  WAR  NEWS  IN  ENGLAND. 


391 


the  citizens  of  Massachusetts  chargeable,  in  this  respect,  with  chap. 

•  T  Y 

a  culpable  indifference.     For  when,  in  the  following  month,  _^J^^ 
Captain  Isaac  Hull,  the  commander  of  the  frigate  Constitution,    1812. 

Au"  19 

attacked  and  captured  the  English  frigate  Guerriere,  on  liis  re-  ^' 
turn  to  Boston  he  was  received  by  all  classes  with  enthusiastic  Aug.30. 
greetings.  A  federal  salute  was  fired  on  the  occasion  ;  three 
times  three  cheers  were  given  by  the  crowd  ;  and  the  ])ublic 
dinner  was  attended  by  a  large  number  of  respectable  mer- 
chants of  the  town,  and  by  officers  of  the  state  and  of  the 
nation.  The  victory  was  celebrated  as  an  honor  to  the 
nation  ;  party  distinctions  were  for  the  moment  forgotten  ; 
and  the  rejoicing  of  the  people  was  for  the  success  of  their 
arms.^ 

The  proclamation  of  the  president  declaring  war  with  Eng- 
land reached  that  country  in  July,  and  was  received  with 
surprise.^     On  the  part  of  Great  Britain,  for  a  time  at  least, 


respect  for  civil  government,  and  a 
spirit  of  obedience  to  the  laws.  I  am 
sensible  that  many  of  those  I  address 
consider  themselves  as  called  to  op- 
pose the  measures  of  our  present 
rulers.  Let  this  opposition  breathe 
nothing  of  insubordination,  impatience 
of  authority,  or  love  of  change.  It 
becomes  you  to  remember,  that  gov- 
ernment is  a  divine  institution,  essen- 
tial to  the  improvement  of  our  nature, 
the  spring  of  industry  and  enterprise, 
the  shield  of  property  and  life,  the 
refuge  of  the  weak  and  opjiressed.  It 
is  to  the  security  M'hich  laws  afford 
that  we  owe  the  successful  applica- 
tion of  Imman  powers.  Government, 
though  often  perverted  by  ambition 
and  other  selfish  passions,  still  holds 
a  distinguished  rank  among  those 
influences  by  which  man  has  been 
rescued  from  barbarism,  and  con- 
ducted through  the  ruder  stages  of 
society  to  the  habits  of  order,  the 
diversified  emjjlojments  and  depend- 
ences, the  refined  and  softened  man- 
ners, the  intellectual,  moral,  and 
religious  improvements  of  the  age  in 


M'hich  we  live.  We  are  bound  to  re- 
S))ect  government  as  the  gi"eat  securi- 
ty for  social  happiness;  and  we  should 
carefully  cherish  that  habit  of  obedi- 
ence to  the  laws,  without  which  the 
ends  of  government  cannot  be  accom- 
pHshed.  All  wanton  opposition  to  the 
constituted  authorities;  all  censures 
of  rulers  originating  in  a  factious, 
as])iring,  or  envious  spu-it ;  all  un- 
willingness to  submit  to  laws  which 
are  directed  to  the  welfare  of  the 
community,  —  should  be  rebuked  and 
repressed  by  the  frown  of  pubhc  in- 
dignation." 

'  Niles's  Reg.  iii.  15,  28,  109; 
Bradford,  iii.  141,  142;  Ilildreth's  U. 
S.,  2d  series,  iii.  367,  3G8.  The 
Guerriere  was  so  much  damaged  in 
this  engagement,  that  it  was  found 
impossible  to  tow  her  into  ])ort,  and 
the  crew  acccu'dlngly  were  taken  out, 
and  the  ship  was  sunk.  The  citizens 
of  New  York  raised  a  sum  of  money 
to  ])urchase  swords,  to  be  ])resentea 
to  Captain  Hull  and  the  officers  of 
his  ship. 

=*  Em-opean  Mag.  for  July,   1812, 


■'O" 


392  PROSECUTION   OP   THE  WAR   IN   THE   UNITED   STATES. 

CHAP,  the  war  was  defensive  ;  but  on  the  part  of  the  United  States, 
^^'  hostilities  were  vigorously  pushed,  and  Canada  was  invaded.^ 
1812.  The  militia  of  Massachusetts  were  not  called  out,  except  on 
the  application  of  the  inhabitants  of  Eastport  and  its  vicinity, 
on  the  eastern  boundary  of  the  state,  and  nea.r  Passamaquoddy 
Bay,  for  arms  and  troops  for  the  protection  of  the  frontiers.^ 
Yet  great  exertions  were  made  by  the  officers  to  arm  their 
companies,  and  have  them  in  readiness  to  repel  invasions. 
Nor  were  the  seaports  generally  free  from  alarm  ;  for,  as  war 
had  been  declared  against  a  powerful  nation,  whose  navy  was 
superior  to  that  of  the  United  States,  they  felt  themselves  in 
a  dangerous  situation,  and  in  most  cases  suspended  the  busi- 
ness of  navigation,  as  well  as  the  fisheries  in  which  they  were 
engaged.^  That  this  interruption  of  their  customary  pursuits, 
and  on  which  in  a  great  measure  they  depended  for  support, 
produced  great  distress,  may  be  readily  supposed.  Upon  all, 
indeed,  who  were  concerned  in  commercial  enterprises,  directly 
or  indirectly,  the  evils  of  the  war  heavily  pressed.  They  had 
long  been  suffering  under  the  system  of  restrictions  and  non- 
intercourse  ;  a  vast  amount  of  capital  had  been  thrown  out  of 
em])loy,  as  well  as  a  large  number  of  vessels  and  seamen  ;  the 
price  of  imported  articles  had  become  enormous  ;  the  produce 
of  the  country  was  held  at  high  rates  ;  and,  from  the  scarcity 
of  work  and  the  scarcity  of  money,  few  were  able  to  purchase 
as  usual,  and  all  found  it  difficult  to  procure  necessaries  for 
their  families.^     Hence  many  citizens  of  Massachusetts,  who 


66.     See  also  ibid,  for  Aug.,  1812,  issued  by  Governor   Strong,  at  the 

163, -where  the  proclamation  is  given,  request  of  General  Dearborn,  and  by 

'  Ou  the  invasion  of  Canada,  and  order  of  the   president,  to   dhect   a 

the  defeat  of  Hull,  see  Hull's  Trial ;  portion  of  the  militia,  detached  under 

Niles's  Keg.    iii.   passim ;  Ingersoll's  the  orders  of  April  2o,  to  march  to 

Hist   of  the   War,  i.   chap.  ii. ;  Hil-  Passamaquoddy,  for  the  defence  of  the 

di-eth's  U.  S.,  2d  series,  iii.  ;  Brad-  ports  and  harbors  on  the  eastern  bor- 

ford's  Hist.  Fed.  Gov't.  191.  ders  of  the  state.  Niles's  Reg.  ii.  388. 

^  Dearborn  ]\ISS. ;   Gov.  Strong's         ^  Adchess    of   House    of   Reps. ; 

Message;  Bradford,  iii.  138,  152, and  Bradford,  iii.  152. 
Hist.  Fed.  Gov't.  187,  note.     On  the         •*  Address    of    House    of   Reps. ; 

6th  of  August,  general  orders  were  Bradlbrd,  iii.  153. 


REMONSTRANCE  OF  NEW  YORK.  393 

had  supported  the  administration  with  great  enthusiasm,  be-  chap. 
came  dissatisfied,  and  complained  of  the  policy  of  the  govern-    ^^' 
ment  as  loudly  as  others.     Meetings  were  held  in  different    1812. 
places  to  protest  against  the  war  ;  and  the  citizens  of  Plym- 
outh, and  of  a  number  of  other  towns,  joined  in  such  remon- 
strances.^ 

Nor  were  these  demonstrations  confined  to  New  England  ; 
for  in  other  parts  of  the  United  States  the  war  was  unpopu- 
lar, and  was  publicly  condemned.  The  meeting  in  New  York  Aug.i9 
was  "  the  largest  assembly  of  respectable  citizens  ever  wit- 
nessed in  that  place,"  and  was  "  attended  by  the  most  distin- 
guished and  experienced  patriots  "  of  the  state,  among  whom 
were  conspicuous  the  venerable  Jay,  Rufus  King,  Gouverneur 
Morris,  Egbert  Benson,  Matthew  Clarkson,  and  Richard  Var- 
ick.  The  resolutions  passed  by  this  meeting  were  exceedingly 
spirited ;  and,  in  conclusion,  they  observed,  "  We  are  under 
the  dire  necessity  of  declaring  that  we  have  no  confidence  in 
the  men  who  have  brought  us  to  this  perilous  condition.  We 
do  not,  because  we  cannot,  examine  the  causes  of  that  manage- 
ment, the  mischievous  effects  of  which  we  so  deeply  feel  and 
so  seriously  apprehend  ;  but,  called  upon  by  an  imperious  sense 
of  duty,  we  declare  our  sentiments,  and  we  entreat  our  fellow- 
citizens  to  declare  theirs.  We  implore  them  to  lay  aside  party 
distinctions,  to  banish  party  feelings,  and  to  unite.  In  union 
is  force  ;  in  force,  safety.  If  it  shall  appear  that  the  majority 
is  in  favor  of  war,  be  it  so  ;  we  must  submit.  If,  as  we  fully 
believe,  a  great  majority  is  in  favor  of  peace,  let  the  fact  be 
known.  And,  to  this  end,  we  propose  that  representatives  be 
chosen  in  tire  several  counties  of  this  state  —  discreet  men  and 
friends  of  peace  —  to  correspond  or  confer  with  each  other, 
and  cooperate  with  the  friends  of  peace  in  other  states  in 


'  European  Mafj.  for  Sept.,  1812,     77,    and   the    Boston   Centinel   and 
242.     Comp.  also  the  article  on  "  En-     Chronicle  for  1812. 
ergy  in  Wai',"  in  Niles's  Reg.  iii.  76, 


394  PROPOSALS  FOB   AN   ARMISTICE. 

CHAP,  devising  and  pursuing  such  constitutional  measures  as  may 
^^"  secure  our  liberties  and  independence,  and  preserve  our  union, 
1812.    which  are  endangered  by  the  present  war."  ^ 

Jun.26.  Eight  days  after  the  declaration  of  war  on  the  part  of  the 
United  States,  the  president,  through  Secretary  'Monroe,  sent 
by  Mr.  Augustus  Foster,  the  returning  British  minister,  an 
authority  to  Russell,  the  American  agent,  still  resident  at 
London,  to  agree  to  an  armistice,  on  certain  conditions,  prelim- 
inary to  a  definitive  arrangement  of  all  differences ;  and  at 
Halifax,  on  his  way  'home,  Foster  obtained  from  the  naval 
commander  on  that  station  consent  to  a  mutual  suspension  of 
proceedings  against  captured  vessels,  which  he  forwarded  to 
Mr.  Baker,  the  secretary  of  the  British  legation  at  Washing- 
Aug.  ton,  to  be  communicated  to  the  American  government,  together 
with  his  advice  to  Sir  George  Prevost,  the  governor  general 
and  commander-in-chief  in  Canada,  to  propose  a  suspension  of 
hostilities  by  laud.     But  the  American  government  refused  to 

Aug.22.  ratify  this  armistice,  under  the  plea,  as  was  urged  by  Monroe, 
that  the  authority  of  the  president  to  suspend  the  proceedings 
of  prize  courts  was  doubtful ;  that  it  was  uncertain  how  far 
the  arrangement  would  be  respected  by  the  British  officers, 
should  it  not  prove  agreeable  to  the  British  government ;  that 
security  was  wanting  against  the  Indian  allies  of  the  British  ; 
that  the  arrangement  was  unequal,  in  affording  an  opportunity 
to  reenforce  Canada,  which  meanwhile  could  not  be  attacked ; 
and,  especially,  that  should  hostilities  be  suspended  previous 
to  any  answer  from  the  British  government  on  the  subject  of 
impressment,  it  might  look  like  waiving  that  point,  which  the 
American  government  would  never  consent  to  yield.^ 


1  Bradford,  iii.  157,  note,  and  Hist.  190  ;  Hildreth's  U.  S.,  2d  series,  iii. 

Fed.  Gov't.  188,  189,  note.     On  the  325-332. 

riots  in  Baltimore,  which  took  place  ^  Madison's  Message  of  Nov.,  1812; 

June  22  and  July  26,  —  the  first  fom-  Am.    State  Papers,  1811-1815;  In- 

davs  after  the  declaration  of  war, —  gersoll's  Hist,  of  the  War,  i.  193,  445, 

see  Niles's   Reg.  ii.  373-380,   405-  447-45 1-;  Hildreth's  U.  S.,  2d  series, 

407  ;   Bradford's  Hist.   Fed.   Gov't.  iiL  344-348 ;  Bradford's  Hist.  Fed. 


THE   WAR   PROCEEDS   ON  THE    POLICY  OF   IMPRESSMENT.  395 

Thus  the  war  finally  proceeded  on  the  matter  of  impress-  chap. 

ment  alone  —  an  evil,  it  must  be  owned,  of  serious  magnitude.^  ,^,-CJ^ 

The  number  of  cases  of  impressment  which  were  satisfactorily    1812. 

Oct.  27. 
proved  was  less,  it  is  true,  than  the  whole  number  alleged, 

which  was  at  least  six  thousand.^  But  if  only  sixteen  hundred 
bona  fide  citizens  of  America,  had  been  thus  ruthlessly  seized, 
—  and  Castlereagh  himself  admitted  that  number,^  —  this  was  ^^^  j^g 
enough  to  justify  an  earnest  remonstrance  and  resistance  ;  and 
the  fact  that,  at  the  breaking  out  of  the  war,  twenty-five  hun- 
dred American  seamen,  claiming  the  rights  of  citizenship,  and 
refusing  to  fight  against  their  country,  were  committed  at  once 
to  Dartmoor  and  other  prisons,  where  most  of  them  were  de- 
tained for  a  period  of  nearly  three  years,  —  the  British  govern- 
ment refusing  to  release  any  except  upon  proof  of  American 
origin,  which  was  difficult  to  be  obtained  while  hostilities  con- 
tinued,—  caused  an  excitement  in  the  community  almost  unpar- 
alleled, and  was  appealed  to  with  great  force  by  the  friends  of  the 
war  in  justification  of  the  policy  of  the  president.^  True,  the 
making  of  impressment  the  turning  point  of  the  war  may  have 
been,  and  "  was,  in  fact,  an  accident  and  an  after-thought." 
Yet,  after  all,  there  was  enough  in  this  matter  to  appeal  to 


Gov't.  195-197 ;  Statesman's  jVIanu-  Warren  to  Mr.  Monroe  was  made 
al,  i.  357;  Niles's  Weekly  Reg.  ii.  September  30,  1812,  and  "jn-oposed 
197,  236-238,  243-248,  252-255.  an  immediate  cessation  of  hostilities, 
"  During  the  week  we  have  had  some  in  order  to  bring  about  a  reconcilia- 
pleasant  rumors.  It  was  stated  that  tion  so  interesting  and_  beneficial  to 
Mr.  Foster,  the  British  minister,  had  America  and  Great  Britain."  Mon- 
offered,  or  was  about  to  otter,  cer-  roe's  answer  to  this  letter  was  dated 
tain  highly  important  and  interesting  October  27,  1812;  and  it  was  alter 
propositions  to  the  government  of  the  this  that  the  "  war  continued  for  the 
United  States,  embrachig,  in  short,  the  single  grievance  of'impressment."  In- 
complete adjustment  of  all  the  great  gersoll's  Hist,  of  the  War,  i.  448-451. 
and  leading  causes  of  complaint  that  ^  Indep.  Chronicle  for  1812;  Ca- 
we  have  urged  against  his  country  for  rey's  Olive  Branch, 
many  years  past.  It  is  a  foct,  that  a  ^  Ingersoll's  Hist,  of  the  War,  i. 
British  messenger,  a  Mr.  Kutfe,  ar-  481;  Hildreth's  U.  S.,  2d  series,  iii. 
rived  at  New  York,  a  few  days  ago,  *  Taggart's  Address  to  his  Con- 
with  despatches,  which  the  British  stituents  on  Impressments,  Feb.  17, 
papers  say  contain  proposals  of  a  very  1813;  Hildi-eth's  U.  S.,  2d  series,  iii. 
conciliatory  nature."  349-353. 
'  The  communication  of  Admiral 


396  MEASURES   ADOPTED  IN  MASSACHUSETTS. 

CHAP,  the  patriotism  of  the  people,  and  to  demand  of  the  government 
^_JJ;^  secm-ity  from  the  domineering  insolence  of  unauthorized  press 
1813.  gangs.  And,  on  this  ground,  the  war  party  acted  consistently, 
though  it  may  still  remain  an  open  question  whether  the  diffi- 
culty would  not  have  ceased  at  the  restoration  of  peace  in 
Europe,  or  whether  it  might  not  have  been  adjusted  by  a  wise 
neo-otiation.  But  the  evil  existed,  and  remained  unredressed. 
And,  as  negotiation  was  rejected  by  the  president,  there  re- 
mained no  alternative  but  to  decide  the  controversy  by  an 
appeal  to  arms.^  And  it  will  not,  perhaps,  be  doubted,  at  this 
day,  whatever  may  be  thouglit  of  the  original  causes  of  the 
war,  that  the  result  was  favorable  to  American  commerce,  and 
that  the  prosperity  of  the  United  States,  which  has  reached  an 
unexampled  height,  may  be  attributed  in  part  to  the  steps 
then  taken.2 

As  the  determination  of  the  general  government  to  continue 
the  war  was  now  too  evident  to  be  mistaken,  the  governor  of 
Massachusetts,  at  the  ensuing  winter  session  of  the  General 
Jan.  Court,  recommended  the  adoption  of  measures  for  the  defence 
of  the  state,  and  advised  the  legislature  to  make  appropria- 
tions for  that  purpose.  Accordingly,  the  sum  of  one  hundred 
thousand  dollars  was  placed  at  the  disposal  of  the  executive, 
to  purchase  firearms,  cannon,  and  other  munitions  of  war,  to 


'  Hildreth's  U.   S.,   2d  series,  iii.  been  rejected,  the  sword  was  not  the 

319,   334,   352,   353.     "Pacification  only  alternative,  but  the  gibbet  was 

refused  on  the  terms  proposed  by  the  to  be  erected  wherever  a  naturalized 

enemv,"  says  IngersoU,  Hist,  of  the  American  citizen  was  taken  in  arms, 

War,"  i.   453,454,  "left  war  on  the  if  born  a  Briton.     Impressment  by 

single  issue  of  impressment,  and  pro-  sea  was  to  be  imposed  by  extermiua- 

duced  fresh  and  monstrous  aggrava-  tion  ashore.      The  armies  and  navy 

tionsofhostihties.     All  the  enormities  of  the  United  States  were  to  be  de- 

of  British   warfare  —  excitement  of  terred,  and  more  than  decimated,  by 

slaves  and  employment  of  savages —  executing  their  soldiers  and  sailors  as 

were  to  be  exceeded  by  another  still  traitors  —  by  English  officers,  among 

more  abominable  device."    The  United  whose  soldiers  and  sailors  were  Gcr- 

States   were   to   be   punished.     The  man,   Spanish,   French,   Italian,  and 

dogma  of  British  indisputable  allegi-  Indian  lenes." 

ance  was  to  be  enforced  on  hunch-eds  -  X.  Am.  Review  for  July,  1S16, 

of  thousands  of  American  citizens  and  238,   239 ;    Statesman's    Manual,    i. 

soldiers.     The  olive  branch  haraig  376. 


APPLICATION  TO   CONGRESS  FOR   AID.  397 

enable  the  militia,  if  called  out,  to  act  with  effect.     His  excel-  chap. 
lency  was  also  authorized  to  appoint  three  commissioners  for  ^^^^ 
the  defence  of  the  sea  coast ;  and  Generals  Cobb,  Heath,  and    1813. 
Brooks  were  selected  for  that  purpose  —  all  of  whom  were 
experienced  officers,  distinguished  for  their  services  in  the  war 
of  the  revolution.      An  order  was  likewise  passed    by  the  Feb.  27. 
House,  during  the  session,  directing  the  adjutant  general  of 
the  state  to  represent  to  Congress  and  to  the  president  the 
defenceless  condition  of  the  sea  coasts,  and  to  desire  aid  from 
the  general  government  in  money  and  ammunition  ;  but  the 
Senate  refused  to  join  in  this  resolution.     The  governor  then 
applied,  under  his  own  hand,  to  the  administration,  for  the  Mar.  1. 
portion  of  firearms  coming  to  the  state  by  a  former  order  of 
Congress  ;  but  this  application  was  refused  ;  nor  were  arms  Mar.25. 
furnished  to  Massachusetts  until  some  time  after,  and  near  the 
close  of  the  war,  though  most  of  the  other  states  had  already  re- 
ceived their  portion. ^  The  vote  of  the  House,  however,  of  a  sub- 
sequent date,  instructing  their  senators  and  representatives  in  Jun.  10. 
Congress  to  use  their  influence  in  the  national  legislature  for 
an  immediate  augmentation  of  the  naval  force  of  the  United 
States,  was  concm-red  in  by  the  Senate ;  and  that  body  was 
disposed  also  to  view  with  favor  the  proposition,  previously 
made,  that  the  state  should  build  a  seventy-four,  to  be  pre-  Feb.  16. 
sented  to  the  United  States  for  the  national  naval  service 
during  the  war  ;  but,  after  some  discussion,  the  proposition 
was  rejected.2 

1812. 

The  few  vessels  of  war  which  had  been  fitted  out  by  the  Oct.  I's 
general  government  were  signalizing  themselves,  in  tliis  inter-  Dec.  29. 


^  Niles's  Reg.  iv.  236  ;  Bradford,  Massachusetts  by  the  general  govem- 

iii.  158,   159.     For  the  rejiort  of  the  ment,  and  the  receipt  of  the  same  is 

committee   of  the   legislature,  made  acknowledged  in  the  governor's  mes- 

June  10,  1813,  relative  to  the  refusal  sage   of  January    12,    1S14.     Mass. 

of  the  secretary  of  war  to  suj)])ly  the  Resolves  for  1813-14;  Xiles's  Reg. 

state  with  its  quota  of  arms,  see  Mass.  v.  342. 

Resolves  for  1813;  Niles's  Reg.  iv.         *  Niles's  Reg.  iv.   41;   Bradford, 

251.     In    the    winter    of    1813-14,  iii.  159,  160.     Similar  proposals  were 

1500  stands  of  ai'ms  were  fm'uished  to  made  m  other  states. 


398  EE-ELECTION   OF   GOVERNOR  STRONG. 

CHAP,  val,  by  feats  of  gallantry  which  the  whole  nation  applauded  ; 
^^'  and  the  capture  of  the  Java,  the  Macedonian,  and  the  Frolic, 
1813.  by  the  Constitution,  the  United  States,  and  the  Wasp,  under 
the  command  of  Captains  Bainbridge,  Decatur,  and  Jones, 
were  hailed  as  auguries  of  the  triumph  of  the  American  arms. 
Captain  Bainbridge  touched  at  Boston  soon  after  the  capture 
of  the  Java,  while  the  legislature  was  in  session  ;  and  the 

Jun.  15.  Senate  passed  a  vote  of  thanks  to  him  and  his  crew  for  their 
gallant  conduct  ;  but  the  House  saw  fit,  in  adopting  a  similar 
motion,  to  refer  to  the  other  victories,  and  they  were  all  in- 
cluded in  the  resolution  of  that  body.^ 
May.  The  reelection  of  Mr.  Strong  by  a  majority  of  thirteen 
thousand  out  of  one  hundred  and  one  thousand  votes,  and  the 
triumph  of  the  federalists  in  both  branches  of  the  legislature, 
were  considered  as  proofs  of  the  confidence  of  the  people  in 
the  patriotism  of  the  governor,  and  of  their  dissatisfaction 
with  the  war  policy  of  Madison,  who  had  recently  been  re- 
elected to  the  office  of  president.^    The  message  of  his  excel- 

May28.  lency  to  the  General  Court  gave  a  concise  history  of  the 
conduct  of  the  belligerent  nations  in  Europe  towards  the 
United  States,  and  expressed  the  opinion  that  the  government 
of  France  had  generally  been  the  first  in  the  depredations  on 
the  commerce  of  America,  and  had  inflicted  injuries  to  the 
greatest  amount ;  and  that  peace  might  have  been  maintained 
with  Great  Britain  by  a  sincere  desire  on  the  part  of  the 
administration  to  adjust  the  disputes  which  had  existed  con- 
sistently with  the  rights  and  interests  of  the  United  States.^ 


*  Niles's  Reg.  iii.  156,  20.5,  217,  Decatur,  Bainbridge,  and  Jones,  see 

237,  2oS,  301,  312,  324,  397,  410;  Niles's  Keg.  v.  Supp.     Comp.  also  the 

iv.  52,  131,  162,273;   Bradford,  iii.  Life  of  Decatur,  Cooper's  Naval  Biog., 

160-162  ;    IngersoU's   Hist,    of  the  Ingersoll's  Hist,  of  the  War,  Analec- 

War,  i.  195,  389,  416  ;  Hildreth's  U.  tic  Mag.,  &c. 

S.,  2d  series,  iii.  364-370,  397-399.  "  Address  of  Com.  of  Corresp.  to 

The  Peacock  was  soon  after  captured  the  Democratic  Citizens  of  Penn.,on 

by  the  Hornet,  under  Ca])tain  Law-  the  Election,  1812;  Bradford,  iii.  162; 

rence.     The  Wasp  was  also  captured  Hildreth's  U.  S.,  2d  series,  iii.  404. 

by  the  Poictiers,  October  18,  and  car-  ^  Message  of  Gov.  Strong,  of  May 

ried  to  Bermuda.     For  sketches  of  28,  1813,  in  Mass.  Resolves  j  Niles's 


CAPTURE  OF  THE  CHESAPEAKE.    •      '        399 

Yet,  disposed  as  he  was  to  maintain  the  honor  and  dignit}-  of  chap. 
his  country,  he  did  not  neglect  to  advise  further  means  for  the    ^^" 
defence  of  the  state  —  particularly  for  the  sea  coast,  which  was    1813. 
most  exposed.     Both  the  Senate  and  House  concurred  in  these 
views,  and  assured  him  of  their  support  in  all  necessary  meas- 
ures for  the  safety  and  protection  of  the  state  ;  and  a  large 
sum  was  appropriated  for  the  purchase  of  firearms,  cannon,  and 
gunpowder.'     A  remonstrance  against  the  policy  of  tiie  war  jun.  12. 
was  likewise  proposed  by  petitions  from  tlie  towns,  adopted 
by  large  majorities  in  both  Houses,  and  sent  to   Congress, 
which  was  convened  in  an  extraordinary  session,  called  by  the 
president  on  account  of  the  embarrassments  in  the   nation 
growing  out  of  the  hostile  attitude  of  the  government.^ 

Previous  to  the  adoption  of  this  remonstrance,  a  battle  had  june  1. 
been  fought  off  the  harbor  of  Boston,  in  sight  of  a  multitude 
of  anxious  spectators,  between  the  United  States  frigate  Ches- 
apeake, commanded  by  Captain  Lawrence,  and  the  British 
frigate  Shannon,  commanded  by  Captain  Broke,  which  termi- 
nated unfortunately  to  the  American  ship.  The  citizens  of 
Boston  were  the  more  interested  in  this  engagement,  inasmuch 
as  the  Chesapeake  had  been  some  time  in  port,  and  her  officers 
were  well  known  and  highly  esteemed.  But  the  battle  was 
commenced  with  great  disadvantage  on  her  part ;  and  the 
contest  was  too  eagerly  sought  by  her  gallant  commander, 


Reg.  iv.  233  ;  Bradford,  iii.  163 ;  Hil-  time,  complaining  of  the   admission 

dreth's  U.  S.,  2d  series,  iii.  426 ;  In-  of  Louisiana,  without  the  unanimous 

gersoll's  Hist,  of  the  War,  i.  483.  consent    of  the  states,   as    unconsti- 

'  Bradford,    iii.    163,    164  ;     Hil-  tutional      and      unauthorized  —  the 

di'cth's  U.  S.,  2d  series,  iii.  427,  428.  commencement  of  a  process  of  west- 

^  Mass.  Resolves  for  1813 ;  Niles's  ern  annexation  which  threatened  to 

Reg.  iv.  297-301 ;  Bradford,  iii.  166.  swamp  the  ])()litical  influence  of  Mas- 

A  minority  of  the  legislature  ])rotested  sachusetts  and    the  Eastern    States, 

against  this  remonstrance.     Mr.  Gore  M'hich  could  not  be  suffered  to  ])ass 

was  elected  senator  during  this  ses-  in  silence,  lest  silence  might  seem  to 

sion,  in  the  place  of  Mr.  Lloj'd,  Avho  give  consent.     Ingersoll's  Hist,  of  the 

had  resigned  his  seat.     A  report  was  War ;  Hikketh's  U.  S.,  2d  series,  iii. 

also  adopted  by  the  legislatiu'e  at  tliis  428. 


400  BRITISH  BLOCKADE   OP   THE   COAST. 

CHAP,  before  he  was  prepared  for  action.     The  ship  was  taken,  and 

^^3^;^  the  captain  himself  was  mortally  wounded.  ^ 
1813.  In  the  summer  of  this  year,  a  number  of  British  ships  were 
hovering  on  the  coast  in  the  Province  of  Maine,  but  no  attempt 
was  made  to  land.  The  militia,  however,  were  called  to  the 
places  where  the  inhabitants  were  alarmed  ;  and  their  appear- 
ance, in  all  probability,  prevented  the  meditated  attacks. 
Later  in  the  season,  the  movements  of  the  enemy  became 
more  threatening  ;  several  harbors  were  entered,  and  the  in- 
habitants were  plundered  of  their  sheep  and  other  live  stock. 
Hence  the  citizens  of  most  of  the  towns  contiguous  to  the  sea- 
board applied  to  the  executive  for  the  means  of  defence  ;  and 
munitions  of  war  were  purchased  and  furnished  them  by  agents 
appointed  for  that  purpose.^  The  neglect  of  the  general  gov- 
ernment to  afford  any  assistance  to  the  state  was  remonstrated 
against,  and  complained  of  as  a  wanton  dereliction  of  duty ; 
but  these  complaints  were  considered  by  the  friends  of  the 
administration  as  altogether  unjustifiable ;  and  it  was  contend- 
ed by  some  that  to  question  the  justice  or  the  expediency  of 
the  war  was  a  political  sin  approaching  almost  to  treason.^ 


'  Ingersoll's  Hist,  of  the  Wai",  i.  which  was  denounced  as  "  moral  trea- 
395  et  seq. ;  Niles's  Reg.  iv.  246,  son,"  that  Captam  George  Crownin- 
276,  374  ;  V.  5 ;  Bradford,  iii.  167,  shield,  Jun.,  of  Salem,  one  of  a  family 
168;  Hildreth's  U.  S.,  2d  series,  iii.  "  of  the  most  adventurous  and  spirited 
420-422.  Captain  La\ATence  died  five  men  and  merchants  ui  the  world," 
days  after,  and  was  buried  at  Hali-  under  a  Hag  of  truce,  proceeded  to 
fax,  with  military  honors.  The  action  Halifax,  for  the  body  of  Lawrence, 
lasted  but  fifteen  minutes;  and  dur-  which  was  rebm'ied  at  Salem,  with 
ing  that  time  the  Chesapeake  had  great  parade,  the  Hon.  Joseph  Story 
forty-eight  killed  and  ninety-eight  acting  as  the  orator  of  the  day.  Sen- 
wovmded,  and  the  Shannon  had  twen-  ate  Kesolve  of  June  lo,  1813;  the 
ty-three  killed  and  fiftj-six  wounded.  Voter's  Text  Book,  35 ;  Otis's  Let- 
Before  the  fate  of  LawTcnce  was  ters,  84 ;  Hikbeth's  U.  S.,  2d  series, 
kno-mi,  the  Senate  of  Massachusetts,  iii.  429,  430 ;  Niles's  Reg.  iv.  287, 
on  the  report  of  a  committee,  of  293,  303,  390,  421  ;  Boston  Patriot 
whicli  Qmncy  was  chairman,  declined  for  1813.  For  a  biographical  notice 
passing  a  vote  approring  the  con-  of  Lawrence,  see  Niles's  Reg.  v.  Supp., 
duct  of  that  officer  in  the  capture  of  in  wliich  is  given  an  account  of  the 
the  Peacock,  though  they  professed  ceremonies  at  the  reinterment  of  his 
high  respect  for  liis  naval  skill,  and  remains, 
militai-y  and  civil  virtues.  The  war  "  Bradford,  iii.  169-174. 
party  was  so  exasperated  at  this  vote,  ^  Bradford,  iii.  167,  174,  176. 


INTERDICTION    OF   THE    COASTING    TRADE.  '401 

Nor  was  tlie  action  of  the  general  government  in  otlier  chap. 
respects  approved  by  the  friends  of  peace  ;  for  a  new  embargo  _J[5^ 
was  laid,  the  duration  of  which  was  not  to  exceed  a  year.    1813. 

Dec.  17 

This  measure  was  as  oppressive  in  its  operation  as  the  embargo 
of  1807,  and  was  extremely  obnoxious  to  the  people  on  the 
sea  coast,  who  were  most  directly  affected  by  it.  For,  in 
interdicting  the  coasting  trade  from  one  port  to  another,  and 
forbidding  the  occupation  of  fishing  near  the  harbor,  it  de- 
stroyed the  business  of  many  industrious  citizens,  and  added 
to  their  burdens,  which  were  already  great. ^  The  governor 
took  notice  of  this  act  in  a  message  to  the  legislature,  and  not  jl^'^^2 
only  complained  of  its  oppressiveness,  but  plainly  intimated 
that  it  was  unconstitutional.  "  The  late  acts,"  said  he,  "  inter- 
dicting the  trade  coastwise  between  different  parts  of  the 
same  state,  as  well  as  between  the  states  respectively,  contain 
provisions  of  such  a  character  as  makes  it  worthy  of  inquiry 
whether  any  measures  can  be  properly  adopted  by  the  govern- 
ment of  this  state  which  would  be  likely  to  induce  Congress 
to  repeal  them,  or  to  amend  them  in  such  a  manner  as  to  ren- 
der their  constitutionality  less  questionable."  ^ 

The  House,  in  their  reply  to  this  speech,  which  was  adopted  Feb,  16. 
by  a  vote  of  two  hundred  and  ninety  to  one  hundred  and 
twenty-five,  ascribed  the  origin  of  the  war,  not  to  the  British 
orders  in  council,  and  the  casual  abuses  arising  from  the  prac- 
tice of  impressment,  which  had  "  ceased  to  be  considered  by 
impartial  men  "  as  its  causes,  but  to  the  "  systematical  aban- 
donment of  the  policy  of  Washington  and  of  the  friends  and 
framers  of  the  constitution  ;  to  implacable  animosity  against 


'  Ligersoll's  Hist,  of  the  War,  i.  and  the  Senate  and  House,  in  their 

504 ;  Niles's  Reg.  v.  273,  287,  295,  replies,  mutually  expressed  their  ap- 

317;    Bradford,   iii.    178,    and   Hist,  proval    of    the    step.     Bradford,   iii. 

Fed.  Gov't.  215,  and  note  ;  Hildreth's  190-195  ;  liildreth's  U.  S.,  2d  series, 

U.    S.,  2d  series,  iii.  455.     This  act  iii.  47(5. 

was  repealed  in  the  following  March,  *  ^lessage  of  Gov.  Strong  of  .Tan. 

and  the  governor  of  Massachusetts,  in  12,   1814;  Niles's  lieg.  v.  342-344; 

his   message  to  the  General   Court,  Bradford,  iii.  178. 

VOL.  III.  26 


402       EEPLY  OP  THE  HOUSE  TO  THE  GOVERNOR'S  SPEECH. 

CHAP,  those  men,  and  their  exclusion  from  all  concern  in  the  goy- 
^J^^  ernment  of  the  country  ;  to  the  influence  of  unprincipled  for- 
1814.  eigners  over  the  press  and  the  deliberations  of  the  national 
government  in  all  its  branches  ;  to  a  jealousy  of  commercial 
states,  envy  of  their  prosperity,  fear  of  their  power,  contempt 
for  their  pursuits,  and  ignorance  of  their  true  character  and 
importance  ;  to  the  cupidity  of  certain  states  for  the  wilderness 
reserved  for  the  miserable  aborigines  ;  to  a  violent  passion  for 
conquest,  and  an  infatuated  belief  that  neighboring  provinces 
were  enamoured  of  our  institutions,  and  would  become  an 
easy  prey  to  the  arts  and  arms  of  raw  and  boastful  adventu- 
rers ;  and,  above  all,  to  delusive  estimates  of  the  relative 
power  and  resources  of  Great  Britain  and  France,  and  a  de- 
termined hostility  towards  the  former,  as  the  firmest  basis  of 
party  power."  ^  "  These,"  they  added,  "  will  be  viewed  by  the 
present  generation,  and  by  posterity,  as  the  sources  of  our 
present  national  evils  ;  and  the  pretence  of  aiming  to  secure 
the  freedom  of  commerce  and  of  seamen,  by  regulations  which 
compel  both  merchants  and  sailors  to  renounce  the  ocean  of 
their  professions,  will  be  regarded  as  the  boldest  delusion  ever 
attempted  by  a  ruling  party  upon  the  credulity  of  an  intelli- 
gent people."  - 


»  The   republicans,  on  their  part,  ^  Bradford,     ili.     300-302;     Hil- 

•were   equally  vehement  in  theii-  de-  dreth's  U.  S.,  2d  series,  iii.  469-476. 

nunciations  of  the  opponents  of  the  A  memorial  from  the   fishermen  of 

■war,  as  being  under  British  influence ;  Boston,  and  petitions  from  more  than 

and  even  ]\Ir.  Ingersoll,  Hist,  of  the  fifty  tovi'ns  in  the  state,  were  sent  to 

War,  i.  485,  asserts,  that,  "without  the  legislature,  early  in  the  yeai- 1814, 

secret  correspondence  or  imderstand-  calling  their  attention  to  the  impover- 

ing,  the  influence  of  England  was  as  ished  and   sufi'ering  condition  of  the 

strong  in  Boston  and  some  other  parts  country,  and   declaring   then-   belief 

of  New  England  as  it  was  in  Scot-  that   the  war  was   unnecessary,  and 

land,  stronger  than  it  was  in  Ireland,  was  to  be  attributed  to  the  undue  in- 

so  fai-  as  hostile  feehng  to  France,  and  fluence  of  a  foreign  power  o^er  the 

ever}-  thing  but  hostile  opposition  to  councils  of  the  nation  ;  and  before  the 

Madison's  administration,  as  connected  adjom-nment  of  the  General  Court,  or 

with   France.     There   was,  at   least,  in  February,  resolves  were  reported 

sympathetic    alliance,   ofiensive    and  by   a   committee   appointed   for   the 

defensive,  between  England  and  parts  purpose,  condemning  the  embargo  as 

of  New  England."  imwarrauted  by  the  constitution,  and 


THE    PARTIES   WHO    WERE    BENEFITED    BY   THE    WAR.  403 

Disastrous,  however,  as  was  the  policy  of  the  national  gov-  chap. 
eminent  to    the   citizens   of  Massachusetts,  there   were   not     ^^' 
wanting  some  to  whom  it  aflbrdcd  a  temporary  and  delusive    I8i4. 
pecuniary  benefit.     Especially  that  class  who  were  engaged  in 
privateering,  and  who  were  willing  to  run  great  risks  in  the 
hope  of  great  gains,  found  their  profit  in  eluding  the  vigilance 
of  the  enemy,  and  in  carrying  on  a  commerce  which  was  re- 
munerative, if  it  was  not  honest.     A  host  of  agents,  contract- 
ors, and  officers  of  all  sorts,  had  likewise  been  called  into 
being  by  the  war ;  and  these,  as  dependants  upon  the  bftmty 
of  the  president,  were  bound  to  return  him  the  cheap  meed  of 
adulation,  and  to  denounce  the  opponents  of  the  war  as  mon- 
archists and  traitors.     Sustained,  therefore,  by  executive  pat- 
ronage, and  buoyed  by  their  own  hopes,  the  war  party  in 
Massachusetts  was  formidable  in  its  aspect ;  and  probably  not 
less  than  a  tiiird  of  the  citizens  of  the  state,  whoso  honesty  it 
would  be  unwise  to  impeach,  watched  with  jealous  eyes  the 
movements  of  the  federalists,  and  were  ready  to  believe  and 
repeat  the  charges  of  connivance  with  Great  Britain,  and  of 
enmity  to  the  Union. ^ 

The  alarms,  during  the  spring  and  the  summer  of  this  year,  April 
of  apprehended  attacks  upon  the  seaport  towns,  were  not  only  June, 
frequent,  but  in  some  cases  were  followed  by  demonstrations 
on  the  part  of  the  enemy  which  left  no  doubt  of  their  intention 
to  blockade  the  coast.  Not  only  in  the  vicinity  of  Boston,  but 
all  along  the  shore,  and  as  far  to  the  eastward  as  the  Prov- 
ince of  Maine,  were  such  apprehensions  awakened  ;  and  the 
calls  upon  the  governor  for  bodies  of  the  militia,  and  for  the 
munitions  of  war,  were  responded  to  as  promptly  as  circum- 
stances permitted.2     An  arrangement  was  also  made  by  Gen- 

as  ^^olat!ng  the  rights  of  the  people  ii.  267,  26R ;  Tlildreth's  U.  S.,  2d  se- 

of  this  commouwcahli.     iiradford,  iii.  ries,  iil.   tuf!,  4">7. 
180-183  ;     Dwight's    Hist,    of   the         ^  Hildreth's  U.  S.,   2d   series,  iii. 

Hartford     Convention;    Statesman's  48;l-5()0,   514;    Bradford,   iii.    184- 

Manual,  i.  370.  _  187,  199.    In  Ajiril,  on  the  request  of 

'  Comp.  Tucker's  Life  of  Jefferson,  Captain  Bainbridge,   two   companies 


404 


AERANGEMENTS  FOR  THE  DEFENCE  OF  THE  COAST. 


CHAP,  era!  John  Brooks,  the  adjutant  general  of  the  commonwealth, 

,^_^.i^  with  Brigadier  General  Gushing,  then  the  commanding  ofiBcer 
1814.  of  the  United  States  on  the  Boston  station  in  the  place  of 
General  Dearborn,  to  call  out  the  militia  of  the  Yicinity  when- 
ever it  sliould  become  necessary  to  repel  an  invading  enemy ; 
and  the  militia  so  called  out  were  to  be  under  the  direction  of 
General  Gushing,  though  the  officers  were  to  retain  their  rel- 
ative stations,  according  to  their  election.  On  the  removal 
of  this  officer,  General  Dearborn  resumed  the  command  ;  and, 

July  12.  at  his  request,  the  militia  to  the  number  of  eleven  or  twelve 
hundred  were  directed  to  be  called  out,  if  a  similar  arrange- 
ment could  be  made  with  him  as  with  General  Gushing:.^ 
Before  the  prorogation  of  the  court,  a  million  of  dollars  was 
likewise  voted  for  the  defence  of  the  state,  to  be  expended  in 
such  manner  as  the  executive  should  judge  proper.^ 

June.  Contemporaneously  with  these  events,  the  news  of  the  abdi- 
cation of  Bonaparte,  of  the  restoration  of  the  Bourbons,  and 


of  artillery,  and  one  company  of  light 
infantry,  were  ordered  to  Mai'blehead, 
for  the  defence  of  that  town  ;  and, 
soon  after,  the  same  officer  applied 
for  aid  in  repelling  a  meditated  attack 
on  the  na^y  yard  at  Charlestown. 
Captain  Hull  also  applied  for  aid  in 
defending  the  navy  yard  at  Ports- 
mouth, X.  H.,  and  a  number  of  tlie 
militia  of  Massachusetts  were  ordered 
thither.  Alarms  were  likewise  raised, 
about  the  same  time,  in  the  counties 
of  Banistabie,  Plymouth,  Cumber- 
land, Lincoln,  and  Hancock ;  attacks 
were  made  at  Wareham  and  Scituate, 
and  the  inhabitants  were  furnished 
■with  the  means  of  defence.  Detach- 
ments of  the  militia  were  also  ordered 
out,  and  kept  in  service  so  long  as 
there  was  danger.  In  June,  there 
was  an  alarm  at  Salem ;  and  cannon 
and  other  military  articles  Avere  pro- 
Aided  for  the  defence  of  the  town. 
Even  the  citizens  of  Boston  were 
apprehensive  of  an  attack ;  and  a  regi- 
ment of  militia  was  encamped  on  the 


Common  for  a  time,  and  then  ordered 
to  Dorchester  Heights,  where  it  re- 
mained for  several  weeks.  Tlie  fort 
on  Governor's  Island  was  likewise 
repaired  and  manned.  In  these  prep- 
arations for  defence, all  classes  joined; 
and  Governor  Strong,  who  had  been 
reelected  l)y  nearly  as  large  a  majority 
as  in  1813,  was  as  active  as  any  one 
in  provitling  for  the  secmity  and  pro- 
tection of  the  state.  The  attack  upon 
Castine  took  place  in  September,  1814, 
and  the  town  was  taken  by  a  British 
fleet,  consisting  of  thirty  vessels,  — 
among  which  were  two  74's  and  sev- 
eral frigates,  —  and  upwards  of  three 
thousand  troops. 

•  Bradford,  iii.  196-198,  200.  In 
consequence  of  this  agreement,  in 
the  foil  of  this  year,  a  detachment  of 
the  militia,  amomiting  to  nearly  a 
brigade,  was  placed  under  the  com- 
mand of  General  Dearborn,  and  or- 
dered to  Fort  Warren,  in  the  harbor 
of  Boston.     Bradford,  iii.  203. 

''  Bradford,  iii.  195. 


PROPOSAL  FOR   A   NEGOTIATION   AT  LONDON. 


405 


of  peace  in  Europe,  was  received  in  America,  and  was  wel-  chap. 
corned  by  the  federalists  "  with  joy  and  exultation,  as  the  ..^^l^ 
harbinger  of  peace  and  of  the  renewal  of  commerce."     Prop-    I8i4. 
arations  were  accordingly  made  to  celebrate  the  event  by  an 
imposing  religious  ceremony  ;  and  Dr.  Channing,  the  pastor 
of  the  Federal  Street  Church,  distinguished  as  a  clergyman 
of  unusual  eloquence,  delivered  a  sermon  adapted  to  the  occa- 
sion.^     Already  had  a  proposition  been  made  by  the  English 
government,  and  communicated  to  Congress,  to  treat  of  peace  Jan.  6. 
at  London,  or  at  Gotteuburg,  should  the  objections  to  the 
former  place  prove  insuperable  ;  and  this  oficr,  with  the  ac- 
ceptance of  Gottenburg  as  the  place,  had  been  accepted  by 
Madison,  who  nominated  as  commissioners  on  the  part  of  the  Jan.  14. 
United  States  John  Quincy  Adams,  of  Massachusetts,  and  James 
A.  Bayard,  of  Delaware,  with  Henry  Clay  and  Jonathan  Rus- 
sell, to  whom  Albert  Gallatin  was  afterwards  added,  as.  repre- 
sentatives of  the  war  party.^     The  negotiation  thus  instituted 


*  Sermon  of  Dr.  Channing,  deliv- 
ered in  1814  ;  Hildi-eth's  U.  S.,  2d 
series,  iii.  490,  491.  On  the  18th  of 
September,  1814,  when  an  invasion 
by  the  British  forces  was  apprehended 
at  Boston,  Dr.  Channing  Ulvewise  de- 
livered a  sermon,  a  portion  of  which 
is  given  in  his  Discourses  and  Re- 
views, App.  591-598.  Tlie  same 
volume,  583-591,  also  contains  ex- 
tracts fi'om  Sermons  preached  on 
days  of  humiliation  and  prajer,  ap- 
pointed in  consequence  of  the  declara- 
tion of  war  against  Great  Britam 
in  1812. 

2  Niles's  Reg.  iv.  112,  337  ;  v.  310, 
319,  347,  407;  Ingersoll's  Hist,  of 
the  War,  i.  127,  466-474  ;  Hildreth's 
U.  S.,  2d  series,  iii.  456.  On  the  8th 
of  March,  1813,  Mr.  Dasclikoff,  the 
Russian  minister  at  Washington,  is 
said  to  have  communicated  to  the 
American  government  an  offer  from 
the  Emperor  Alexander,  of  his  medi- 
ation between  the  United  States  and 
Great  Britain,  with  a  view  to  peace ; 
and  on  the  11th  of  Mai-ch,  the  presi- 


dent accepted  this  offer,  and  appointed, 
a  few  days  after,  commissioners  or 
envoys  to  negotiate  a  treaty.  This 
Russian  mediation  was  at  first  declined 
by  the  British  government;  but  on 
the  4th  of  November  Lord  Castle- 
reagh  informed  the  American  govern- 
ment that  Great  Britain  was  willing 
to  enter  upon  a  direct  negotiation  for 
peace  ;  this  proposition  was  accepted 
by  President  Madison ;  and  J^ord 
Castlereagh  was  informed  that  meas- 
ures would  be  taken  for  carrying  it 
into  effect  at  Gottenburg,  in  Sweden. 
The  commission  wliich  followed  is 
the  one  referred  to  in  the  text,  con- 
sisting of  John  Quinc}-  Adams,  James 
A.  Bayard,  Henry  Clay,  Jonathan 
Russell,  and  Albert  Gallatin.  The 
four  first  named  were  confirmed  in 
January,  and  Mr.  Gallatin  in  Febru- 
ary, 1814,  Messrs.  Adams,  Gallatin, 
and  Bayard  being  already  in  Peters- 
burg, where  they  arrived  in  October 
and  November,  1813.  Ingersoll's 
Hist,  ofthe  Wai-j  Statesman's  Manu- 
al, i.  362,  366. 


406  GHENT   SELECTED    AS   THE   PLACE    OF   MEETING.         ' 

CHAP,  proceeded  quite  slowly  at  first ;  and,  at  the  date  of  the  reeep- 

^___^_;^  tion  of  the  tidings  of  the  changes  in  Europe,  as  nothing  defi- 

1814.    nite  had  been   heard   from   the   commissioners,  letters  were 

and27.  addrcpsed  to  them  authorizing  them  to  refer  the  question  of 

impressment,  should  it  be  found  an  obstacle  to  a  treaty,  to  a 

separate  negotiation,  to  be  commenced  as  soon  as  peace  was 

reestablished.    Shortly  after,  however,  discouraging  despatches 

arrived  from   Gallatin   and  Bayard  ;    and   a  postscript  was 

added  authorizing  them,  should  they  think  it  best,  to  treat  at 

London,  and,  if  peace  could  not  be  otherwise  made,  to  omit 

the  subject  of  impressment  altogether —  though  not  without  a 

protest  that  this  silence  was  not  to  be  taken  as  admitting  the 

British  claim.i 

Pending  the  arrival  of  these  instructions,  Ghent,  in  Holland, 
had  been  agreed  upon  by  both  parties  as  the  place  of  nego- 
tiation ;  but  the  British  government,  which  was  otherwise 
occupied,  seemed  in  no  hurry  to  appoint*  its  commissioners. 
Indeed,  the  war  party  in  England,  not  less  passionate  than 
the  war  party  in  America,  was  little  inclined  to  forego  the 
opportunity,  which  seemed  to  be  offered,  of  signally  punishing 
"  a  pusillanimous  and  unnatural  nation  of  democrats,  who  had 
seized,  for  an  attack  upon  Great  Britain,  the  moment  of  her 
greatest  pressure,  and  whose  insolence,  encouraged  by  naval 
successes,  ought  to  be  checked."  "  Madison,"  it  was  said, — 
and  to  the  federalists  the  idea  is  supposed  not  to  have  been 
very  repugnant,  —  "must  be  made  to  resign,  and  to  follow 
Bonaparte  to  some  transatlantic  Elba  ; "  and,  "  as  if  to  accom- 
plish this  object,  large  shipments  of  veteran  troops  were  made 
to  America."^ 


*  Am.  State  Papers,  I8II-I8I0  ;  who  assembled  at  Ghent  in  August, 

Hildreth's  U.  S.,  2d  series,  iii.  491;  1814. 

Statesman's    Manual,   i.    372.      The  ^  N.  Am.  Review  for  July,  1816, 

commissioners  on  the  part  of  the  Eng-  238  ;  Hildreth's  U.  S.,  2d  series,  iii. 

lish  sjovernment  were  Lord  Gambier,  492.      "  Chastisement  Mas  the  most 

Mr.  Goulbom-u,  and  Wilham  Adams,  lenient  threat  uttered ;  conquest  and 


ACTION   OF   MASSACHUSETTS.  407 

At  this  trying  juncture,  the  citizens  of  Massaclmsetts,  im-  chap. 
pressed  with  a  sense  of  tlie  dangers  which  threatened  tliem,  ^^^^L. 
and  heavily  burdened  with  the  expenses  of  the  war,  were  urgent  isu. 
that  some  further  means  should  be  adopted  by  tlie  executive 
towards  persuading  the  general  government  to  negotiate  a 
peace,  or  to  assist  the  state  in  defending  its  borders,  without 
compelling  it  to  rely  entirely  upon  its  own  resources.  His 
excellency  concurred  in  these  views  ;  but  not  choosing,  it 
would  seem,  to  assume  the  responsibility,  he  concluded,  by  the 
unanimous  advice  of  the  Council,  to  summon  a  special  meeting  oct.  5. 
of  the  General  Court.^  To  this  body,  when  assembled,  a 
message  was  sent,  informing  them  of  his  i)roccedings  since 
their  adjournment,  and  of  the  reasons  which  had  induced  him 
to  call  them  together.  "  The  situation  of  the  state,"  he  ob- 
served, in  concluding  his  address,  "  is  dangerous  and  perplex- 
ing. We  have  been  led,  by  the  terms  of  the  constitution,  to 
rely  on  the  general  government  to  provide  the  means  of  de- 
fence ;  and  to  that  government  we  have  resigned  the  resources 
of  the  state.  It  has  declared  war  against  a  powerful  maritime 
nation,  whose  fleet  can  approach  every  part  of  our  extended 
coast ;  and  we  are  disappointed  in  the  expectation  of  a  na- 
tional defence.  But,  though  we  may  believe  the  war  was 
unnecessary,  and  has  been  prosecuted  without  any  useful  or 
practicable  object  against  a  province  of  the  enemy,  while  the 
sea  coast  of  this  state  has  been  left  almost  wholly  defence- 
destruction  were  contemplated.  The  weeks ;  that  he  was  then  keejiing  all 
'  umncibles '  from  the  Penhisula,  all  his  majjs  unfinished,  avS  the  boundaries 
the  disposable  forces,  both  sea  and  would  all  be  changed,  and  a  considera- 
land,  were  directed  to  these  devoted  ble  part  of  the  Union  incorporated 
shores,  which  they  were  to  overrun  ;  with  the  British  possessions." 
and  particular  parts  were  to  be  re-  '  Comj).  "  An  A])peal  to  the  Good 
tained  as  permanent  acquisitions."  Sense  of  the  Democrats,  and  the  Pub- 
To  such  an  extent,  indeed,  was  this  lie  Spirit  of  the  Federalists,  by  a 
idea  carried,  that  "  an  eminent  map-  Citizen  of  Mass.,"  Boston,  1814; 
seller  in  London"  is  said  to  have  Project  for  the  Restoration  of  Peace 
"  advised  an  American  gentleman,  not  to  X.  England,  in  the  Boston  Daily 
knowing  him  to  be  such,  who  applied  Advertiser  for  1814,  and  Niles's  Keg. 
to  him  for  a  map  of  the  United  v.  198-200. 
States,  to  defer  the  pm-chase  for  a  few 


408  EEPORT   OF   THE   LEGISLATIVE    COMMITTEE. 

CHAP,  less, —  and  though,  in  such  a  war,  we  may  not  afford  voluntary 

^^^^  aid  to  any  of  the  oflensive  operations,  there  can  be  no  doubt 

1814.    of  our  right  to  defend  our  possessions  and  dwellings  against 

any  hostile  attacks."  ^ 
^  The  joint  committee  to  whom  this  message  was  referred, 

Oct.  and  of  which  Otis  was  chairman,  reported  in  favor  of  the 
governor's  recommendations,  and  observed,  "  The  state  of  the 
national  treasury  requires  a  great  augmentation  of  existing 
taxes ;  and  if,  in  addition  to  these,  the  people  of  Massachusetts, 
deprived  of  their  commerce,  and  harassed  by  a  formidable 
enemy,  are  compelled  to  provide  for  self-defence,  it  will  soon 
be  impossible  for  them  to  sustain  the  burden.  There  remains 
to  them  no  alternative  but  submission  to  the  enemy,  or  the 
control  of  her  own  resources  to  repel  his  aggressions.  It  is 
impossible  to  hesitate  in  making  the  election.  This  people  are 
not  ready  for  conquest  or  submission.  But  being  ready  and 
determined  to  defend  themselves,  and  having  no  other  pros- 
pect of  adequate  means  of  defence,  they  have  the  greatest 
need  of  all  those  resources  derivable  from  themselves,  which 
the  national  government  has  thought  proper  to  employ  else- 
where. 

"  But,  while  your  committee  think  that  the  people  of  this 
commonwealth  ought  to  unite,  and  that  they  will  unite,  under 
any  circumstances,  at  the  hazard  of  all  which  is  dear,  in 
repelling  an  invading  foe,  it  is  not  believed  that  this  solemn 
obligation  imposes  silence  upon  their  just  complaints  against 
the  authors  of  the  national  calamities.  It  is,  on  the  contrary, 
a  sacred  duty  to  hold  up  to  view,  on  all  occasions,  the  destruc- 
tive policy  by  which  a  state  of  unparalleled  national  felicity 
has  been  converted  into  one  of  humiliation,  of  danger,  and 
distress  —  believing  that,  unless  an  almost  ruined  people  will 
discard  the  men  and  change  the  measures  which  have  induced 


*  Speech  of  Gov.   Strong  to    the     209 ;  Dwight's  Hist,  of  the  Haitford 
General   Court ;    Bradlbrd,   iii.   208,     Convention. 


RESOLUTIONS   OF  THE   GENERAL   COURT.  409 

this  state  of  peril  and  sufifering,  the  day  of  their  political  sal-  chap. 
vation  is  passed.  _^-v-^w 

"  It  is  not  to  be  forgotten  that  this  disastrous  state  of  aifairs  I814. 
has  been  brought  upon  Massachusetts,  not  only  against  her 
consent,  but  in  opposition  to  her  most  earnest  protestations. 
Of  the  many  great  evils  of  war,  especially  in  the  present  state 
of  Europe,  the  national  rulers  were  often  warned  by  the  peo- 
ple of  Massachusetts,  whose  vital  interests  were  thus  put  in 
jeopardy.  But  the  general  government,  deaf  to  their  voice, 
and  listening  to  men  distinguished  in  their  native  state  only 
by  their  disloyalty  to  its  interests,  and  the  enjoyment  of  a 
patronage  bestowed  upon  them  as  its  price,  have  aifected  to 
consider  the  patriotic  citizens  of  this  great  state  as  tainted 
with  disaffection  to  tlie  Union,  and  with  predilections  for 
Great  Britain,  and  have  lavished  the  public  treasure  in  vain 
attempts  to  fasten  the  odious  imputation."  ^ 

The  resolutions  which  followed  this  report,  and  which  were 
adopted  by  the  legislature,  were  quite  significant.  These  were,  Oct.  7. 
"  That,  the  calamities  of  war  being  now  brought  home  to  the 
territory  of  this  commonwealth,  —  a  portion  of  it  being  in  the 
occupation  of  the  enemy,  —  our  sea  coast  and  rivers  invaded 
in  several  places,  and  in  all  exposed  to  immediate  danger,  the 
people  of  Massachusetts  are  impelled  by  the  duty  of  self- 
defence,  and  by  all  the  feelings  and  attachments  which  bind 
good  citizens  to  their  country,  to  unite  in  the  most  vigorous 
means  for  defending  the  state  and  repelling  the  invader  ;  and 
that  no  party  feelings  or  political  dissensions  can  ever  interfere 
with  the  discharge  of  this  exalted  duty."  "  That  a  number  of  Oct.  13. 
men  be  raised,  not  exceeding  ten  thousand,  for  twelve  months, 
to  be  organized  and  ofiicered  by  the  governor  for  the  defence 
of  the  state."  "  That  the  governor  be  authorized  to  borrow, 
from  time  to  time,  a  sum  not  exceeding  one  million  of  dollars, 


>  Otis's  Letters,  61,  62;  Bradford,  Hi.  209-211;  Hildreth's  U.  S,  2d  se- 
ries, iii.  530-532. 


410  A   CONVENTION  PKOPOSED. 

CHAP,  and  that  the  faith  of  the  legislature  be  pledged  to  provide 
_3^;;_^  funds  for  the  payment  of  the  same."     And,  finally,  "  That 
1814.    twelve  persons  be  appointed,  as  delegates  from  this  common- 
'  wealth,  to   meet  and  confer  with  delegates  from  the  other 
states  of  New  England  upon  the  subject  of  their  public  griev- 
ances and  concerns ;  upon  the  best  means  of  preserving  our 
resources,  and  of  defence  against  the  enemy ;  and  to  devise 
and   suggest  for   adoption,  by  those  respective   states,   such 
measures  as  they  may  deem  expedient ;  and  also  to  take  meas- 
.ures,  if  they  shall  think  it  proper,  for  procuring  a  convention 
of  delegates  from  all  the  United  States,  in  order  to  revise  the 
constitution  thereof,  and  more  effectually  to  secure  the  support 
and  attachment  of  all  the  people  by  placing  all  upon  the  basis 
of  fair  representation."  ^ 

The  adoption  of  the  last  of  these  resolutions  by  a  vote  of 
twenty-two  to  twelve  in  the  Senate,  and  of  two  hundred  and 
sixty  to  ninety  in  the  House,  shows  how  largely  the  popular 
sentiment  was  enlisted  against  the  war.  Only  about  a  half 
of  the  House,  it  is  true,  appear  to  have  actively  participated 
in  the  passage  of  this  resolve ;  and,  perhaps,  had  the  other 
half  voted,  the  majority  in  its  favor  might  have  been  lessened. 
But  of  this  there  is  no  certain  proof;  and  it  might,  perhaps, 
be  affirmed,  on  the  other  side,  that,  had  all  voted,  the  majority 
would  have  been  increased.  As  the  case  stands,  however, 
nearly  two  to  one  in  the  Senate,  and  three  to  one  in  the 
House,  voted  in  favor  of  the  resolution  ;  and  it  can  hardly  be 
doubted,  when  all  the  circumstances  are  considered,  that  the 
vote  of  the  legislature  reflected  quite  faithfully  the  wishes  of 
the  people.^ 


'  Resolves  of  the  Gen.  Court  for  ters  on  the  Hartford  Convention,  11, 

Oct.,  1814  ;  Otis's  Letters,  35,  61,  62;  43.     Mr.  Otis  estimates  the  number 

Short  Account  of  the  Hartford  Con-  of  federalists  in  both  Houses,  in  the 

vention,   6,  ed.   1823;  Bradford,  iii.  session  of  1814,  at  an  average  of  three 

211,  212.  hundi-ed,  varying,  but  not  materially, 

*  Short  Account  of  the  Hartford  from  time  to  time. 
Convention,  7,  ed.  1823  ;  Otis's  Let- 


HARTFORD    CONVENTION   CALLED.  411 

Nor  did  the  General  Court  attempt  to  conceal  their  trans-  chap. 
actions  from  the  scrutiny  of  the  whole  nation,  or  to  withhold  _3-^^ 
from  the  other  states  a  cooperation  in  their  measures ;  for,    1814. 
the  day  after  the  passage  of  this  resolution,  the  presiding  oct.  17. 
oflScers  of  the  Senate  and  House  were  directed  to  make  their 
proceedings  known  as  speedily  as  possible ;  and  letters  were 
draughted  to  be  sent  to  the  different  governments,  inviting 
them  to  join  in  such  measures  as  might  be  "  adapted  to  their 
local  situation,  and  mutual  relations  and  habits,  and  not  repug- 
nant to  their  obligations  as  members  of  the  Union."  ^ 

The  adoption  of  the  report  of  the  committee  of  the  legis- 
lature, and  the  calling  of  the  convention,  which  assembled 
shortly  after  in  Hartford,  Connecticut,  was  censured  severely  Dec.  lo. 
by  the  democratic  party,  at  the.  head  of  which  stood  Levi 
Lincoln,  Jun.  ;  and,  for  many  years,  accusations  were  "  thrown 
broadcast  upon  the  members  of  that  body,  and  renewed  at 
every  election,"  charging  tbem  with  a  studied  design  to  sub- 
vert the  government  and  destroy  the  Uniou.^     The  delegates 


'  Short  Account,  &c.,  8,  9 ;  Otis's  when  he  avers  his  com-iction  of  the 
Letters,  3j,  63  ;  Hilcketh's  U.  S.,  2(1  sincere  desu-e  cherished  by  the  former 
series,  iii.  o33,  534.  "  The  fact  is,"  for  the  reconciliation  of  America  \nth 
says  Otis,  Letters,  50,  "  the  people  of  the  parent  country  —  a  language  of 
New  England  neyer  wavered  for  a  exjjostulation  and  regret,  but  to  the 
moment  in  their  fidelity  to  the  Union,  full  as  khid,  as  tender,  and  atfection- 
In  no  othcial  document  or  state  paper  ate  as  that  which  proceeded  from  other 
of  any  of  its  constituted  authorities,  warning  and  thi-eatening  voices,  in  all 
that  has  met  my  eye,  was  the  sejia-  the  states  south  of  Delaware,  pending 
ration  of  the  states  alluded  to  but  the  Missouri  question.  Common  it 
as  a  visitation  to  be  deprecated.  A  has  certainly  been  —  much  too_  corn- 
warning  voice  was  sometimes  heard  nion  in  all  quarters  of  our  nation,  in 
from  these  authorities,  announcing  dlii'erent  periods  of  excitement  —  to 
fears  that  a  prostrate  commerce,  a  hint  at 'shuffling  off' the 'coil' of  the 
needless  war,  and  entanghng  alliances  Union.  But  this  is  the  langiuige  of 
might  put  the  Union  in  jeopardy.  It  the  passions  —  vox,  et  proitcrea  nihil, 
was  a  voice  often  expressive  of  deep  All  allusions  to  it  should  be  dropped 
emotion,  sometimes  of  anger,  fre-  on  all  sides,  by  common  consent,  as 
quently  of  amazement,  never  of  de-  serving  only  to  perpetuate  the  recol- 
spah,  in  which,  however,  the  yearning  lections  of  family  broils,  hi  which  all 
of  fraternal  hearts,  and  the  predomi-  have  something  to  answer  for." 
nating  attachment  to  the  Union,  were  -  Short  Account,  &c.,  4  ;  Bradford, 
ever  discernible.  It  spoke  the  Ian-  iii.  218;  Hildreth's  U.  S.,  2d  series, 
guage  which  FrankUn  held  to  Bm-ke,  iii.  533.  The  National  Intelligencer 
at  the  time  to  wliich  the  latter  refers  stigmatized  the  federal  leaders  in  New 


412  CHARACTER  OF  THE  MEMBERS. 

CHAP,  from  Massachusetts,  however,  as  well  as  from  the  other  states, 
^J^^^  were  gentlemen  of  the  highest  respectability  and  talent ;  and, 
1814.  "  as  far  as  their  professions  can  be  considered  as  sincere,  —  as 
far  as  their  votes  and  proceedings  afford  evidence  of  their 
designs,"  —  so  far  their  conduct  has  been  adjudged  to  be 
defensible.  As  has  been  well  observed,  "  It  is  not  to  be  sup- 
posed, without  proof,  that  their  object  was  treason  or  dis- 
union ;  and  their  proceedings  unite  with  their  declarations  and 
the  sentiments  entertained  by  those  who  appointed  them  to 
■show  that  they  neither  purposed  nor  meditated  any  other 
means  of  defence  than  such  as  were  perfectly  justifiable,  pacific, 
and  constitutional."^  Indeed,  such  men  as  George  Cabot,  of 
Boston,  the  president  of  the  convention,  not  a  politician  by 
profession,  yet  "  a  man  of  so  enlightened  a  mind,  of  such  wis- 
dom, virtue,  and  piety,  that  one  must  travel  far,  very  far,  to 
find  his  equal ;  "  ^  Nathan  Dane,  of  Beverly,  the  father  of  the 
ordinance  of  1787  for  the  government  of  the  north-west  ter- 
ritory, and  the  author  of  a  Digest  of  the  Common  Law,  still 


England  as  "  a  nest  of  reptiles,  brood-  the  consequences  of  such  an  insult, 
ing  dismemberment  in  the  breast  of  a  Where,  then,  can  the  incurably  jeal- 
virtuous  people ;  wliose  menaces  could  ous  look  for  evidence  of  the  imputed 
do  no  more  than  to  encourage  the  machinations  of  the  convention,  wliich 
foe,  and  jjrotract  the  war."  And  even  could  never  have  been  encouraged  by 
Ml'.  Ingersoll  sneeringly  speaks  of  the  a  jjrospect  of  success  ?  All  they  are 
legislature  of  Massachusetts  as  a  body  known  to  have  done  wears  a  very 
"  of  five  hmidrcd  small  farmers,  j)lain  chffcrent  complexion.  In  then-  pub- 
mechanics,  and  Aallage  lawyers,  in  the  Hshed  report  is  embodied  the  result 
multitudinous  legislature  called  the  of  all  theu' proceedings.  Their  private 
General  Court  of  Massachusetts."  journal,  since  i)ublished,  also,  is  a 
'  Bradford,  iii.  219.  "Let  any  faithful  diary  of  all  that  was  moved  in 
man,"  says  Otis,  Letters,  51,  "figure  to  that  asseml:)ly.  The  fact  has  been  so 
his  mind  the  scene  to  be  anticipated  certified  by  the  lamented  president, 
in  the  legislatures  of  the  difterent  What  more  can  be  offl'red,  or  is  ever 
states,  on  the  presentation  of  a  report  required,  than  the  natural,  intrinsic, 
recommending  a  temporary  or  per-  irrefragable  evidence  arising  from  the 
petual  susjjension  of  our  relation  to  original,  genuine  records  and  papers 
the  Union,  by  a  committee  distinctly  of  an  organized  assembly  ?  What  evi- 
inhibited  from  treading  on  that  sacred  deuce  can  be  so  conclusive,  unless  it 
and  dangerous  ground.  And  let  him,  be  supposed  that  these  men,  with 
if  he  can,  settle  down  in  the  belief  that  George  Cabot  at  their  head,  agreed  to 
any  person  of  a  sound  and  sober  in-  drop  a  ]3lot,  and  hide  theu*  shame  by 
tellect  would  have  felt  any  conceivable  forgeiy  ?  '' 
inducement  to  j)rovoke,   and  meet,  *  Pickering's  Review,  35. 


CHARACTER  OF  THE  MEMBERS.  413 

held  in  liigli  repute,  eminent  for  his  services  in  the  state  and  chap. 
national  legislatures,  and  possessing  the  esteem  and  respect  of  ,^X-L- 
all  who  knew  him  ;  William  Prescott,  of  Boston,  father  of  the  1814. 
historian  of  that  name,  a  councillor,  a  senator,  and  a  repre- 
sentative from  that  town,  subsequently  a  member  of  the  con- 
vention for  the  revision  of  the  constitution,  and  the  president 
of  the  Common  Council  of  Boston  as  a  city ;  Harrison  Gray 
Otis,  for  two  years  succeeding  this  convention  a  member  of 
the  legislature,  and  afterwards  a  senator  in  the  Congress  of 
the  United  States,  a  gentleman  of  fine  talents,  fascinating 
manners,  and  great  legislative  experience ;  Timothy  Bigelow, 
of  Medford,  a  member  and  the  speaker  of  the  House,  and  after- 
wards a  councillor  ;  Joshua  Thomas,  of  Plymouth,  an  upright, 
popular,  and  honored  judge  of  probate  to  the  time  of  his 
death  ;  Joseph  Lyman,  of  Northamptoti,  the  sheriff  of  Hamp- 
shire county,  and  a  memlier  of  the  convention  for  revising 
the  constitution  ;  Daniel  Waldo,  of  Worcester,  a  member  of 
the  Senate,  respected  by  his  townsmen,  as  by  all  others  who 
knew  him  ;  Hodijah  Baylies,  of  Taunton,  aide-de-camp  to  a 
distinguished  officer  during  the  revolution,  and  long  judge  of 
probate  for  the  county  of  Bristol ;  George  Bliss,  of  Spring- 
field, a  member  of  the  state  government  and  of  the  convention 
for  revising  the  constitution  ;  Samuel  S.  Wilde,  of  Newbury- 
port,  also  a  member  of  the  state  convention,  and  a  judge  of 
the  Supreme  Judicial  Court,  beloved  and  respected  by  a  wide 
circle  of  acquaintances,  and  possessing  the  confidence  and 
attachment  of  the  people  ;  Stephen  Longfellow,  Jan.,  father  of 
the  distinguished  professor  and  poet,  —  such  men,  by  the  most 
violent  partisan,  could  hardly  be  suspected  of  deliberately 
"  plotting  a  conspiracy  against  the  national  government,  of 
exciting  a  civil  war,  of  favoring  a  dissolution  of  the  Union, 
of  submitting  to  an  allegiance  to  George  HI."  Their  charac- 
ter and  standing,  at  the  period  of  their  choice  and  to  the  day , 
of  their  death,  are  a  sufficient  refutation  of  all  such  charges, 
even  if  made ;   and  if  they  were  unworthy  the  confidence 


414 


PROCEEDINGS   OF   THE    CONVENTION. 


1814. 
Dec.  15. 


1815. 
Jan.  5. 


CHAP,  of   the  public,   upon  whom   could   reliance  be  more  safely 
JJ_  placed?! 

On  the  appointed  day,  twenty-four  delegates  took  their 
sedts,  and  the  convention  was  organized  by  the  choice  of 
George  Cabot  as  president,  and  Theodore  Dwight  as  secre- 
tary.^ Each  session  of  this  body  was  opened  with  prayer ; 
and,  after  its  sessions  had  continued  for  three  weeks,  it  was 
adjourned.  The  report  of  the  committee,  appointed  at  an 
1814.    early  stage,  suggested  the  following  topics  for  the  considera- 

Dec.  16.  J         o  ^      or>  or 

tion  of  the  convention  :  "  The  powers  claimed  by  the  executive 
of  the  United  States  to  determine  conclusively  in  respect  to 
calling  out  the  militia  of  the  states  into  the  service  of  the 
United  States,  and  the  dividing  the  United  States  into  mili- 
tary districts,  with  an  officer  of  the  army  in  each  thereof,  with 
discretionary  authority  from  the  executive  of  the  United  States 
to  call  for  the  militia,  to  be  under  the  command  of  such  offi- 
cer ;  the  refusal  of  the  executive  of  the  United  States  to  supply 


'  Short  Account,  &c.,  19-21.  Mr. 
IngersoU's  Sketch  of  the  Hartford 
Convention,  Hist,  of  the  War,  Events 
of  1814,  chap.  X.,  is  mai-ked  by  the 
partisan  spuit  whicli  jjervades  ]iis 
whole  woi'k,  and  which,  in  the  esti- 
mation of  the  pi-udent,  detracts  from 
its  reliableness.  The  hypothesis  of 
this  gentleman,  that  the  history  of  any 
period,  "if  not  developed  by  some 
contemporary  annalist,  but  left  to 
posterior  speculation,  must  be  mere 
theory  and  fable  ;  less  historical, 
philosophical,  or  veritable  than  the 
narrative  of  even  a  biased  contempo- 
rary," seems  to  me  open  to  the  gravest 
objections,  and,  indeed,  quite  untena- 
ble. Contem])orary  annals,  it  is  true, 
are  indispensable,  and  often  valuable ; 
but  impartial  history  can  rarely  be 
based  upon  the  statements  of  any  one 
who  was  an  active  participant  in  the 
scenes  he  describes,  and  who  writes 
as  an  advocate  or  special  pleader.  In 
such  cases,  his  Avork  must  be  closely 
scrutinized,  compared   cai'efully  yd\h 


other  documents,  and  Aiewed  through 
a  clearer  meiUimi  than  that  of  pohti- 
cal  expediency. 

^  All  the  ilassachusetts  delegates 
—  twelve  in  number  —  were  present ; 
of  the  Rhode  Island  delegation,  Dan- 
iel Lyman,  Benjamin  Hazard,  and 
Edward  Manton  appeared;  of  the  Con- 
necticut delegation,  Chauncy  Good- 
rich, James  Hillhouse,  John  Tread- 
well,  Zephaniah  Swift,  Nathaniel 
Smith,  Calvin  Goddard,  and  Roger 
M.  Sherman  :  and  from  New  Ham]> 
.shire,  Benjamin  West  and  Miles  01- 
cutt.  Secret  Jour,  in  the  published 
account  of  the  convention ;  Short 
Account,  &c.,  22.  Mr.  Dwight,  the 
secretary,  afterwards  published  a  his- 
tory of  this  convention,  in  which  he 
defended  its  members  from  the  charge 
of  seeking  a  dismemberment  of  the 
Union.  Comji.  also  Noah  Webster's 
Essays,  and  Goodrich's  Recollections 
of  a  Lifetime,  Letter  31,  in  which 
a  full  account  of  this  convention  is 
given. 


PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE  CONVENTION.  415 

or  pay  the  militia  of  certain  states,  called  out  for  tlicir  de-  chap. 
fence,  on  the  ground  of  their  not  having  been,  by  the  executive  _i^^ 
of  the  state,  put  under  the  command  of  the  commander  over    isu. 
the  military  district ;  the  failure  of  the  government  of  tlie 
United  States  to  supply  and  pay  the  militia  of  the  states, 
by  them  admitted  to  have  been  in  the  United  States  service  ; 
the  report  of  the  secretary  of  war  to  Congress  on  filling  the 
ranks  of  the  army,  together  with  a  bill  or  act  on  that  subject ; 
the  bill  before  Congress  providing  for  classing  and  draughting 
the  militia  ;  the  expenditure  of  the  revenue  of  the  nation  in 
offensive  operations  on  the  neighboring  provinces  of  the  ene- 
my ;  the  failure  of  the  government  of  the  United  States  to 
provide  for  the  common  defence,  and  the  consequent  obliga- 
tions, necessity,  and  burdens  devolved  on  the  several  states  to 
defend  themselves  ;  together  with  the  mode,  the  ways,  and  the     ■ 
means  in  their  power  for  accomplishing  the  object."  ' 

The  report  thus  made  was  accepted  and  approved  ;  and,  at 
a  subsequent  date,  upon  the  report  of  a  new  committee  wiiicli  Dec  24. 
had  been  appointed,  several  amendments  to  the  federal  consti-  Dec.  21. 
tution  were  proposed,  to  be  recommended  to  the  several  state 
legislatures  for  approval  or  rejection.  These  amendments,  as 
in  the  published  report,  were,  "  1.  Representatives  and  direct 
taxes  shall  be  apportioned  among  the  several  states  which 
may  be  included  within  this  Union  according  to  their  respec- 
tive number  of  free  persons,  including  those  bound  to  serve 
for  a  term  of  years,  and  excluding  Indians  not  taxed  and  all 
others.  2,  No  new  state  shall  be  admitted  into  the  Union  by 
Congress,  in  virtue  of  the  power  granted  by  the  constitu- 
tion, without  the  concurrence  of  two  thirds  of  both  Houses. 


'  Secret  Jour,  in  Proceedings  of  the  was  for  deleji^ates  from  all  the  com- 

Convention,   Hartford,    1815  ;    Short  meroial    states,    to    devise    measures 

Account,  &c.,  2-5, 26.     The  remark  of  of  jxacealile  reform,  not  dismeinber- 

IngersoU,  though  otherwise  intended,  ment ;  involving  no  new  New  England 

perhaps,  is  worthy  of  notice  —  that  coni'edemcy,  or  anti-federal,  nneonsti- 

"  they  asked  for  no  secret  or  segre-  tutional,  or  clandestine  transaction." 
gated  convention.     The  popular  voice 


416  AMENDMENTS   PROPOSED. 

CHAP.  8.  Congress  shall  not  have  power  to  lay  any  embargo  on  the 
^^^^  ships  or  vessels  of  the  citizens  of  the  United  States,  in  the 
1814.  ports  and  harbors  thereof,  for  more  than  sixty  days.  4.  Con- 
gress shall  not  have  power,  without  the  concurrence  of  two 
thirds  of  both  Houses,  to  interdict  the  commercial  intercourse 
between  the  United  States  and  any  foreign  nation,  or  the 
dependencies  thereof.  5.  Congress  shall  not  make  or  declare 
war,  or  authorize  acts  of  hostility  against  any  foreign  nation, 
without  the  concurrence  of  two  thirds  of  both  Houses,  except 
such  acts  of  hostility  be  in  defence  of  the  territories  of  the 
United  States  when  actually  invaded.  6.  No  person  who 
shall  hereafter  be  naturalized  shall  be  eligible  as  a  member  of 
the  Senate  or  House  of  Representatives  of  the  United  States, 
nor  capable  of  holding  any  civil  office  under  the  authority  of 
the  United  States.  7.  The  same  person  shall  not  be  elected 
president  of  the  United  States  a  second  time  ;  nor  shall  the 
president  be  elected  from  the  same  state  two  terms  in  suc- 
cession." ^ 

Such  was  the  "  treason "  of  the  Hartford  convention  —  a 
"  treason  "  with  which  anti-federalists  had  once  largely  sympa- 
thized ;  for  the  very  amendments  proposed  by  this  convention 
were  substantially  such  as  had  been  agitated  at  the  time  of 
the  adoption  of  the  constitution,  and  deemed  necessary  by  its 
opponents  to  prevent  the  encroachments  of  the  federal  gov- 
ernment. But  time  often  changes  the  opinions  of  men,  or,  at 
least,  induces  forgetfulness  of  once  favorite  measures.^ 


*  Secret   Journal,  in   Proceedings  suspicious,  and  unquestionably  unwar- 

of   the    Convention,    26 ;    Bradford,  raiitable,  whether  criminal  or  lawful, 

iii.  220 ;  Short  Account  of  Hartford  or  excusable ;  provoked  by  no  intol- 

Convention,  30.  erable    sufferings  —  neither    famine, 

"  Short   Account,   &c.,    12 ;    Hil-  pestilence,  nor  the   ordinary  calami- 

dreth's  U.  S.,  2d  series,  iii.  549-552.  ties  of  war ;  whose  severest  infliction 

Mr.  Ingcrsoll  has  renewed  these  once  was  privation  of  commerce,  enterjjrise, 

popular    charges.      "  The    Hartford  and  gain ;  not  afflicting  New  England 

Convention,"  says  he,   "  was  one   of  alone,  but  common,  in  great  measure, 

those    sectional   and    distant    combi-  to  all  the  United  States ;  not  deprived 

nations    to   which   this   wide-spread,  of  subsistence,  raiment,  or  habitation, 

confederated  Union  is  liable — justly  wliile,  by  tm-ning  the  versatile  genius 


ACTION    OF    CONGRESS.  417 

Only  about  three  weeks  after  the  adjournment  of  this  con-  chap. 
vention,  and  as  if  to  demonstrate  the  justice  of  its  complaints,     ^•^• 
the  General  Congress  passed  a  law  covering  the  point  which    isi/j. 
had  been  most  in  dispute.     The  language  of  this  act  was, 
"  That  the  president  of  the  United  States  be,  and  he  hereby 
is,  authorized  and  required  to  receive  into  the  service  of  the 
United  States  any  corps  of  troops  which  may  have  been,  or 
may  be,  raised^  organized,  and  officered  under  the  authority  of 
any  of  the  states,  whose  term  of  service  shall  not  be  less  than 
twelve  months  ;  which  corps,  when  received  into  the  service 
of  the  United  States,  shall  be  subject  to  the  rules  and  articles 
of  war,  and  be  employed  in  the  state  raising  the  same,  or  in 
an  adjoining  state,  and  not  elsewhere,  except  with  the  assent 
of  the  executive  of  the  state  so  raising  the  same."  ^ 

Nor  was  this  all ;  for,  only  about  a  week  later,  on  motion  of  Feb.  6. 
Mr.  Yarnum,  a  senator  from  Massachusetts,  it  was  "  resolved, 
that  the  committee  to  whom  was  referred  that  part  of  the 
president's  message  of  the  twentieth  of  September  last  which 
relates  to  the  military  establishment,  be  instructed  to  inquire 
into  the  expediency  of  making  provision  by  law  for  the  pay- 


of  the  eastern  people  to  manufactures,  by  that  act  of  Con<^ess,  were  to  serve 

the   hotbed   of  war   fomented   what  the  nation  under  its  comniander-in- 

has   proved    as    profitable   as   their  chief,  the  president ;  not  to  defy  both 

commerce.     That  convention,  without  him  and  them.     South  Carolina,  Vir- 

treasonable   act   or   hostile   collision,  ginia,    Maryland,    and    New    York, 

contemplated    the    separate    govern-  tendered  tlieii-  state  troojjs  to  the  na- 

ment  of  one  or  more  states,  which  national  executive,  for  national  hostili- 

was  dissolution  of  the  Union ;  —  lead-  ties.     Massachusetts  expressly  with- 

ing   to    partial   peace   and   ultimate  held  her  troo])s,  under  the  exclusive 

alliance  with  the  enemy,  which,  Mr.  command  of  her    disloyal  governor. 

Otis  confessed,  would  have  prostrated  The  difference  is  a  contrast  between 

pubhc  credit   and   private  property,  acts  of  patriotic  state  devotion,  and  an 

real  and  personal,  anniliilated  the  pub-  act  of  state  defiance,  which,  in  all  the 

lie  funds,  and  increased  every  calamity  typographical    attraction    of    Italics, 

complained  of"  ca])itals,  and  rhetorical  language,  Mr. 

'  Laws  of  the  U.  S.,  iv.  778;  Otis's  Otis   disj)lays   as   what  he  calls   the 

Letters,  3S ;  Short  Account,  &c.,   10,  vj;'^  laid  in  the  Hartford  Convention, 

11;  Bradford,  iii.  221;  Hikheth's  U.  hatched  by  daylight  under  the  wing 

S.,  2d  scries,  iii.     Mr.  LigersoU  ob-  and  inculjation  of  the  national  eagle, 

jects  to  this  view  of  the   law,  and  Still  more  discordant  was  the  s]jirit 

says  that  "  the  state  troops,  authorized  than  the  letter  of  that  hostile  act." 

VOL.  III.  27 


418       MASSACHUSETTS   APPROVES   THE   ACTION   OF  THE   CONVENTION. 

CHAP,  ment  of  the  militia  which  have  been  called  out  by  the  author- 

TV 

^^^.^^  ity  of  any  state  for  the  defence  of  any  part  of  the  United 
1815.  States  against  invasion,  since  the  commencement  of  the  present 
war,  and  not  taken  into  the  pay  of  the  United  States,  and  for 
reimbursing  any  state  for  any  moneys  advanced  for  pay, 
rations,  camp  equipage,  and  all  other  expenses  necessarily  in- 
curred in  calling  out  such  militia,  according  to  the  rules  and 
regulations  prescribed  by  law  for  defraying  the  expense  of 
calling  out  the  militia  by  authority  of  the  United  States."  ^ 

Feb.  10.  Fourteen  days  later,  a  bill  in  conformity  with  this  resolve  was 
introduced  by  Mr.  Giles,  a  senator  from  Virginia,  and  passed 

Feb.  18.  to  be  engrossed  ;  but  before  the  House  could  concur,  the  news 
of  peace  arrived.  ^ 

Already  had  the  legislature  of  Massachusetts  approved  of 
the  action  of  the  convention,  by  adopting  a  report  presented 
by   a   committee  of  which    Daniel  A.  White  —  now  Judge 

Jan. 24.  White,  of  Salem  —  was  chairman.  "The  expediency,"  says 
this  document,  "  of  having  invited  a  convention  of  delegates 
from  the  New  England  States  is  fully  proved  by  the  result  of 
their  labors,  communicated  with  his  excellency's  message. 
The  committee  entertain  a  high  sense  of  the  wisdom  and  abil- 
ity with  which  this  convention  have  discharged  their  arduous 
trust ;  and,  while  they  maintain  the  principle  of  state  sover- 
eignty, and  of  the  duties  which  citizens  owe  to  their  respective 
state  governments,  they  give  the  most  satisfactory  proofs  of 
attachment  to  the  constitution  of  the  United  States  and  to  the 
national  Union,"  ^  The  resolution  accompanying  this  report, 
and  embodying  its  sentiments,  was  passed  in  the  House  by  a 
vote  of  one  hundred  and  fifty-nine  to  forty-eight ;   and  the 

Jan.  27.  governor  was  empowered  to  appoint  three  commissioners  to 
proceed  immediately  to  the  seat  of  the  national  government, 


*  Jour.  Senate  for  Feb.  6,  1815;         '  Otis's  Letters,  11 ;  Short  Account, 
Hist.  Cong. ;  Short  Account,  11,  12.        &c.,  13.     On  the  adoption  of  this  re- 
'^  Hist.  Cong. ;  Short  Account,  &c.     port,  the  vote  stood  159  to  48. 


PEACE   CONCLUDED.  419 

requesting    the   consent   of    the    General    Cong-ress    to    the  chap. 
measures  recommended  by  the  convention.^     Harrison  Gray     '■^• 
Otis,  Thomas  H.  Perkins,  and  William  Sullivan,  "all  of  J3os-    isis. 
ton,"  wer»  the  persons   selected  to  proceed  to  Wasliington,  Jan.  31. 
where  they  arrived  "one  day  after  the  news  of  peace  had 
reached  that  city."  - 

It  will  be  perceived,  from  tins  sketch  of  the  proceedings  of 
the  Hartford  convention,  —  which  has  been  made  the  more 
full  from  a  desire  to  do  justice  to  the  men  who  were  concerned 
in  that  body,  and  to  the  state  which  suggested  and  approved 
its  meeting,  —  that  nothing  whatever  appears  in  those  pro- 
ceedings to  justify  the  charge,  once  so  widely  disseminated, 
that  the  design  of  its  friends  was  to  dissolve  the  Union,  even 
at  the  expense  of  a  civil  war.  So  far  from  this  being  the 
case,  the  report  sent  out  by  that  body  is  a  temperate  document, 
protesting  against  injustice,  indeed,  but  breathing  a  spirit  of 
loyalty  to  the  Union  ;  and,  at  this  day,  it  is  presumed  few  who 
have  investigated  the  subject  calmly  and  dispassionately  will 
refuse  to  concede  the  honesty  of  the  men,  whatever  may  be 
thought  of  the  propriety  of  their  measures.-^ 

The  news  that  a  peace  had  been  negotiated  with  England 
reached  Boston  in  February,  while  the  legislature  was  in  ses-    Feb. 
sion  ;  and  it  "  gave  great  joy  to  every  patriot."  Both  branches 
of  the  General  Court  joined  in  celebrating  the  event ;  a  pro- 

'  Short  Account,  &c.,  13,  14.  Question  respectinj^  the  Di\isiou  of 
*  Otis's  Letters,  38;  Short  Account,  the  Stiites,  by  a  jNlassachusetts  Farm- 
&c.,  14-16  ;  Bradford,  iii.  227.  Of  er,"  as  well  as  m  some  of  the  papers 
the  treatment  which  these  messengers  of  the  day.  Yet  justice,  after  all,  re- 
experienced,  it  is  unnecessary  to  speak,  quires  the  concession,  that  the  spirit 
It  was  such  as  might  have  been  of  disunion  was  never  extensive ;  and 
expected,  however,  from  a  triumph-  to  charge  the  whole  jieople,  or  even 
ant  majority,  confident  of  their  own  a  majority  of  them,  M'ith  a  design 
strength,  and  rejoicing  in  tlie  appar-  to  subvert  the  national  government, 
ent  discomfiture  of  their  ojjponents.  evinces  a  lack  of  candor  and  charity 
^  That  some  persons  in  jMassachu-  which  can  only  be  imputed  to  the 
setts  were  in  favor  of  a  division  of  the  iniluence  of  those  feelings  which  so 
states,  it  is  presumed,  will  not  be  de-  often  bias  the  judgment  of  even  good 
nied ;  for  the  step  was  advocated  in  a  men,  and  which  are  the  offspring  of  a 
pamphlet  entitled  "  Thoughts,  in  a  too  zealous  adhesion  to  party. 
Series  of  Letters,  m  Answer  to  the 


420  PROCEEDINGS   IN    BOSTON. 

CHAP,  cession  was  formed  of  all  classes  of  the  citizens  ;  a  sumptuous 

^___^_^  feast  was  given  in  Faneuil  Hall  ;  and,  in  the  eveninp;,  the 
1815.  whole  town  was  brilliantly  illuminated.'  Whatever  was  the 
diiference  of  opinion  relative  to  the  policy  of  the  war,  no  one 
regretted  that  it  had  been  brought  to  a  close.  The  American 
character  for  patriotism  and  bravery  had  not,  indeed,  suffered 
on  land  or  at  sea  ;  and  the  series  of  victories  of  the  army  and 
of  the  navy  reflected  great  credit  upon  the  gallantry  of  the 
officers  and  the  courage  of  the  men.  If  the  incidents  of  the 
war  have  been  but  partially  detailed  in  this  chapter,  it  is  be- 
cause they  did  not  legitimately  fall  within  its  limits.     The 

Jan.  8.  victory  at  New  Orleans,  the  crowning  event,  was  every  where 
applauded  ;  and  the  legislature  of  Massachusetts,  by  a  hand- 

Feb.  28.  some  majority,  passed  a  vote  of  thanks  to  General  Jackson 
and  his  brave  associates  for  their  defence  of  that  place. ^ 

With  the  recurrence  of  peace,  and  even  before  that  date, 
the  attention  of  the  citizens  of  Massachusetts  was  called  to 
their  domestic  affairs,  and  arrangements  were  made  for  in- 
creasing the  industrial  resources  of  the  state.     Already  had 
1814.    woollen  factories  begun  to  be  established  ;  and,  by  the  encour- 
to  '   agement  of  the  legislature,  at  least  thirty-four  companies  were 

June,   incorporated  for  the  manufacture  of  woollen  and  cotton  cloths.^ 


'  Bradford,  ill.   230  ;    Statesman's  the  prospect  of  a  dimiiuition  of  taxes 

Manual,  i.  375.     The  treaty  of  peace  ui  the  future.     On  the  subject  of  im- 

was  concluded  at  Ghent,  December  pressment,  the  treaty  was  silent,  and 

24,  1814;  and,  as  soon  as  communi-  commercial  regulations  between  Eng- 

cated  by  the  president,  was  ratified  by  land  and  America  were  referred  to 

the  Senate.     "  It  was  the  occasion  of  negotiations,  proposed  to  be  resumed 

sincere  and  universal  rejoicing,  with  at  an  early  day." 

the  exception,  perhaps,  of  contractors,  ''Mass.    Resolves    for    1814-15; 

office-holders,  and  others,  who  were  Bi-adford,  iii.   228;  Ingersoli's  Hist, 

making  great  gains  by  the  war,  and,  of  the  War. 

of  course,  were  interested  in  its  con-  ^  ]\Iass.  Laws  for  1814-15,  passim; 

tiimance.      To  the  administration  it  Bradibrd,   iii.   331.     The   comjianies 

was  an  inexpressible  relief;  for  diffi-  referred  to  in  the  text  were  the  Ilaver- 

culties  and  embarrassments  had  been  hill  Cotton  and  Woollen  Manufliclory ; 

long  gathering  and  thickening  around  the  Ashburnham  Cotton  Factory  Com- 

it.     And  the   people  were  happy  to  pany;  the  Athol  Manufacturing  Coni- 

learn  the  restoration  of  jjeace,  the  re-  pany ;  the  ]3alton  Cotton  and  Paper 

\ival  of  commercial  enterprise,  and  Manufactory;  the  Paris  Manufactur- 


: 


MANUFACTURING   COMPANIES   INCORPORATED.  421 

The  incorporations  for  the  latter  purpose  have  since  greatly  chap. 
multiplied,  and  have  brouglit  into  existence  a  Lowell  and  a  __^_;_ 
Lawrence,  besides  giving  a  fresh  impulse  to  a  number  of  otlier  1815. 
towns.^  As  a  consequence  of  these  changes,  and  of  the  devel- 
opment of  the  mechanical  and  agricultural  resources  of  the 
state,  railroads  radiate  in  every  direction  ;  the  commerce  of 
the  state  encircles  the  globe  ;  towns  have  become  cities,  and 
villages  towns ;  our  people  are  eminently  an  industrial  people  ; 
•with  the  increase  of  wealth  and  of  the  comforts  of  life,  the 
arts  and  the  sciences  have  been  successfully  cultivated  ;  the 
press,  the  great  engine  of  civilization,  is  actively  at  work  for 
the  enlightenment  of  the  public  ;  our  manners  and  customs 
have  been  ameliorated  and  improved  ;  the  interests  of  religion 
and  morality  are  fostered  ;  and  the  progress  of  society,  and 
its  intellectual  advancement,  have  kept  pace  with  its  secondary 
and  temporal  advancement.  Boston,  from  a  town  of  sixty 
thousand  inhabitants,  has  become  a  city  of  one  hundred  and 
sixty  thousand  inhabitants ;  and  the  population  of  the  state, 
from  five  hundred  thousand,  has  increased  to  over  a  million 
—  notwithstanding  the  separation  of  the  District  of  Maine, 


ing  Company ;  the  Northbridge  Cot-  bottom  Cotton  and  Woollen  Factory ; 
ton  and  Cloth  Manufacturing  Com-  the  Farmers  iSIanuf'acturing  Com- 
panies ;  the  Amherst  Cotton  Factory ;  pany,  m  Lenox ;  the  Stee])  Brook 
the  Holliston  Cloth  Manufactory ;  the  Cotton  and  Woollen,  and  the  Lislion 
Wellington  Cotton  Mill  Com'jjany  ;  Manufacturing  Companies ;  the  Brim- 
the  Springfield  Manufacturing  Com-  field  Cotton  and  Woollen  Manufactur- 
pany  ;  the  Oxford  Central  Cotton  and  ing  Com  pan}' ;  the  Westport  Cotton 
Woollen  Manufacturing  Comjjany ;  Manufacturing  Comjrany ;  the  Dean 
the  Globe  Manufacturing  Company  ;  Cotton  Manulacturing  Com])any  ;  the 
the  Stoughton  Cotton  and  Woollen  Farmers  Cotton  and  Woollen  Fac- 
Manufactm-ing  Company ;  the  Cotton,  tory,  in  Union,  and  the  Union  Cot- 
Woollen,  and  Linen  Company,  in  the  ton  Factory  Company ;  the  Duxbury 
West  Precinct  in  Bridgewater  ;  the  South  Eiver Manufacturing  Company; 
Stow  and  Watertown  Cotton  Factory  the  Stratton  Cotton  Manufacturing 
Companies;  the Monson Woollen, and  Company;  and  the  Phillii)ston  Cot- 
Foxboro'  Cotton  Manufacturing  Com-  ton  and  Woollen  Manuiiicturing  Com- 


panies;   the   Wellfleet,   and   Easton  pany. 

Manufacturing  Companies  ;  the  Oalc-         ' '  For  an  account  of  the  number 

ham    Cotton   and   Woollen   Factory  of  cotton   mills  within   thirty   miles 

Company;  the Stockbridge Cotton  and  of  Providence,   in   1812,   see  Niles's 

Woollen,  and  the  Stockbridge  Cotton  Weekly  liegister,  ii.  125. 
Manulacturing  Companies ;  the  Rock- 


422  EEVISION-  OF  THE   CONSTITUTION. 

CHAP,  and  its  erection   into  a   distinct  and   independent  common- 

J^  wealth.i 
1820.  But  one  other  topic  remains  to  be  noticed  in  tbis  place  — 
the  revision  of  the  constitution  in  1820.  The  convention  for 
this  purpose  was  called  during  the  administration  of  Governor 
Brooks,  who  succeeded  Mr.  Strong  in  1816,  and  who  was 
chosen  chief  magistrate  for  seven  years  successively .^  At  the 
original  adoption  of  the  constitution,  it  had  been  proposed 
that  a  convention  should  be  called,  at  the  end  of  fifteen  years, 
for  its  revision,  should  changes  be  deemed  necessary  ;  but 
nothing  was  done  at  that  time.  It  was  supposed,  however, 
that  alterations  might  now  be  made  which  would  be  improve- 
ments in  the  instrument,  though  it  was  not  contended  that  it 
was  materially  defective,  nor  had  there,  been  any  complaints 
of  its  abridging  the  liberties  of  the  people.  A  diminution  in 
the  number  of  representatives,  and  the  adoption  of  a  new 
principle  in  the  choice  of  senators,  were  the  principal  changes 
suggested  ;  and,  as  the  District  of  Maine  had  been  recently 


'  Petitions   for  the   separation   of  of  Massachusetts,  and  a  member  of 

Maine  were   preferred   to  the  legis-  the  Council  under  Governor  Strong, 

lature  of  Massachusetts  in  1816,  and  Respected  for  his  talents,  and  remark- 

a   convention   was   appointed,  to  be  ably  conciliating  and  pojjular  in  his 

holden  at  Brunsmck,  wliich  voted  in  manners,   though  very  decided   and 

favor  of  the  stej) ;  but  the  separation  independent  in  his  conduct,  his  quali- 

was  not  fully  effected  until  1820.    N.  ties  as  a  statesman  and  his  character 

Am.  Review  for  Sept.,  1816;  Brad-  as  a  man  secured  him  the  confidence 

ford,    iii.   244,  249,  257,   258 ;  Wil-  of  the  members  of  both  parties ;  his 

liamson's  Maine,  ii.  policy  and  measures  gave  no  occasion 

^  Bradford,  iii.  238,  256.  Govern-  for  his  pohtical  opjjonents  to  charge 
or  Brooks  was  a  native  of  Medford,  him  with  acting  exclusively  or  rashly ; 
Mass.,  and  at  the  time  of  his  election  and  the  com-se  he  pursued,  throiigh- 
was  in  the  64th  year  of  his  age.  He  out  his  administration,  was  eminently 
had  served  with  distinction  in  the  war  calculated  to  check  the  violence  of 
of  the  revolution,  and  had  filled  many  partisan  feeUng.  That  he  was  a  fed- 
important  offices,  both  mil  and  mili-  eralist  is  admitted ;  but  no  one  was 
tary.  After  the  war,  he  was  for  some  more  ardently  attached  to  republican 
time  major  general  of  the  Massa-  piinciples,  and  no  one  more  readily 
chusetts  militia,  and  marshal  for  the  subscribed  to  the  doctrine  that  civil 
district  of  Massachusetts,  under  the  and  ]wKtical  jjower  emanates  from  the 
federal  goverimient.  He  was  also  a  people.  Com  p.  Rev.  Charles  Brooks's 
member  of  the  convention  for  adojjt-  Hist,  of  Medford,  and  N.  E.  Gen. 
ing  tlie  federal  constitution,  a  rejjre-  Hist.  Reg. 
sentiitive  and  senator  in  the  legislatm'e 


EEVISION   OF   THE    CONSTITUTION.  423 

erected  into  a  separate  state,  tliis  was  thought  the  most  favor-  chap. 

TX 

able  time  for  effecting  these  changes.  .^X-L>. 

The  votes  of  the  people  were  in  favor  of  a  convention,  and  i820. 
it  was  accordingly  called  —  its  sessions  being  held  in  the  city 
of  Boston.  Over  this  large  and  respectable  body  of  nearly 
five  hundred  men,  among  whom  were  many  of  the  most  emi- 
nent civilians,  the  venerable  John  Adams,  formerly  president 
of  the  United'States,  and  then  in  tlie  eighty-fifth  year  of  his 
age,  was  called  to  preside  ;  but,  declining  the  service  on  ac- 
count of  his  years  and  his  growing  infirmities,  Chief  Justice 
Parker  was  chosen  in  his  place.  The  sessions  continued  for 
about  seven  weeks  ;  the  greatest  harmony  prevailed  among 
the  members  ;  and,  as  the  result  of  their  labors,  a  number  of 
amendments  were  proposed,  to  be  submitted  to  the  people  for 
adoption  or  rejection.  These  amendments  were  embodied  in 
fourteen  articles  or  clauses,  only  nine  of  which  were  ultimately 
approved,  and  one  of  these  related  merely  to  the  mode  of 
introducing  future  alterations.^ 

The  convention  was  in  favor  of  an  alteration  of  the  consti- 
tution by  which  only  one  session  of  the  General  Court  should 
be  held  in  each  year,  commencing  on  the  first  Wednesday  in 
January  —  with  a  power  in  the  legislature  or  the  governor, 
however,  to  call  other  meetings,  should  necessity  require  ;  but 
this  change  was  not  approved,  nor  was  it  finally  adopted  until 
some  years  after.  The  proposition  that  representatives  should 
be  chosen  by  districts,  instead  of  by  towns,  was  likewise  re- 
jected ;  nor  was  tlie  more  recent  attempt  of  the  convention  of 
1853  to  eftect  a  like  change  attended  with  better  success.  Tlie 
proposal  for  an  alteration  in  the  third  article  of  the  bill  of 
rights,  depriving  the  legislature  of  the  power  of  enjoining  on 
the  citizens  of  the  state  attendance  upon  public  religious  wor- 
ship, was  also  rejected  ;  nor  was  that  article  altered  until  the 

'■  Proceedings  of  the  Convention ;  Bradford,  iii.  262,  263. 


424  AMENDMENTS    PROPOSED. 

CHAP,  year  1834,^     It  was  also  tlie  opinion  of  the  convention  that 
.^^^^^^  the  tenure  of  office  for  the  judges  of  the  judicial  courts  should 
1820.    be  expressly  during  good  behavior,  without  a  liability  of  re- 
moval for  any  other  cause  ;  but  the  change  was  deemed  unne- 
cessary, as  it  was  supposed  there  was  little  danger  of  removal 
for  merely  political  purposes.^ 

The  amendments  adopted  by  the  people  were,  that  the  gov- 
ernor should  have  five  days,  while  the  General  Court  was  in 
session,  to  consider  and  object  to  any  bill  presented  to  him 
for  signature  ;  that  the  legislature  should  have  power  to  con- 
stitute municipal  or  city  governments  in  any  town  containing 
at  least  twelve  thousand  inhabitants,  reserving  the  power  to 
annul  any  by-laws  made  by  such  governments  ;  that  all  male 
persons  of  the  age  of  twenty-one  years,  who  had  resided  within 
the  state  for  one  year,  and  for  six  months  within  the  town  in 
which  they  claimed  a  right  to  vote,  and  who  had  paid  a  tax 
assessed  upon  them  within  two  years,  should  have  and  enjoy 
the  right  of  suffrage  ;  and  that,  in  the  election  of  military 
officers,  those  under  twenty-one  years  of  age,  who  were  reg- 
ular members  of  a  company,  should  have  a  right  to  vote  ; 
that  notaries  public  sliould  be  appointed  by  the  governor, 
with  the  consent  of  tlie  Council,  in  the  same  manner  and 
for  the  same  time  as  justices  of  the  peace,  which  was  for  the 
term  of  seven  years  ;  that  no  county  attorney,  clerk  of  a  court, 
sheriff,  register  of  probate,  or  register  of  deeds,  should,  at  the 
same  time,  be  a  member  of  the  Congress  of  the  United  States, 
and  that  no  judge  of  the  Court  of  Common  Pleas  should  hold 
any  other  office  under  the  commonwealth  except  that  of  justice 


^  It  was   further  proposed   so   to  mation.  nor  unless  on  indictment  by 

amend  the  declaration   of  rights  as  a  grand  jm-y,  except  in  cases  expressly 

to  provide  that  persons  on  trial  for  provided  for  by  law.     See  Proceed- 

crimes  might  be  heard  by  themselves  ings  of  the  Convention,  and  Addi-ess 

and  comisel,  instead  of  themselves  or  to  the  People. 

counsel ;  and  that  no  person  should         "  Proceedings  of  the  Convention ; 

suffer  imprisonment,  or  other  igno-  Bradtbrd,  iii.  263-265. 
millions  punishment,  on  official  infor- 


CONCLUSION.  425 

of  the  peace  or  an  office  in  the  militia ;  and  that  future  amend-  chap. 
ments  should  receive  the  consent  of  the  majority  of  the  Senate  ^^^ 
and  two  tliirds  of  the  House,  be  published  and  approved  by    i820. 
the  like  numbers  in  the  next  General  Court,  then  submitted  to 
the  people,  and,  if  approved  by  a  majority  of  their  votes,  be- 
come a  part  of  the  constitution.     In  addition  to  these  propo- 
sitions, that  part  of  the  constitution  which  required  all  the 
legislators,  magistrates,  and  civil  officers  to  declare  their  belief 
in  the  Christian  religion  was  annulled,  and  the  oath  of  alle- 
giance was  likewise  abridged.^ 

It  will  be  perceived  that  none  of  these  changes  materially 
affected  the  integrity  of  the  instrument  which  the  wisdom  of 
our  fathers  had  framed,  and  that  the  people,  as  a  general  thing, 
were  satisfied  with  their  system  of  government  —  a  system  as 
perfect,  perhaps,  as  is  any  where  enjoyed,  and  as  promotive 
of  the  interests  and  the  well-being  of  the  community. 

Thus  the  history  of  Massachusetts  has  been  traced  from  the 
foundation  of  the  colony  at  Plymouth  to  the  revision  of  the 
state  constitution  in  1820  —  a  period  of  exactly  two  hundred 
years.  To  sum  up  the  incidents  narrated  in  these  volumes  is 
entirely  unnecessary.  Taken  as  a  whole,  however,  it  may  be 
confidently  affirmed,  that  the  history  of  no  other  community  is 
more  striking  than  our  own.  The  great  lessons  it  teaches  us 
are,  confidence  in  the  integrity  of  the  people  and  their  capacity 
for  self-government ;  confidence  in  religious  principle,  which  is 
the  safeguard  of  liberty  ;  and  reliance  on  God,  who  is  the 
ruler  of  all,  and  to  whom  individuals  and  nations  are  respon- 
sible. "  In  the  leading  or  peculiar  traits  of  character,"  says 
Bradford,  in  closing  his  narrative,  "  the  people  of  Massachusetts 
are  much  the  same  as  for  several  generations  past.  They  are 
not  fond  of  great  changes  ;  and  to  mere  innovations  they  are 


'  Minutes  of  the  Convention,  and  Address  to  the  People ;  Bradford,  iii. 
265,  266,  and  App.  312-327. 


426  CONCLUSION, 

CHAP,  decidedly  averse.  Their  first  desire  is  to  give  their  children 
^^_^^  a  good  education,  and  to  maintain  the  literary  and  religious 
1820.  institutions  of  the  commonwealth.  They  acknowledge  the 
importance  of  useful  employment  for  all  classes  and  ages,  and 
are  desirous  that  their  children  should  acquire  early  habits  of 
study  and  industry.  They  are  ever  ready  to  encourage  useful 
inventions,  and  to  adopt  improvements  in  agriculture  and  the 
mechanic  arts,  although  they  are  deviations  from  the  pursuits 
of  their  ancestors.  With  such  an  intelligent  and  moral  popu- 
lation, it  will  not  be  difficult  to  support  a  republican  govern- 
ment. It  is  only  when  the  people  are  ignorant  and  corrupt 
that  civil  freedom  is  in  danger,  or  that  a  few  ambitious  men 
can  establish  a  despotic  government  where  liberty  has  long 
been  enjoyed."  ^ 

*  Hist,  of  Mass.  iii.  288,  289. 


GENERAL    INDEX 


(437) 


" 


NOTE. 

The  following  Index  is  not  strictly  analytical,  but  comprises  chiefly  a  list 
of  the  proper  names  which  occur  in  this  and  the  preceding  volumes.  By  consult- 
ing, however,  the  Table  of  Contents  prefixed  to  each  volume,  in  connection  with 
this  list,  no  practical  difficulty,  it  is  believed,  will  be  experienced  in  finding  the 
place  where  any  subject  is  discussed. 


(428) 


INDEX. 


Abbot,  Archbishop  of  Canterburj',  i. 

151. 
Abercrombie,  Captain,  ii.  100. 
Abercrombie,   General,     ii.    214-216, 

229,  232. 
Abercrombie,  Colonel,  iii.  9,  31,  33. 
Abigail,  the   ship,  takes  Endicott   to 

America,  i.  157. 
Abington,  to-wn  of,  ii.  457. 
Academy  of  Arts  and  Sciences,  iii.  182. 
Acadia,  i.  13,  30,  35,  386,  451 ;  ii.  76 

-78,  87-89,  97,  156,  169,  171,  201- 

204. 
Ackland,  Mr.,  iii.  65. 
Acton,  town  of,  ii.  455,  512. 
Adams,  John,  ii.  225,  266,  303,  307, 

398,  420,  438,  440,  459,  4G0,  485  ; 

iii.  16,  40,  96.  98,  106,  lOS,  111,  112, 

115,   117,  302,  305,  335-339,  341, 

347,  348,  350,  423. 
Adams,  John  Quincy,  i.  141 ;  iii.  353, 

354,  360,  361,  405. 
Adams,  Samuel,  ii.  259,  287,  303, 332, 

342,  349,  355,  363,  364,  366,  382, 

398,  399,  405,  416,  417,  434,  438, 

440,  443,  445,  448,  450,  453,  458, 

459,  461,  466,  467,  471-473,  479, 

484,  485,  508,  514;  iii.  19,  99,  292, 

324-326,  335. 
Addington,  Isaac,  i.  501,  503  ;  ii.  67. 
Addresses  to  the  king,  i.  392-395  ;  ii. 

343;  iii.  60,61. 
Adventurers,  the  merchant,  i.  75,  109, 

110,  126,  129,  130,  134,  139.  _ 
Agawam,  the  Simple  Cobler  of,  i.  330. 
Agowamme,  i.  214. 
Aix-la-Chapelle,  treaty  of,  ii.  158,  166, 

246. 
Albany,  trading  house  at,  i.  19. 


Alcock,  Mr.,  i.  194. 
Alcot.  Mr.,  ii.  51. 
Alden,  John,  i.  92,  304. 
Alderton,  Ponit,  iii.  127. 
Aldworth,  Robert,  i.  12. 
Alexander  VI.,  his  bull,  i.  6. 
Alexander,  the  Indian  chief,  i.  404. 
Alexander,  Sir  Wilham,  i.  303. 
Alien  and  sedition  laws,  iii.  344. 
Allegiance,  oath  of,  i.  271. 
Allen,  Rev.  Mr.,  of  Dedham,  i.  451. 
Allen,   Rev.   Mr.,  of  Boston,  i.  495, 

501  ;  ii.  30. 
Allen,  William,  ii.  284. 
Allerton,  Isaac,  i.   82,  98,   135,   137, 

139,  140,  144,  146,  189,  303. 
Ambrose,  the  ship,  i.  187,  190. 
America,  discovery  of,  i.  1. 
Ames,  Fisher,  iii.  284. 
Amherst,  Jeffrey,  ii.  229,  233,  235, 

238. 
Amsterdam,  i.  48,  51,  57,  60,  77. 
Anabaptists,  the,  i.  37,  337. 
Anawan,  the  Lidian  chief,  i.  447. 
Ancaster,  Duke  of,  ii.  402. 
Andover,  the  town  of,  i.  488;  ii.  41, 

42,  85. 
Andrews,  Richard,  i.  140. 
Andros,  Sir  Edmund,  i.  460,  483, 486, 

493-495,  497,  499-511;  ii.  51,  60, 

61,  78. 
Anglesey,  Earl  of,  i.  454. 
Annapolis,  i.  14;  ii.  100,  156,  19S. 
Annapolis,  Md.,  convention  at,  iii.  267. 
Anne,  Queen,  ii.  67. 
Anne,  the  ship,  i.  125,  126,  131. 
Antinomianism,  i.  256. 
Appeal,  the  last,  ii.  443. 
Applcton,  Captain,  i.  422,  424 ;  Major, 

426. 
Applcton,  Mr.,  ii.  51. 

(429) 


430 


INDEX. 


Appleton,  Colonel,  ii.  97. 
Aqiiiday,  i.  230. 
Aqiiidneck,  i.  260. 
Arbella,  Ladv,  i.  185,  194. 
Arbella,  the  ship,  i.  187,  189,  190.' 
Archangel,  Captain  Weymouth's  ves- 
sel, i.  14. 
Argall,  Captain,  i.  14. 
Armada,  Sjmnish,  i.  9. 
Arminians  in  England,  i.  151. 
Army,  American,  iii.  2,  8,  42,  73,  129, 

133,  134,  138,  148. 
Arnold,  Benedict,  iii.  52. 
AiTOM'sick  Island,  ii.  117. 
Articles,  the  Thirty-nine,  i.  37. 
Ashburton,  Lord,  iii.  167. 
Ashehm-ste,  Thomas,  i.  5. 
Ashhiu-st,  Sir  Henrv,  i.  509 ;  ii.  57, 61. 
Ashhm-st,  Su-  William,  ii.  71,  104. 
Asia,  the  ship,  ii.  497. 
Aspmet,  the  Indian,  i.  100,  118. 
Assistants,  their  powers,  i.  273. 
Athol,  to-\TO  of,  iii.  248. 
Atkinson,  Theodore,  ii.  178, 
Attucks,  Crispus,  ii.  414,  419. 
,  Atwood,  INIr.,  ii.  412. 
Auchmuty,  Judge,  ii.  140. 
Augusta,  Me.,  ii.  182. 
Augsburg  Confession,  i.  32. 
Austcrfield,  i.  61. 
Austin,  Ann,  i.  363. 
Avery,  Captain,  i.  424,  434. 
Awakening,  the  great,  ii.  136-139. 
Ayscue,  Sir  George,  i.  342. 


B. 


Bache,  his  paper  referred  to,  iii.  328. 
Bacon,  Lord,  quoted,  i.  118. 
Bahamas,  proposed  settlement  of  the, 

i.  314. 
Baillie,  Rev.  Mr.,  i.  51. 
Bainbridge,  Commodore,  iii,  398. 
Baker,  Mr.,  iii.  294. 
Balch,  John,  i.  154. 
Balch,  Mr.,  ii.  398. 
Baldwin,  Loammi,  iii.  320. 
Baldwin,  Major,  iii.   16 ;  Colonel,  iii. 

246. 
Balfour,  Captain,  ii.  499. 
Bancroft,  Bishop,  i.  55. 
Bank  advocated,  ii.  71,  72. 
Bank,  Massachusetts,  iii.  185. 
Bank  of  North  America,  iii.  184. 
Bank,  United  States,  iii.  185. 
Banks,  Sir  John,  i.  288. 


Bant,  Captain  Gilbert,  i.  508. 
Barnard,  Rev.  Mr.,  ii.  400. 
Barnstable,  town  of,  i.  100,  113,  147. 
Barnstable,  county  of,  ii.  3. 
Barre,  Colonel,  ii."  293,  321.  324,  380, 

404,  405,  424,  428,  477  ;  iii.  65. 
Barrett,  Colonel,  ii.  511-513. 
BaiTCtt,  Samuel,  iii.  176. 
Barrington,  Mr.,  ii.  376,  424,  428;  iii. 

65. 
Barstow's  garrison,  i.  441. 
Bartlett,  Josiah,  iii.  99. 
Barton's  Point,  iii.  71. 
Basil  or  Basle,  i.  40,  41. 
Basset-Lawe,  hundi-ed  of,  i.  49,  51. 
Batchelor,  Rev.  Stephen,  i".  202. 
Bawtry,  town  of,  i.  49. 
Baxter,  Richard,  ii.  31. 
Bayard,  James  A.,  iii.  405. 
Baylies,  Hodijah,  iii.  413. 
Bay,  jVIassachusetts,  area  of  settlement 

in,  i.  192. 
Bay  Verte,  ii.  171,  199. 
Beacon  Hill,  i.  502 ;  ii.  364. 
Beauchamp,  John,  i.  109,  140. 
Beauchamp,  Mr.,  ii.  378,  426,  428. 
Beaujeu,  ii.  186. 
Beauport,  \iLlage  of,  ii.  81. 
Beau  Sejour,  ii.  198. 
Beckibrd,  Alderman,  ii.  293,  376,  378, 

386,  398,  426,  428. 

Bedford,  Duke  of,  ii.  155,  162,  232, 

241,  260,  279. 
Beecher,  Captain  Thomas,  i.  164,  187. 
Beers,  Captain,  i.  420,  421. 
Beers,  Robert,  i.  437. 
Belcher,  Colonel,  i.  411. 
Belcher,  Chief  Justice,  ii.  201. 
Belcher,  Jonathan,  ii.  104,  126,  128- 

134. 
Bellamont,  Eai-1  of,  ii.  62,  63,  65,  66, 

109. 
Bellingham,  Richard,  i.  206,  213,  341, 

387,  398,400,401,451. 
Bemmigton,  battle  of,  iii.  145. 
Benson,  Egbert,  iii.  393. 
Berkeley,  Sii-  William,  i.  326. 
Berkshire,  county  of,  ii.  409. 
Bernard,   Francis,  ii.   255,  256,  276, 

283,  287,  289,  291,  298-300,  302, 
327,  336,  340,  346,  347,  350,  355, 
360,  361,  303,  366-368,  370-372, 
378,  379,  382,  384,  385,  387-390, 
392,  393,  396,  397,  399,  421,  424, 
50  L 
Beverly,  town  of,  ii.  455 ;  factory  in, 
iii.  196. 


INDEX. 


431 


Bible,  Indian,  i.  357. 

Bicucourt,  Jean  de,  i.  13. 

Bijijelow,  Timothy,  iii.  413. 

Billerica,  town  of,  ii.  85,  506,  513. 

Billingsgate  Point,  i.  88. 

Billington,  John,  i.  100,  131. 

Bisho]),  ]3ndget,  ii.  37. 

Bkckmore,  \\'illiam,  i.  441. 

Blackstone,  William,  i.  191,  194. 

Blake,  Mr.,  i.  55. 

Blathwayt,  secretary  of  state,  i.  176, 
178,480;  ii.  69,  86. 

Blessing  of  the  Bay,  the  ship,  i.  200. 

BHss,  George,  iii.  413. 

Block,  Adrian,  i.  19. 

Block  Island,  expedition  to,  i.  221. 

Board  of  Customs,  ii.  336,  338,  344, 
346. 

Board  of  Trade,  ii.  63,  96,  108,  110, 
243,  244,  255. 

Board  of  War,  iii.  139. 

Body  of  Liberties,  i.  275. 

Bolejii,  Anne,  i.  33. 

Bolingbroke,  Lord,  ii.  71. 

Bollaii,  William,  ii.  155,  220,  247,  503. 

Bonaparte,  his  abdication,  iii.  404. 

Bonner,  Bishop,  i.  39. 

Boscawen,  Admiral,  ii.  .201,  229. 

Boston,  in  Uncolnshire,  i.  58. 

Boston,  Mass.,  i.  195-197,  214,  216, 
218,  222,  228,  261.  263,  281,  282^ 
425,  456;  ii.  5,  160,  282,  305,  307, 
326,  327,  329,  339,  340,  345.  346, 
349,  356,  361,  363,  364,  367,  308, 
373,  374,  381,  385,  390,  392,  399, 
400,  425,  430,  431,  433,  445,  454, 
470,  471,  474,  476,488,  493,  498, 
505 ;  iii.  4,  6,  45,  53,  59,  76,  77,  82, 
84,  120,  198-200,  310,  332,  377. 

Boston  Massacre,  ii.  408-421. 

Boston  men  join  the  Massachusetts 
Company,  i.  162. 

Boston  port  bill,  ii.  504. 

Boston,  riots  in,  ii.  160,  400  ;  Lii.  335. 

Bostoneers,  Randoljjh's  humble  rep- 
resentation of,  i.  465. 

Bostoneers,  charges  against  the,  ii. 
360. 

Botetourt,  Lord,  ii.  366. 

Bound  House,  i.  300. 

Bounty  to  soldiers,  iii.  140. 

Bourbons,  restoration  of  the,  iii.  404. 

Bourlamarque,  ii.  435. 

Bourne,  Kichard,  i.  359. 

Bourne's  garrison,  i.  410,  411. 

Bowdoin,  James,  ii.  259,  323,  388, 434, 
438,  445,  459,  460,  485;   iii.   176, 


180,  182,  190,  191,  194,  197,  227, 

256-258,  265,  283. 
Bowers,  Mr.,  ii.  3SS. 
Bowman,  Thaddcus,  ii.  510. 
Boyle,  Kobert,  Esq.,  i.  357,  395. 
Boylston,  Dr.,  ii.  115. 
Boyne,  the  ship,  iii.  56. 
Braddock's  expedition,  ii.  183-187 
Bradford,  Alden,  iii.  425. 
15radford,  Captain  and  Major,  i.  410, 

426,  445. 
Bradford,  Governor  William,  i.  50,61, 

62,92,98,  107,   108,   112-114,  127, 

128,  132,  138,   147,   158,  188,  198, 

216,  237. 
Bradford,  Mr.,  ii.  51,  67. 
Bradstreet,  Colonel  John,  ii.  146,  189, 

216,  232. 
Bradstreet,  Dudley,  ii.  42,  51. 
Bradstreet,  Simon,   i.    185,    194,  341, 

371,381,  382,  384,  401,  478,  479, 

501,  503,  508;  ii.  42. 
Braintree,  town  of,  i.  215,  247  ;  ii.  303, 

385. 
Brant,  Molly,  ii.  191. 
Brattle,  Ca])tain,  i.  442,  445. 
Brattle,  William,  ii.  41,  219. 
Brattle,  William,  ii.  388,  489. 
Brattle   Street    Chm-ch,  ii.   305  ;    iii. 

282. 
Breda,  peace  of,  ii.  76. 
Breeden,  Captain,  i.  386,  399. 
Breed's  Hill,  iii.  22,  28,  29,  31. 
Brenton,  Mr.,  ii.  56,  57. 
Brereton,  Sir  Thomas,  i.  169. 
Brereton,  Sir  William,  i.  168. 
Brereton's  Island,  i.  168. 
Brewer,  alias  Brewster,  i.  61. 
Brewer,  Color.el,  iii.  31. 
Brewster,  Wilham,  i.  48-50,  58,  61, 

92,  120,  198,  199,  237. 
Bridge,  Colonel,  iii.  23,  29. 
Bridger,  Mr.,  ii.  109. 
Bridges,  Captain,  i.  125. 
Bridgewater,  town  of,  i.  410,  441. 
Bright,  Rev.  Francis,  i.  163,  165,  170, 

195. 
Brimtield,  town  of,  ii.  456. 
Bristol,   the   birthplace   of   Sebastian 

Cabot,  i.  2. 
Bristol,  Earl  of,  ii.  375,  449. 
Bristol  county,  ii.  3. 
Bristol  merchants,  i.  4,  12. 
British  Coffee  House,  ii.  399. 
Broadbent,  i.  50 1. 
Brockholt,  i.  486,  500. 
Brocklebank,  Captain,  i.  438. 


432 


INDEX. 


Brodhead,  J.  R.,  quoted  on  the  Dutch 

plot,  i.  82. 
Broke,  Captain,  iii.  399. 
Brooke,  Lord,  i.  217,  304. 
Brookfield,  town  of,  i.  416-418, 
Brookllne,  town  of,  i.  197 ;  ii.  469, 513 ; 

iii.  51. 
Brooks.  John,  iii.  23,  24,  27,  228,  244, 

284,  397,  404,  422.   __ 
Broughton,  Nicholas,  iii.  58. 
Brown,  Robert,  i.  46. 
Brown,  Mr.,  i.  479;  ii.  67. 
Brown,  Mr.,  of  Swansey,  L  409,  410. 
BrowTi,  Mr.,  ii.  511. 
Browne,  Ca])tain  WilUam,  i.  12, 
Browne,  John,  i.  165,  172,  279. 
Browaie,  Samiiel,  i.  165,  172,  279. 
Bro\\'nists,  i.  46,  77. 
Brunswick,  Me.,  town  of,  ii.  118. 
Buce,  Captam,  iii.  31. 
Bucer,  Martin,  i.  32,  38. 
Buckman's  Tavern,  ii.  509. 
Buffington,  Major,  iii.  245. 
Bull,  the  pirate,  i.  303. 
Bull's  garrison,  i.  426. 
Bullinger,  i.  32,  38. 
BuUivant,  Dr.,  i.  486,  501. 
Bulklev,  Peter,  i.  459,  466. 
Bunker  Hill,  iii.  21-23,  48,  54,  56. 
Bm-dick,  ii.  414. 
Bui'gess,  Colonel,  ii.  104. 
Burgoyne,  General,  ii.   187,  507  ;  iii. 

20,  47,  144,  145, 
Burke,   Edmund,   ii.   309,  376,   380, 

428,  429,  477,  478  ;  iii.  65-67,   156. 
Bui-ke,  William,  ii.  428. 
Biuieigh,  i.  403. 
Burnet.  Gilbert,  i,  511;  ii.  122. 
Buniet,  William,  ii.  122-128. 
Burroughs,  Edward,  i.  369. 
Burroughs,  George,  ii.  35. 
Burton,  Colonel,  ii.  186. 
Bute,  Earl  ot;  ii.  267,  278,  298. 
Butler,  iii.  31. 
Butler,  Mr.,  of  South  Carolina,  iii.  277, 

279. 
Butterfield.  Samuel,  i.  223. 
Button,  William,  i.  SO. 
Buttrick,  Major  John,  ii.  513. 
Buzzard's  Bay,  i.  11,  137. 


Cabot,  George,  iii.  412,  414. 

Cabot,  John,  i.  2-4. 

Cabot,  Sebastian,  i.  2-5  ;  ii.  75. 


Caermarthen,  the  Marquis  of,  i.  509. 

Caldwell,  ii.  419. 

Callender,  iii.  30,  32,  34. 

Calheres,  :M.  de.  ii.  80. 

Cahin,  John.  i.  32,  35,  37,  38,  40. 

Cahinists  m  England,  i.  151. 

Cambridge,   town  of,  i.  207,  416 ;  ii. 

385,  389,  419.  425,  431,  433,  439, 

440,  445,.  454,  461,  470,  489,  507 ; 

iii.  4,  14,ft7,  81. 

Cambridg^ agreement  at,  i.  182. 
Camden,  Lord.  ii.  257,  321,  324,  331, 

336,  404,  503,  504 ;  iii.  156,  167. 
Campbell,  ii.  359. 
Canada,  i.  8,  28,  402  ;  ii.  75-78,  86- 

89,  96,  101,  155,  228, 
Canajoharie,  ii.  188,  214. 
Canal,  Middlesex,  projected,  iii.  320. 
Canals  in  Massachusetts,  iii.  320,  321. 
Canonicus,  the  Lidian  chief,  i.  107, 197, 

220,  222,  243.  404, 
Canonchet,  i.  440. 
Canseau,  ii.  120,  142. 
Canterbm-v,  the  Ai-chbishop  of,  i.  283. 
Cape  Anne,  i.  12,  22,   129,  133,  153, 

162,  189. 
Cape  Breton,  ii.  145. 
Cape  Cod,  i.  10.  12,  14,  81,  83,  436. 
Ca])e  Sable,  i.  303 ;  ii.  157. 
Carey,  Matthew,  quoted,  iii.  366. 
Cai'ey,  Mr.,  of  Vkginia,  iii.  104. 
Caribbee  Islands,  ii.  86. 
Carlisle,  Earl  of,  i.  286. 
Carlisle,  town  of,  ii.  512. 
Carpenter,  .Mr.,  i.  432. 
CaiT,  Colonel,  ii.  415. 
Can-,  Sir  Robert,  i.  389,  400. 
Cartier,  Jacques,  i.  7. 
Cartwright,  i.  46. 
Cartwri<;ht,  Colonel  George,  i.  390,  397, 

400.  449. 
Carver,  John,  i.  67,  92,  96,  98. 
Casco  Bay,  i.  12  ;  ii.  68,  97. 
Castuie,  ii.  88. 

Castle,  the,  ii.  372,  489  ;  iii.  79,  80. 
Castle  Island,  i.  211,  284,  505;  ceded 

to  the  United  States,  iii.  341. 
Cataraqui,  ii.  205. 
Catharine  of  Arragon,  i.  33. 
Caunacum,  i.  114,  115,  118. 
CavaHers,  i.  342. 

Caventh.sh,  Lord  John,  iii.  65,  167. 
Ceremonies,  controversy  about,  i.  37. 
Chalmers,  George,  quoted,  i.  155,  175, 

474. 
Champlain,  Samuel,  i.  13. 
Champlain,  Lal^e,  ii.  79. 


INDEX. 


433 


Chancery  Court,  commission  issued,  i. 

289. 
Chandler,  General,  ii.  224. 
Chauning,  Rev.  Dr.,  iii.  405. 
Chapeau  Rouge,  ii.  143. 
Chapman,  the  poet,  quoted,  i.  66. 
Charity,  the  ship,  i.  Ill,  112,  128, 1,32. 
Charles  I.,  i.  124,  151,  279,  289,  293, 

322. 
Charles  II.,  i.  178,  324,  357,  358,  369, 

375,  380,  400,  464,  466,  477. 
Charles,  the  ship,  i.  187,  190. 
Charles  River,  i.  192,  435. 
Charlestown,   Mass.,  i.  22,   102,  170, 

190,  192,   197,  202,  214,  284,439; 

ii.  5,  419,  454,  470,  507,  514 ;  iii.  4, 

8,  22,  23. 
Charlevoix,  quoted,  ii.  92. 
Charter  of  Massachusetts,  i.  158-162, 
174  et  seq.  ;  ii.  16,  17. 
Charter  of  New  England  resigned,  i. 

287,  288. 
Charters  of  the  kings,  i.  177. 
Chase,  Mr.,  of  ^Ixryland,  iii.  95. 
Chaste,  i)e,  of  Dieppe,  i.  13. 
Chatham,  Earl  of,  ii.  325,  332,  333, 

336,  401,453,  501,  503;  iii.  67. 
Chatham,  town  of,  i  112  ;  ii.  457. 
Chaudiere,  i.  171,  208. 
Chauncy,  Chirles,  ii.  139,  274. 
Chauvin,  i.  13. 
Chelmsford,  ii.  512. 
Chelsea,  i.  190,  215. 
Chesapeake,  the  ship,  attacked,  iii.  356, 

399. 
Chesterfield,  ii.  226,  348. 
Chil)ucto,  ii.  168,  169. 
Chicopee,  iii.  245. 
Chiegnecto,  ii.  169,  171. 
Chikatabot,  i.  197. 
Chilton,  i.  92. 

Child,  Dr.  Robert,  i.  338,  339,  341. 
Christiaensen,  Hendrick,  i.  59. 
Christisson,  Wenlock,  i.  369. 
Churcli,  Colonel  lienjamin,  i.  410,427, 

446. 
Church,  Dr.  Benjamin,  ii.   450,  460 ; 

iii.  47,  48. 
Churches  of  New  England,  i.  202;  ii.  50. 
Circular  to  the  colonies,  ii.  349. 
Clap,  Roger,  i.  188. 
Clarendon,  Earl  of,  i.  382,  386,  395, 

403,  469. 
Clarendon,  Lord,  quoted,  i.  208.  . 
Clark,  the  engineer,  ii.  232. 
Clark,  Nathaniel,  i.  50,  54. 
Clark,  John,  ii.  113,  116. 
VOL.    III.  28 


Clark,  Mr.,  iii.  31. 
Clark,  Thomas,  i.  365.  368,  391. 
Clark,  .Jouathm,  ii.  469. 
Clark,  llichard,  ii.  467,  468. 
Clark,  Rev.  Mr.,  ii.  508,  509. 
Clarke's  Island,  i.  89. 
Clarkson,  Matthew,  iii.  393. 
Clay,  Henry,  iii.  405. 
Clement  Vll.,  the  pope,  i.  33. 
Clergy  of  Massachusetts  in  the  revo- 
lution, iii.  12. 
Clifton,  Rev.  Richard,  i.  50,  52,  53,  60, 

62. 
Clinton,  General,  ii.  507  ;  iii.  20,  26, 

36,  38,  54,  56. 
Clinton,  Governor,  iii.  359. 
Cobb,  General,  iii.  229,  320,  397. 
Cobbett,  i.  401. 

Cobble  Hill,  iii.  70,  79,  80,  83. 
Cocheco,  i.  123. 
Coddington,  William,  i.  185,  193,  200, 

213,  252,367. 
Cohasset,  town  of,  i.  22,  302. 
Coke,  Sir  Edward,  i.  124. 
Cole,  Lieutenant,  ii.  196. 
Cole,  Isaac,  i.  386. 
Cole's  Hill,  i.  91. 

College,  Harvard,  i.  310,  311 ;  ii.  274. 
College,  Indian,  i.  358. 
Collier,  Sir  George,  iii.  162. 
Colman,  Mr.,  i.  501. 
Colman,  Rev.  Dr.,  ii.  115,  132. 
Colonies,  Enghsh,  ii.  173,  174. 
Colonies,  French,  ii.  172,  173. 
Columbus,  ChristO])her,  i.  1,  80. 
Columbus,  Bartholomew,  i.  2. 
Colville,  Admiral,  ii.  282. 
Commerce  of  Massachusetts,  i.  309 ; 

ii.  7,  106-108,  243. 
Commerce,  Chamber  of,  iii.  332-334. 
Commissioners,  special,  appointed  by 

Charles  I.,  i.  283. 
Commissioners  appointed  by  Charles 

II.,  i.  388  et  seq. 
Commissioners  a]jpointed   during  the 

revolution,  iii.  153-156. 
Common,  Boston,  ii.  370,  482,  493. 
Common  Praver,  Book  of,  i.  Ho. 
Conant,  Roger,  i.  130,  134,  153,  156, 

157,  163. 
Concord,  town  of,  i.  215,  438;  ii.  455, 

495.  507,  508,  512. 
Concord,  Praying  Indians  at,  i.  353. 
Confederacy  of  1643,  i.  chap.  xi. 
Confederacy  of  1754,  ii.  177-181. 
Confederation,  old,  detects  of,  iii.  262- 

264. 


434 


INDEX. 


Congress,  American,  proposed,  ii.  460, 

474,  480,  486  ;  meets,  iii.  490. 
Congress,  address  of  federal  members 

of,  on  war  of  1812,  iii.  383-386. 
Congress  at  New  York,  ii.  79. 
Congress  at  Albany,  ii.  177-181. 
Congress,  Continental,  iii.  16,  60. 
Congress,  Provincial,  ii.  49  ;  iii.  1. 
Conihasset  Grant,  i.  302. 
Connecticut,  i.  216-219,  227,  298,365, 

396,414,426,  444;  iii.  7. 
Connecticut   Kiver  discovered,   i.   19, 

216;  referred  to,  i.  419. 
Constitution,  Massachusetts,  iii.   172- 

181 ;  revision  of,  in   1820,  iii.  422  et 

seq. 
Constitution,  United  States,  iii.  261- 

308. 
Constitution,  the  frigate,  iii.  391,  398. 
Contrecneur,  ii.  186. 
Convention,  ii.  367-369. 
Conventions,  county,  ii.  486  ;  iii.  173. 
Converse,  Edward,  i.  386. 
Converse,  Mr.,  iii.  228. 
Conway,  General,  ii.   293,  311,  324, 

328,  341,  428 ;  iii.  65,  166,  167. 
Cook,  Captain,  ii.  229. 
Cook,   Elisha,  i.  469,  479,  501,  509, 

513;  u.  55,  63,  67,  68,  73,  109,  112, 

120. 
Cook,  governor  of  Rhode  Island,  iii. 

68. 
Cooper,  William,  ii.  399,  449,  467. 
Cooper,  Rev.  Samuel,  ii.  365,  416,  434. 
Copford  Hall,  i.  200. 
Coppin,  Robert,  i.  86. 
Copp's  Hill,  i.  328;  iii.  25,  28,  31. 
Corbitant,  the  Indian  cliief,  i.  100,  101, 

108,  115. 
Corey,  Giles,  ii.  38. 
Corner,  Captain,  ii.  351. 
Cornhill,  ii.  410. 

Cornwallis,  Lord,  ii.  168  ;  iii.  166. 
Cornwallis,  Edward,  ii.  168,  169. 
Correspondence,  committees  of,  ii.  448. 
Corterealj'his  voyages,  i.  6. 
Cotton,  Rev.  John,  i.  200,  205,  212, 

239,  242,  246,  250,   251,  253,  254, 

256,  258.  276,  326,  344. 
Cotton  Hill,  i.  490. 
Council  of  Superintendence,  i.  378. 
Council  for  Trade,  i.  450  ;  ii.  63. 
Council,  orders  in,  i.  282. 
Councillors  rejected,  ii.  322,  323. 
Counties   of  Massachussetts  incorpo- 
rated, i.  215. 
Covenanters,  Scotch,  i.  52. 


Coventry,  Sir  Thomas,  i.  28. 

Coventry,  Secretary,  i.  458. 

Cowper,  the  poet,  quoted,  ii.  446. 

Cox,  Dr.,  i.  40,41. 

Coxe,  Captain  Thomas,  i.  164. 

Crackston,  i.  92. 

Craddock,  Matthew,  i.  156,  168,  174, 

183,  187,   190,  279,   281,  283,  288, 

293,  325. 
Craft,  Lieutenant  Colonel,  iii.  127, 146, 

151,  246. 
Cranfield,  Governor,  i.  473. 
Cranmer,  Archbishop,  i.  33,  38, 
Craven,  Major  Charles,  ii.  207. 
Crawford,  i.  501. 
Cromwell,  Archbishop,  i.  33,  35. 
Cromwell,  Ohver,  i.  207,  290,  324, 325, 

343,  345,  346. 
Cromwell,  Richard,  i.  324,  373. 
Crown  Point,  i.   156,    157,   168,   184, 

193,  205,  208,  210,  221,  223,  229, 

235  ;  iii.  78. 
Cudworth,   James,  i.   365,  411,  414, 

423. 
Cumberland,  Duke  of,  ii.  183,  212. 
Cumberland,  Duke  of,  the  ship,  ii.  363. 
Cummaquid,  i.  100. 
Curtis,  George  T.,  Esq.,  quoted,   iii. 

119. 
Cur  win,  Mr.,  ii.  51. 
Cushing,  Brigadier  General,  iii.  404. 
Cushing,  "Thomas,  ii.  260,  288,  321, 

322,   365,  367,  381,  438,  444,  466, 

467,485,  507;  iii.  181,  195. 
Cushing,  Judge  William,  iii.  281. 
Cushman,  Robert,  i.  67,  72,  79,  106, 

111,  129,  130,  135. 
Cushman,  Mr.,  ii.  282. 
Cutler,  Captain,  i.  442. 
Cuttyhunk,  i.  11. 
Cutts,  Lord,  ii.  62. 


D. 


Dah-vmple,  Colonel,  ii.  369,  370,  406, 

415^,  417-419,  432. 
Damarin's  Cove,  i.  109,  136. 
Dana,  Judge,  iii.  285,  292. 
Danby,  the  lord  treasm-er,  i.  462. 
Dand,  John,  i.  341. 
Dane,  Nathan,  iii.  412. 
Danforth,  Thomas,  i.  439,  468,  469, 

494,  497,  501. 
D'Anville,  Due  de,  ii.  156. 
Danvers,  town  of,  ii.  455,  514  ;  North, 

ii.  3L 


INDEX. 


435 


Dark  day,  the,  iii.  183. 

Dartmouth,  Earl  of,  ii.  446,  453,  464, 

478,  487,  498,  503  ;  iii.  54,  63. 
Dartmouth,  the  town  of,  m  Massachu- 
setts, i.  11,  416. 
Dartmouth,  the  shij),  ii.  472. 
Dartmouth,  the  town  of,  in  England, 

i.  79. 
Daston,  Sarah,  ii.  43. 
D'Auhiey,  i.  305-307. 
Davenport,  Ca])tain,  i.  388,  424,  426, 

427. 
Davenport,   Rev.   John,   i.   29S,   326, 

351. 
Daven])ort,  Richard,  i.  221. 
Da^^e,  Mr.,  of  North  Carolina,  iii.  277. 
Davis,  Mr.,  ii.  95. 
Da\is,  Judge,  discovers  the  Plpnouth 

patent,  i.  lOo. 
Davis,  Captain  Isaac,  ii.  513. 
Danson,  William,  i.  49. 
Dawes,  William,  ii.  509. 
Dawes,  Judge,  iii.  283,  294.  332. 
Day,  Luke,  iii.  233,  243,  244,  254. 
Deane,   Charles,  Esq.,   publishes    the 

Plymouth  patent,  i.  106. 
Deane,  llev.  Mr.,  of  Andover,  ii.  41. 
Deane,  Thomas,  i.  399. 
Dearborn,  Colonel  Henrv,  iii.  30 ;  Gen- 
eral, iii.  387-389,  404. 
Debts,  state,  resumption  -of,  iii.  317- 

319. 
De  Berdt,  Dennis,  ii.  360,  434. 
Decatur,  Commodore,  iii.  398. 
De  Choiseul,  ii.  335,  377. 
Declaration,  the  prince's,  i.  500. 
Declaration  of  rights,  i.  379. 
Declaration,  the  Boston,  ii.  365. 
Declaratory  act,  ii.  320. 
Dedham,  town  of,  i.  215,  356,  426. 
Deer  Island,  i.  358. 
Deerfield,  town   of,  i.  356,  418,  421, 

462  ;  ii.  92. 
Deerfield  Itiver,  i.  419. 
De  Grey,  ii.  382. 
De  Kail),  ii.  335. 

De  Lancey,  Governor,  ii.  180,  193. 
Delegates,  i.  272. 
De  Lery,  ii.  216. 
De  Le\is,  ii.  217. 
De  LcAd,  ii.  238. 
Delfthaveu.  i.  77. 
Dennison,  i.  401,  402,  434,  440. 
Deptford,  the  shij),  ii.  97. 
De  liasieres,  Isaac,  i.  137,  138. 
Dermer,  Captain  Thomas,  i.  23,  20, 95. 
D'Estaing,  Count,  iii.  151. 


Detroit,  ii.  208. 

Devens,  Jlichard.  ii.  508;  iii.  27. 

Devonshire,  Duke  of,  ii.  226. 

Dewey,  Mr.,  ii.  460. 

D'lherville,  ii.  88. 

Dickinson,  John.  ii.  349,  398, 409 ;  iiL 

61,  96,  98-100,  108,  118,  270. 
Dieskau,  ii.  195-197  ;  iii.  10. 
Digby,  Sir  Kenelm,  i.  286. 
Dinwiddle,  Governor,  ii.  174. 
Discoverer,  Pring's  vessel,  i.  12. 
Discovery,   possession  claimed  by,  L 

179. 
Ditson,  of  Billerica,  ii.  506. 
Dixwell,  ('olonel,  i.  377. 
Dock  Square,  ii.  410. 
Dolhonde,  Dr.,  ii.  115. 
Dongan,  Governor,  i.  495. 
Donnell,  Mr.,  ii.  51. 
Dorchester,  Lord,  i.  158. 
Dorchester,  the  town  of.  i.  188,  193, 

197,  200,  202,  214,  215-219,  284; 

ii.  398,  469,  513  ;  iii.  20,  21,  57,  77, 

78,  82. 
Dorchester  adventurers,  i.  129. 
Dorchester  comjiany,  i.  133,  153,  157, 

162. 
Dorrell,  John,  i.  168. 
Dotey,  Edward,  i.  131. 
Douglass,  Dr.,  ii.  115. 
Dover  Clitf  discovered,  i.  10. 
Dover,  town  of,  in  New  liampshii-e,  i. 

123,  257,  301,  302. 
Dowdeswell,  ii.  380,  426,  477. 
Downing,  Emanuel,  i.  280. 
Drake,  Sir  Francis,  i.  8. 
Duchambon,  ii.  147,  152. 
Duchatelet,  ii.  377. 
Dudley,  Joseph,  i.  468,  469,  471,  479, 

480,  482,  483,  488,  491,  497,  504, 

508,  510  ;  iii.  57,  59,  60,  65-72,  104. 
Dudlev,  Paul,  ii.  69,  105. 
Dudlev,    Thomas,    i.    185,  194,    205, 

206,  212,  213,  250,  282. 
Dudley  House,  the,  iii.  42. 
Dumnur,  Jeremiah,  ii.   71,   100,   104, 

114,  120. 
Dummer,  Richard,  i.  200,  213. 
Dummcr,  William,  ii.  119,  122,  128. 
Dmibar,  Colonel  Thomas,  ii.  207. 
Dunbar,  battle  of,  i.  344. 
Dunning,  ii.  382 ;  iii.  68. 
Dustin,  Hannah,  ii.  85. 
Dutch,  the,  i.  19,  73,74,  81,  126,  137, 

138,  216,  217,  231,  345,  396,  454. 
Dutch  West  India  Company,  i.  73. 
Duvi\ier,  ii.  139. 


436 


INDEX. 


Duxbury,  town  of,  i.  147  ;  ii.  456. 
D wight,  Theodore,  iii.  414. 
Dyer,  Mary,  i,  368. 


E. 


Eagle,  the  ship,  i.  187. 

Earls  Colne,  i.  207. 

Eastham,  town  of,  ii.  457. 

East  India  Company,  ii.  464,  469, 470. 

Eastjjort,  Me.,  iii.  392. 

Eaton,  Nathaniel,  i.  311. 

Eaton,  Rev.  Samuel,  i.  298. 

Eaton,  Theophilus,  i.  298. 

Eayre,  Captain,  ii.  197. 

Eayres,  i.  502. 

Eddv,  Hon.  Samuel,  i.  262. 

Edes  and  Gill,  ii.  382. 

Edgarton,  i.  12. 

Education  in  Massachusetts,  i.  310- 

313  ;  ii.  8.  49,  273,274;  iii.  322,  323. 
Edward  VI.  of  England,  i.  7,  36-39. 
Edwards,  Jonathan,  ii.  138,  139. 
Egmont,  Port,  ii.  443. 
Egremont,  Earl  of,  ii.  267,  278-280. 
Election  Sermons,  i.  329. 
Elective   francliise   restricted,  i.   269, 

270. 
Elias,  the  shi]),  i.  389. 
Eliot,  Cornet,  i.  439. 
Eliot,  Rev.  Mr.,  i.  451. 
Eliot,  Rev.  John,  i.  199,  202,  350,377, 

407,  409,  419. 
Elizabeth,  Queen,  i.  8,  40 ;  ii.  75. 
Elliot,  Hugh,  i.  6. 
Ems,Wilbore,  ii.  424. 
Ellsworth,  Mr.,  of  Comiecticut,  iii.  278, 

280. 
Ely,  Samuel,  iii.  219. 
Embargo  laid,  iii.  352,  357  ;  repeal  of, 

iii.  363 ;  new  one  kid,  iii.  401. 
Endicott,  John.  i.  155,  157,  158,  162- 

168,  170.   172,   183.  189,  210,  213, 

220.  237,  279,  366,  370,  396,  398. 

506. 
England,  discovery  of  America  bv,  i. 

2,9. 
England,  the  reformation  in,  i.  31  et 

seq. 
England,  slate  of  feeling  m  dming  the 

revolution,  iii.  62. 
Episcopacy  at  Ph-mouth,  i.  132. 
Episcopacy  at  Salem,  i.  171-173. 
Episcopacy  at  Merry  Momit,  i.  143. 
Episco])acv,in  Massachusetts,  i.  316, 

469,  490"j  ii.  162. 


Erasmus,  i.  32. 

Erskine,  Mr.,  iii.  363. 

Essex  county,  i.  215  ;  ii.  4. 

Essex  junto,  iii.  182. 

Eugene  IV.,  his  bull,  i.  6. 

Eustis,  iii.  332. 

Evelyn,  John,  quoted,  i.  278. 

Everett,  Edward,  quoted,  i.  91,  92. 

Ewell,  of  Scituate,  i.  441. 

Exchange  Lane,  ii.  412,  419. 

Excise  laws,  ii.  249,  "jO. 

Exeter,  town  of,  m  New  Hampsliire,  i. 

257,  301,  302. 
Expenses  of  the  revolution,  iii.  147. 
Eyres,  Major,  ii.  222. 


Fairfax,  Sir  Thomas,  i.  223. 
Fan-weather,  Captain,  i.  503. 
Falkland  Islands,  ii.  443.  __ 
Falmouth,  Me.,  ii.  121  ;  iii.  56. 
Faneuil,  Benjamin,  ii.  468. 
Faneuil  Hall,  ii.  300,  346,  354,   364, 

365,  368,  370,  397,  417,  419,  439, 

468,  469,  471,  481,  485,  488;  iii.  53, 

420. 
Farwell,  Attorney  General,  i.  488, 501. 
Faubord,  the  Quaker,  i.  368. 
Famice,  Ekter,  i.  89. 
Fenwick,  Mr.,  i.  300. 
Ferdinand  and  Isabella,  i.  6. 
Ferguson,  iii.  35. 

Fernandus,  John  and  Franci.s,  i.  5,  6. 
Filcher  or  Fitcher,  i.  141. 
Finances,  state  of,  ii.  Ill ;  iii.  159. 
Finch,  i.  323. 

Fisheries,  i.  7,  123,  124,  309  ;  ii.  285. 
Fisher.  Daniel,  i.  469. 
Fisher,  Mary,  i.  363. 
Fitch,  Governor,  ii.  207,  219. 
Fletcher,  i.  92. 
Flint,  Rev.  Mr.,  i.  451. 
Florida,  .settlement  at,  i.  66. 
Folsom,  General,  iii.  10,  41. 
Forbes,  General  Joseph,  iii.  100. 
Ford,  Colonel,  iii.  23. 
Forefathers'  Rock,  i.  89. 
Fort  Bull,  ii.  216. 
Fort  Carillon,  ii.  217,221. 
Fort  Cumberland,  ii.  184,  185. 
Fort  Du  Quesne,  ii.   184,   185,  208, 

209,  218,  230,  234. 
Fort  Edward,  ii.  194,  205,  214,  218, 

224. 
Fort  Frederick,  ii.  188. 


INDEX. 


437 


Fort  Frontonac,  ii.  205,208,  217,  232. 

Fort  Hill,  i.  502  ;  ii.  299,  372,  393. 

Fort  Halifax,  ii.  182. 

Fort  Lawrence,  ii.  198. 

Fort  Legonier,  ii.  230. 

Fort  Lyman,  ii.  194. 

Fort  Mystic,  i.  225. 

Fort  Nassau,  i.  19. 

Fort  Necessity,  ii.  175. 

Fort  Niagara,' ii.  206,  233,  234. 

Fort  Richmond,  ii.  182. 

Fort  Stanwix,  ii.  233. 

Fort  Western,  ii.  182. 

Fort  William  Hemy,  ii.  205,  214,  218, 

221,  222,  224. 
Fortune,  the  ship,  i.  105,  106,  110. 
Foster,  Augustus,  iii.  394. 
Foster,  John,  i.  501, '504;  ii.  51,  56,67. 
Fom*  Sisters,  the  ship,  i.  164. 
Fox,  Charles,  ii.  212,  214,  477;  iu.  66. 
Fox,  C.  J.,  iii.  167. 
Fox,  Christopher,  i.  361. 
Fox,  George,  i.  361. 
Fox  Islands,  i.  12.    _ 
Fox,  the  martyrologist,  i.  41. 
Foxcroft,  i.  501. 
Foye,  Colonel,  iii.  23. 
Foye,  Colonel  John,  ii.  219. 
Framingham,  town  of,  ii.  455. 
France,  difficulties  with,  ii.  74  et  seq. 
France,  New,  ii.  75. 
France,  voyages  of  the  nation,  i.  7-9. 
Frankfort,  troubles  at,  i.  39-41. 
Franklin,  Benjamin,  ii.  176,  178,  181, 

296,  315,  316,  378,  434,  462,  463, 

466,  480,  502,  503 ;  iii.  98,  167-169, 

270. 
Franklin,  privateer,  exploit  of,  iii.  124. 
Freiich  revolution,  iii.  326. 
French  war,  ii.  166-239. 
Frenchman's  Point,  i.  138. 
Freneau,  PhiHp,  iii.  328. 
Fresh  or  Connecticut  liiver,  i.  216. 
Frolic,  the  ship,  iii.  398. 
Frontenac,  Count,  ii.  79,  80-83,  86, 

89,  90. 
Fuller,  Dr.  Samuel,  i.   80,   112,   158, 

193,  199. 
Fuller,  Rose,  ii.  476. 
Fundamentals  of  Massachusetts,  i.  276. 
Fur  trade,  i.  21. 


G. 


Gadsden,  Christopher,  iii.  95. 

Gage,  Thomas,  il  165,  186,  235,  305, 


350,  355,  361,  366-368,  371,  372, 

384,  401,  432,  434,  479,  480-484, 

487,  490,  493,  498,  499,  502,  507  ; 

iii.  5,  6,  10,  14,  17,  19,20,25,26,28, 

29,40,48,  51,  53.  68. 
Gager,  William,  i.  194. 
Gainsljorough,  town  of,  in  England,  L 

48-50,  52,  53,  57. 
Gallatin,  Albert,  iii.  405,  406. 
Gallisioniere,  M.  de,  ii.  168. 
Gallop,  Captain,  i.  424. 
Gardiner,  Captain,  i.  424. 
Gardiner,  Lieutenant,  i.  221,  223. 
Gardiner,  Sir  Cluistophcr,  i.  279,  280, 

282. 
Gardiner,  Thomas,  i.  133. 
Gardner,  Colonel,  iii.  29. 
Gardner,  Henry,  ii.  497. 
Gaspee,  taking  of  the  ship,  ii.  458. 
Gaspereaux,  ii.  199. 
Gast,  Pierre  de,  i.  13. 
Gates,    General,    ii.     187  ;     iii.     144, 

150. 
Gates,  Sir  Thomas,  i.  16. 
Gauden,  Captain  Henry,  i.  157. 
Gay  Head,  i.  10,  352. 
Gedney,  ii.  51. 

General  Com't  convened,  ii.  384,  387. 
Genet,  Citizen,  iii.  327,  328,  330. 
Geneva,  i.  40. 
George  Bonaventure,  the  sliip,  i.  164, 

169. 
George,  Captain,  i.  501. 
George  L,  ii.  72,  104. 
George  IL,  ii.  122,  260,  261. 
George  IIL,  ii.  260. 
Georgetown,  ii.  118. 
Germaine,  Lord  George,  iii.  64,  65. 
German  Flats,  ii.  214,  218. 
Gerrish,  ii.  388  ;  iii.  22. 
Gerrv,  Elbridge,  ii.  508;  iii.  58,  69,  270, 

313",  341,   342,   346,   364,  365-369, 

373. 
GeiTymandering,  iii.  309. 
Ghent,  negotiation  at,  iii.  406. 
Gibbs,  Captain  John,  i.  164. 
Gift  of  God,  the  shij),  i.  18. 
Gilbert,  Ca])tain  Bartholomew',  i.  11. 
Gilbert,  Raleigh,  i.  16,  18. 
Gilbert,  Sir  Humphrey,  i.  8. 
Giles,  Mr.,  of  Virginia,  iii.  418. 
Gill,  Moses,  iii.  346. 
Gill,  Quartermaster,  i.  412. 
Girling,  Captain,  i.  305.  ■ 
Gist,  Christo])her,  ii.  174. 
Glover,  Goody,  ii.  30. 
Glover,  Mr.,  iii.  151. 


438 


INDEX. 


Gloucester,  town  of,  i.  154,  215 ;  ii. 

426,  454. 
Godiva  of  Coventry-,  i.  368. 
Goffe,  Colonel,  i.  375,  377,  385,  420. 
Gotfe,  Thomas,  i.  156. 
Goldfinch,  Captain,  ii.  412. 
Gold  mines,  i.  21. 
Goldsmith,  Captain,  i.  370. 
Good  Hope,  House  of,  i.  217. 
Good,  Sarah,  ii.  32. 
Goodman,  i.  92. 
Goodwin,  John,  ii.  30. 
Goodvear,  Ste])hen,  i.  298. 
Gookin,  Daniel,  i.  344,  358,  413,  419, 

439,  468. 
Gordon,  Rev.  William,  quoted,  iii.  89. 
Gore,  Christopher,  iii.   284,  294,  363, 

364. 
Gorj^es,  Lord  Edward,  i.  287. 
Gorges,  Sir  Ferdinando,  i.  14,  15,   18, 

23,  25,  26,  28,  67,  105,  123,  124,  127, 

138,  141,   144,   155,  280,  285,  286, 

288,  290.  452-460,510.* 
Gorges,  John,  i.  168. 
Gorges,  Captain  Kobert,  i.  126,  155, 

168. 
Gorton,  Samuel,  i.  213,  261-266,317, 

340. 
Gosnold,  Captain  Bartholomew,  i.  9- 

12. 
Gottenburg,  proposed  negotiation  at, 

iii.  405. 
Government,  resumption  of,  in  ]Massa- 

chusetts,  iii.  11,  47. 
Governors   of  Massachusetts,  ii.  245, 

246. 
Gower,  Earl,  ii.  341. 
Grace,  pilgrimage  of,  i.  50. 
Grafton,  Duke  of,  ii.  324,  330,  338, 

362;   iii.  63-66,  101,  167, 
Grafton,  town  of,  i.  442. 
Grahame,  Major,  quoted,  i.  83. 
Grant,  Colonel,  iii.  26. 
Graves,  Captain,  i.  282. 
Graves,  Thomas,  i.  165,  169,  176. 
Graves,  Samuel,  iii.  20. 
Grav,  Harrison,  i.  495. 
Gray,  Mr.,  ii.  418. 
Gray,  Thomas,  ii.  288. 
Gray,  Samuel,  ii.  414,  419. 
Gray's  Elegy  quoted,  ii.  237. 
Gray's  ropewalk,  ii.  408. 
Great  Carrying  Place,  ii.  189,  218. 
Great  Rdls,  i^  444. 
Great  Hojje,  the  ship,  i.  305. 
Great  Meadows,  ii.  175. 
Great  Meadow  Creek,  i.  88. 


Green,  Richard,  i.  112. 

Green  River,  i.  444. 

Greene,  General,  iii.  21,  42,  59,  81, 

150,  151. 
Greenleaf,  ii.  388. 
Greensmith,  AVilham,  i.  252. 
Greenwood,  Rev.  John,  i.  48. 
Gren\ille,  George,  ii.  278-281,   284, 

285,  287,  292,  293,  295,  296,  298, 

308,  311,  312,  315,  316,  318,  332, 

335,  338,  376,  380,  400,  424,  428. 
Gren^^lle,  James,  ii.  324. 
Gren\dlle,  Thomas,  iii.  168. 
Gridley,  Jeremiah,  ii.  259,  263,  264. 
Gridley,  Richard,  ii.  150,  165  ;  iii.  10, 

22-24. 
Gridlev,  Samuel,  iii.  23,  32. 
Griffin^  the  ship,  i.  "200,  245. 
Griffin's  Wharf,  ii.  473. 
Groton,   toMn   of,   in   Connecticut,   i. 

225. 
Groton,  town  of,  in  Massachusetts,  i. 

418,  435  ;  n.  85,  455,  508. 
Guerriere,  the  fi-igate,  iii.  391. 
Guiana,  i.  66. 
Guilford,  Earl  of,  ii.  339. 
Guinea,  the  ship,  i.  389,  390. 
Gunsolus,  John,  i.  5. 
Gimiet,  the,  i.  98,  108. 
G\vinnett,  Button,  iii.  99. 


H. 


Habeas  Corpus,  writ  of,  ii.  46 ;  iii.  177, 

235,  240,  293. 
Habits  of  the  people,  ii.  22,  23. 
Hadlev,  town  of,  i.  418-422,  440,443, 

444  ;■  iii.  246. 
Hadley,  Mr.,  ii.  511. 
Hakluvt,  Richard,  i.  12,  15,  16. 
Hale,  Rev.  Mr.,  ii.  34,  41,  44. 
Half  Moon,  the  ship,  i.  19. 
Halifax,  Duke  of,  ii.   162,   168,  252, 

254,  278, 
Halifax,  town  of,  in  Nova   Scotia,  ii. 

168. 
Halifax,  town  of,  in  Massachusetts,  i. 

441. 
Hallowell,  Me.,  ii.  354,  358-360  j  iii. 

20. 
Halket,  Su-  Peter,  ii.  186. 
Hamilton,  Marquis  of,  i.  105;  ii.  254. 
Hamilton,   Alexander,   iii.    184,   266, 

267,  270,  317,329. 
Hammond,  William,  i.  411. 
Hampden,  Mr.  John,  i.  115. 


INDEX. 


439 


Hampden,  John,  Esq.,  i.  208,  217,  290, 

323,  325. 
Hampton  Comt  conference,  i.  54,  55. 
Hamjjton,  town  of,  in  New  Hampsliire, 

i.  300. 
Hampshire  county,  ii.  4. 
Hancock,  Jolm,  ii.  349.  352,  353,  355, 

356,  366,  36S,  397,   407,  43fS,  444, 

445,  447,  467,  468,  471,  472,  480, 

495,  506,  508;    iii.   14,    17,   19,  76, 

146,   151,  180,   182,   186,  187,  190, 

195,  257,  258,  281,  296,319,  324. 
Hancock,  the  sloop,  iii.  58. 
Hancock's  Wharf,  ii.  393  ;  iii.  56. 
Handmaid,  the  sliij),  i.  145. 
Hanham,  Thomas,  i.  16. 
Hanmer,  i.  198. 
Hanover,  town  of,  ii.  499. 
Hap'sHill,i.  11.  _ 
Harhor,  Boston,  iii.  124. 
Hardwick,  town  of,  ii.  499. 
Hardy,  Sir  Charles,  ii._  207,  222. 
Harlakenden,  Roger,  i.  207. 
Harley,  ii.  100. 

Harmon,  Captain  Roger,  i.  164. 
Harrington,  ii.  511. 
Harrison,  Benjamin,  iii.  99,  107. 
Harrison,  Mr.,  ii.  352. 
Hartford,  Ct.,  i.  201,  216,  217,  224, 

227. 
Hartford  convention,  iii.  410  et  seq. 
Hartford  colony,  i.  299,  422. 
Hartley,  iii.  66. 
Harvard  College,  i.  310,  311;  ii.  8; 

iii.  194,  322. 
Haslerig,  Arthur,  i.  290. 
Hassanamesit,  i.  442. 
Hatfield  chase,  i.  50. 
Hatfield,  town  of,  i.  418-422,  440-444  ; 

convention  at,  iii.  226. 
Hatherlv,  Timothy,  i.  140,  365. 
Hathorue,  Major,  i.  396,  400,  402  ;  ii. 

51. 
Haverhill,  town  of,  i.  215,  488  ;  ii.  85, 

94. 
Hawlev,  Joseph,   ii.    328,    332,   438, 

446;  "iii.  129. 
Hayman,  ii.  151. 
Havnes,   John,  i.  200,  205,  206,  219, 

242,  299. 
Haynes's  garrison,  i.  438. 
Heath,  General,  iii.  3,  70,  71,  156,  284, 

292,  294,  397. 

Hector,  the  ship,  i.  211. 

Hemp,  hounty  on,  ii.  285. 

Henchman,   Captain   Daniel,   i.    411, 

415,  442,  444. 


Hendrick,  ii.  196. 

Henley,  Lord,  ii.  375. 

llenne])in,  ii.  76. 

Henrv  VH.,  of  England,  i.  2-4. 

Henry  VHI.,  of  England,  i.  7,  32-36. 

Henry  IV.,  of  France,  i.  13. 

Henry,  P^arl  of  Southampton,  i.  8,  15. 

Henry,  Mr.,  his  mission,  iii.  3(j2. 

Henry,  Patrick,  ii.  491 ;  iii.  95. 

Henshaw,  ii.  388. 

Heretics,  laws  against,  i.  35. 

Hessian   troops   employed    by   Great 

Britain,  iii.  100. 
Hewes,  Joseph,  iii.  99. 
Hiacoomes,  i.  351. 
Hibbins,  Mr.,  i.  325. 
Hichborne,  Colonel  Benjamin,  iii.  238. 
Higginsou,  Rev.  Francis,  i.  163,   164, 

169-171,  193,  236. 
Higginson,  John,  i.  492  ;  ii.  35. 
High  Commission  Court,  i.  42,  52,  55, 

152,  200,  290,  323. 
Hill.  Captain,  i.  501. 
Hill,  General,  ii.  101. 
Hillsborough,  Earl  of,  ii.  280,  284,  341, 

342,  350,   357,  358,  360,  361,  368, 

377,  379,  383,  396,  400,  405,  421, 

429,  433,  446,  447. 
Hilton,  Edward,  i.  123. 
Hilton,  WiUiam,  i.  106,  123. 
Hinckley,  Thomas,  i.  504,  572,  573 ; 

ii.  51. 
Hingham,  town  of,  i.  215,  441. 
Hobart,  Rev.  Mr.,  i.  340. 
Hobomok,  i.  100,  107,  115,  116,  121. 
Hobby,  Sir  Charles,  ii.  99. 
Hocking,  or  Hoslcins,  i.  304. 
Hogarth  rel'erred  to,  iii.  80. 
Holborne,  Admiral,  ii.  222. 
Holbrook,  Captain,  i.  442. 
Holden,  Randall,  i.  264. 
Holmes,  Mr.,  iii.  294. 
Holmes,  William,  i.  216,  365. 
Holt,  Chief  Justice,  i.  512. 
Holyoke,  Captain,  i.  443. 
Hood,  Commodore,  ii.  347,  355. 
Hooker,  quoted,  ii.  241. 
Hooker,  Rev.  Thomas,   i.   201,   202, 

218,  224,  252,  255,  299,  326. 
Uoojjer,  i.  38. 

lloijcwell,  the  ship,  i.  187,  190. 
Hopkins,  ii.  138. 
Hopkins,  Oceanus,  i.  80. 
lIo])kins,  Stejihen,  governor  of  Rhode 

Island,  ii.  178,219:  iii.  99. 
Hopkins,  Stephen,  i.  80,  92,  99,  131. 
Ho])son,  Major  General,  ii.  222. 


440 


INDEX. 


Hosmer,  Captain,  ii.  512,-  513. 

Hotham,  Commodore,  iii.  102. 

Hough,  Atherton,  i.  200,  252. 

Hough's  Neck,  iii.  127. 

Housatonic  River,  i.  19. 

Howe,  Captain,  iii.  239. 

Howe,  General,  ii.  507;  iii.  20,  28,  31 
-38,  41,  53,  54,  67,  75,  80-83. 

Howe,  Lord,  ii.  220,  229,  231. 

Howes,  Edward,  i.  281. 

Howland,  John,  i.  80,  92. 

Hubbard,  Kev.  William,  i.  128,  129, 
255. 

Hubbard,  Thomas,  ii.  219. 

Hudibras  quoted,  i.  114,  145. 

Hudson,  Henry,  i.  19. 

Hudson's  River,  i.  81. 

Hudson  River  Indians,  i.  444. 

Hull,  Ca])tain  Isaac,  iii.  391. 

Hull,  town  of,  i.  215;  iii.  127. 

Hull,  England,  i.  58,  59. 

Humble  Request,  i.  189. 

Humphrey,  John,  i.  155,  185,  281. 

Humphrey,  Mr.,  i.  477. 

Hunt,  Captain,  i.  22,  23. 

Hunter,  Ilev.  Joseph,  i.  49,  52. 

Hunter,  Mr.,  ii.  280. 

Hunting,  Captain,  i.  439. 

Hurlston,  Captain  Nicholas,  i.  187. 

Huske,  Mr.,  ii.  306. 

Hutcliinson,Anne,i.  212, 213, 245,261. 

Hutchinson,  Captain  Edward,  i.  413, 
416,417. 

Hutchinson,  Ehsha,  i.  479,  493,  498  ; 
ii.  51,  67. 

Hutchinson,  Thomas,  i.  176,458,476; 
ii.  31,  159,  178,  219,  257,  258,  263, 
266,  267,  283,  289,  291,  294,  295, 
297-301,  322,  323,  328,  336,  337, 
342,  345,  347,  350,  357,  372,  378, 
382,  3S8,  390,  393-397,  399,  401, 
405-407,  415,  416,  419,  424,  426, 
432,  434,  435,  437,  439,  441,  445, 
453,  458,  461,  463,  472,  473,  475, 
479,  481,  482,  501. 

HutchinsoUj  William,  i.  245. 

Hutchinsonian  controversy,  i.  2 12,  244 
-261. 

Hyde,  Lord,  i.  473. 


Impressment  of  American  seamen,  iii. 
395,  396. 

Improvements,  internal,  m  Massachu- 
setts, iii.  319-32  L 


^ 


Lidependence  in  America,  ii.  257,  261, 

262  ;  iii.  17. 
Independents,  i.  47. 
Indians  in  Massachusetts,  i.  14,22,  25, 

101,  198,  230,  231,  346,  404,  448; 

ii.  117. 
Indians,  Praraig,  i.  349-360. 
Ingalls,  i.  190. 

Ingersoll,  Jared,  ii.  260,  297. 
Ingersoll's  Hist,  of  Last  War  quoted, 

iii.  chaj).  ix.  passim. 
Intolerance  in  Massachusetts^i.  387.^ 
Ipswich,  town  of,  i.  303,  488^  ii.  5,  454. 
Ipswich  convention,  ii.  489. 
Ireland,  Puritanism  in,  i.  343. 
Iroquois,  the,  ii.  79,  99. 
Iron  manufacturers,  ii.  250,  251. 
Iron,  manufacture  of,  iii.  196. 
Irvine,  Cajitain,  iii.  82. 
Irving,  ii.  418. 
Isle-aux-Noix,  ii.  235. 
lyanough,  the  Indian,  i.  100,  115,  118. 


Jackson,  General  Andrew,  iii.  185, 420. 

Jackson,  Major,  iii.  310. 

Jackson,  Richard,  ii.  279,  281,  293, 

336. 
Jamaica,  colony  at,  i.  344. 
James  L,  i.  16,  53-57,  142 ;  ii.  75. 
James  IL,  i.  478,  485,  499;  ii.  76. 
James,  Rev.  Mr.,  i.  326. 
Jamestown,  i.  18. 
Janemoh,  i.  230. 
Jarvis,  Dr.  Charles,  iii.  332. 
Java,  the  ship,  iii.  398. 
Jay,  John,  iii.  331,  335,  393. 
Jealousie-s,  local,  iii.  18,  68,  130-132. 
Jefferson,  Thomas,  iii.  89, 95,  1 13,  118, 

315,  328.  329,  348-351,  359,  362. 
Jetfrevs,  i.  478. 
Jeffries,  i.  284. 

Jenkins,  Sir  Lionel,  i.  465,  471,  496. 
Jenkinson,  Charles,  ii.  278,  280,  281, 

285,  317,  341,  359,  400,  477. 
Jennison,  William,  i.  221,  230. 
Jenyns,  Soame,  ii.  254,  293. 
Jermuyn,  Sir  Thomas,  i.  281. 
Jesuits,  ii.  77,  118,  166. 
Jewel,  the  ship,  i.  187,  190. 
John,  the  sagamore  of  Lnm,  i.   196, 

197,  349. 
Johnson,  Cor])oral,  i.  413,  424,  429. 
Johnson,  Isaac,  i.  167,  185,  194. 
Johnson,  Mi'.,  i.  388. 


INDEX. 


441 


Johnson,  Rev.  Francis,  i.  48,  57. 
Johnson,  Sir  William,  ii.  184, 191-198, 

206,209,211,213,233,234. 
Johnstone,  (Jovonior,  ii.  428 ;  iii.  65. 
Joliet,  the  Jesuit,  ii.  76. 
Jones,  Marf;-aret,  ii.  29. 
Jones,  Sir  AVilllam,  i.  289,  460,  484. 
Jones,  captain  of  the  Mayflower,  i.  78, 

81. 
Jones,  Commodore,  iii.  398. 
Josselyn  quoted,  i.  214. 
Joylifte,  Mr.,  i.  501  ;  ii.  51. 
Judicials  of  Massachusetts,  i.  276. 
Jumouville,  ii.  175. 


K. 


Kennebec  River,  i.  14. 

Kennebec,  trade  at,  i.  130,  136,  140, 
146,  304. 

Kennebunk,  i.  12,  14 ;  ii.  121,  218. 

Keppel,  Commodore,  ii.  184;  Admi- 
ral, iii.  167. 

Kid,  Ca])tain,  ii.  62. 

Kieft.  William,  i.  299,  300. 

Kih-oi,  ii.  414,  420. 

King,  addresses  to  the,  ii.  299. 

King,  Captain,  ii.  189. 

King.  Rufus,  iii.  270,  277,  284,  287, 
288,  393. 

King  William's  war,  ii.  88. 

King's  colors  defaced,  i.  210,  211. 

King  Street,  ii.  399,  412,  413,415, 
480. 

Kingfisher,  the  ship,  i.  483. 

Kingston,  town  of,  i.  198;  ii.  499; 
iii.  9. 

Knby,  Francis,  i.  281. 

Kirke,  i.  478,  479  ;  ii.  63. 

Kittery,  i.  301. 

Knickerbocker,  Diedrich,  i.  200. 

Knollys,  Hansard,  i.  291,  300. 

Knowles,  Rev.  Mr.,  i.  326. 

Knowles,  Commodore,  ii.  159,  161. 

Knowlton,  Captain,  iii.  23,  29. 

Knox,  John,  i.  41,  53. 

Knox,  of  Georgia,  ii.  281. 

Knox,  General,  ii.  413;  iii.  78,  320. 

Kuhn,  Jacob,  iii.  281. 


La  Canardiero,  ii.  82. 

La  Fayette,  General,  iii.  150-153. 

La  Galette,  ii.  208,  235. 


La  Heve,  i.  305. 

Labrador,  discoveries  at,  i.  6,  8. 

Laconia  grant,  i.  123. 

Lake,  Dr.,  i.  357. 

Lake  George,  ii.  79,  86,  194,  196,  231, 

232,  235. 
Lamb's  Dam,  iii.  79. 
Lancaster,  town  of,  i.  433,  439,  444 ; 

ii.  85,  94. 
Land  Bank  Company,  ii.  132,  135. 
Langford,  ii.  414. 
Langdon,  President,  iii.  23. 
La  Plaque,  ii.  79. 
Larkin,  i.  501. 
La  Salle,  ii.  76. 
Latimer,  Hugh,  i.  33. 
Lathrop,  Captain,  i.  419,  420,  421;  iL 

51. 
Laud,  Archbishop,  i.   151,  282,  285, 

322,  323. 
Lawrie,  Ca])tain,  ii.  512. 
Lawrence,  Captain,  iii.  399. 
Lawrence,  Lieutenant  Governor,  ii.  20 1| 

219. 
Lawrence,  the  city  of,  iii.  421. 
Laws  of  Plymouth,  i.  147. 
Laws  of  trade,  ii.  329. 
Laws,  revision  of,  ii.  45-48;  iii.  184, 

321. 
League  and  Covenant,  Solemn,  i.  54. 
Lear,  Tobias,  iii.  310. 
Learned,  Colonel,  iii.  384. 
Lechford  quoted,  i.  278. 
Lechmere's  Point,  ii.  510  ;  iii.  71,  79, 

83. 
Leddra,  AVilliam,  i.  368. 
Lee,  Arthur,  ii.  434,  503  ;  iii.  63. 
Lee,  General  Charles,  iii.  19,  44,  47, 

84,  88. 
Lee,  Mr.,  ii.  508. 
Lee,  R.  H.,  ii.  491  ;  iii.  95,  106,  107, 

111,  112.  114,  116,  117. 
Legge,  William,  ii.  446. 
Legislation  of  Massachusetts,  i.  chap.  x. 
Leicester,  town  of,  ii.  456  ;  conveutiou 

at,  iii.' 225. 
Leighton,  Captain,  ii.  117. 
Leisler,  ii.  61. 
Leister,  Edward,  i.  131. 
Lenox,  Duke  of,  i.  105. 
Lenox,  town  of,  ii.  56  ;  convention  at, 

iii.  230. 
Lenthall,  Edward,  i.  169. 
Leopard,  the,  attacked  by  the  Chesa- 

peike,  iii.  356. 
Leslie,  Colonel,  ii.  500. 
Letter  to  the  Towns,  ii.  452. 


442 


INDEX. 


Levden,  chm-ch  at,  i.  60,  61,  64,  164, 

188. 
Leyclen  Street,  Plymouth,  i.  90. 
Leverett,  Johii,  i.  346,  376,  388,  453- 

4o6. 
Leverett,  Thomas,  i.  200. 
Levett,  Captain,  i.  189. 
Lexington,  town  of,  ii.  508-514. 
Libels  charged  on  the  federal  press, 

iii.  367,  368. 
Liberty  Hall,  ii.  353. 
Liberty  Sloop,  ii.  352. 
Liberty  Song,  ii.  398,  493. 
Liberty  Tree,  Boston,  ii.  297,  306,  307, 

321,346,353,  362,  393,  467,  468; 

iii.  50. 
Liberty  Tree,  Dorchester,  ii.  398. 
Liberties,  body  of,  i.  276,  277. 
Lidget,  Colonel,  i.  501. 
Lillie,  Theo])hilus,  ii.  407. 
Lincoln,  town  of,  ii.  512. 
Lincoln,  Earl  of,  i.  185. 
Lincoln,   General   Benjamin,  ii.  495  ; 

iii.  125,  128,  243-246,  248,251,254. 
Lincoln,  Leyi,  iii.  359,  361. 
Lincoln,  Levi,  Jmi.,  iii.  411. 
Linne,  i.  279. 

Lion's  Whelp,  the  ship,  i.  164,  169. 
Little,  iii.  30. 
Little  Falls,  ii.  188,  189. 
Little  James,  the  ship,  i.  125,  126. 
Little's  River,  i.  216. 
Littleton,  town  of,  ii.  512. 
Liturgy,  English,  i.  36. 
Livermore,  Mr.,  iii.  358. 
Li^•ingston,  Colonel,  iii.  151. 
Livingston,  11.  K.,  iii.  98.  99,  108,  270. 
Lloyd,  James,  iii.  360,  370-372. 
Lockhart,  Madame,  i.  511. 
London  Company,  i.  16,  18. 
London,  ])lague  at,  i.  135. 
London,  fire  at.  i.  402. 
Long  Hill,  i.  422. 
Long  Island,  i.  19,  200,  257. 
Long  Parhament,  i.  169, 178,214,290, 

322,  378. 
Long  Point,  i.  85. 

Long  Wharf,  ii.  370,  480,  482 ;  iii.  56. 
Longfellow,  Stephen,  Jun.,  iii.  413. 
Longmeadow,  town  of,  i.  419,  437. 
Longueuil.  ii.  80,  83,  222. 
Lords  of  Trade,  ii.  279. 
Loudoun,  Earl  of,   ii.  212-216,  218- 

227. 
Louisburg,  expeditions  to,  ii.  139-153, 

165,  229,  247. 
Lovell,  Solomon,  iii.  161. 


Lovelace,  Lord,  ii.  98. 

Lovewell,  John,  ii.  121. 

Lowe,  Captain  John,  i.  187. 

Lowell,  Judge,  iii.  189. 

Lowell,  the  city  of,  iii.  421. 

Loyal  Hamia,  ii.  230. 

Loyal  Irish  Volunteers,  iii.  75. 

LoyaHsts,  ii.  497. 

Ludham's  Ford,  i.  199. 

Ludlow,  Roger,  i.  188,  205,  206,  298. 

Ludlow,  town  of,  iii.  245. 

Lunenburg,  town  of,  ii.  456. 

Lusk,  Major,  iii.  292. 

Luther,  Martin,  i.  32,  35,  37. 

Luttrell,  iii.  65. 

Lyford,  John,  i.  130-134,  154. 

Ljiich,  iii.  95. 

Lyman,  Joseph,  iii.  413. 

Lyman,  General,  ii.  194,  198. 

Lyme,  town  of,  in  Connecticut,  i.  424. 

Lvnde,  i.  493  ;  ii.  51. 

Lynde,  ii.  322. 

Lynn,  town  of,  i.  190,  194,  197,  202, 

215,  494;  ii.  455. 
Lyon,  the  ship,  i.  188,  189,  196,  236. 
Lyttleton,  Lord,  ii.  504 ;  iii.  65. 


M. 


Macedonian,. the  ship,  iii.  398. 

Machias,  i.  303. 

Mackay,  General,  ii.  385. 

Mackintosh,  ii.  300. 

Maddison,  Lieutenant  Colonel,  ii.  489. 

Madison,   James,  iii.   270,   355,  359, 

367,  373,  406. 
Magnon,  Commodore,  ii.  89. 
Mahon,  Port,  iii.  65. 
Maine,  discoveries  in,  i.  10. 
Maine,  project  of  its  separation,  iii.  192 

-194  ;  effected,  iii.  422. 
Malcolm,  ii.  354. 
Manchester,  Earl  of,  i.  395. 
Manhattan,  i.  19, 2t,  82,  137,  216,  345, 

346,  365. 
Manners  and  customs,  iii.  198-217. 
Manomet,  i.  113,  114,  118,  139. 
Mansfield,  Lord,  ii.  362,  478. 
Manufactm-es,  state  of,  ii.  5,  1 10,  272, 

273  ;  iii.  195,  196. 
Marblehead,  town  of,  i.  214;  ii.  282, 

360,  385,  455,  500 ;  iii.  58. 
March,  Colonel,  ii.  96. 
Marlboro',  Duke  of,  ii.  76,  101. 
Marlboro',  town  of,  i.  358,  418,  432, 

437  ;  ii.  455. 


INDEX. 


443 


Marquette,  the  Jesuit,  ii.  76. 

Marshall,  Ca])tain,  i.  424. 

Marshall,  Colonel,  iii.  127. 

Marshall.  John,  iii.  341-343. 

Marshfiekh  town  of,  ii.  409  ;  iii.  67. 

Martha's  Vinejard,  i.  10. 

Martin  M  ir-Prolate,  i.  32. 

Martin,  Peter,  i.  32. 

Martin,  the  ship,  i.  3S9. 

Martyr,  Peter,  i.  38,  228. 

Mary  and  John,  the  ships,  i.  18,  188. 

Mary,  Queen,  i.  1,  39. 

Mascarene,  General,  ii.  121. 

Masconomo,  i.  123, 155,  189,  280,285, 

286,  288,  300. 
Mason,  Captain  John,  i.  223-228. 
Mason,  Captain  John,  i.  424,  425. 
Mason,  llobert,  i.  452-459,  465,  480, 

481. 
Mason,  Mr.,  i.  486;  ii.  51. 
Massachusetts,  discovery  of,  i.  9 ;  de- 
scription  of  its    coasts,    i.    21,    22; 

granted  to  Robert  Gorges,  i.  127. 
Massachusetts,  colony  of,  i.   130,  145, 

146,  149,  154,  -155,   165,   167,   192, 

206,  214,  216,  227,  290,  451. 
Massachusetts  Company  organized,  i. 

156. 
Massachusetts,  progress  of,  ii.  4,  163, 

164,  272. 
Massachusetts,  federal  convention  m, 

iii.  281-301. 
Massasoit,  i.  27,  95,  96,  99,  100,  103, 

108,  109,  112,  115,  243,  404. 
Masstachusitt,  i.  27,  101,  107,  115. 
Mather,  Cotton,  i.  10,  62,  243,  501  ; 

ii.  30-32,  40,  42,  51-53,  67,  69,  114, 

115. 
Mather,  Increase,  i.  476, 494,  496, 498, 

506,  507,  509-513  ;  iii.  52,  115. 
Mather,  Ilichard,  i.  207,  401,  451. 
Mattapan,  i.  188,  190. 
Mattachiest,  i.  113,  118. 
Mauduit,  Israel,  ii.  281. 
Mauduit,  Jasper,  ii.'l81-283,  288, 
Maverick,  Rev.  John,  i.  188,  202. 
Maverick,  Samuel,  i.    190,   192,  338, 

390,  392,  400. 
Maverick,  Samuel,  ii.  419. 
Maxwell,  Captain,  iii.  24. 
May,  Dorothy,  i.  62. 
Mayflower,   the,  i.  30,  75,  78,  80-84, 

89,  90,  98,  104,  110,  130,  164,   187, 

190. 
Mayhew,  Jonathan,  ii.  274,  275,  299, 

301. 
Mayhews,  the,  i.  351,  352. 


Maypole  at  Meny  Mount,  i.  141. 

McDonald,  James,  ii.  148,  150,  151. 

]McKean,  Thomas,  iii.  99. 

McLean,  General,  iii.  160. 

Meautis.  Thomas,  i.  291, 

Mcdford,  town  of,  i.  2 14  ;  ii.  455 ;  iii.  4. 

Medfield,  i.  434  ;  ii.  455, 

Mehitable,  the  ship,  i.  500. 

Mein,  the  printer,  ii.  400. 

Melancthon,  Philij),  i.  32. 

Mendon,  town  of.  i.  416. 

Mercer,  Lieutenant  Colonel,  ii,  191. 

Mercey,  the  jailer,  i.  501. 

Meredith,  Sir  William,  ii.  424. 

Merrimac,  i.  214. 

Merry  Mount,  i.  141-146. 

Merry  Meeting  Bay,  ii.  118. 

Messagouchc,  ii.  199. 

McHenry,  iii.  347.  '^ 

Miantonomo,   i.   197,    220,  222,  224, 

227,  229,  232,  233,  243,  264,  404, 

440. 
Michillimackinac,  ii.  208. 
]Middleborough,  town  of,  i.  27, 99,  409, 

416,  441. 
Middlecot,  ii.  51. 
:\lkldlefield,  town  of,  iii.  246. 
Middlesex  county,  i.  215;  ii.  14. 
Mifflin,  General,  iii.  79. 
Milan  decree,  iii.  352, 
Milborne,  ii.  61. 

Milborne,  Captain  Peter,  i.  187. 
Miles's  garrison,  i.  411. 
Mildmay,  William,  ii.  168. 
MiUtary  stores,  iii.  8. 
Mihtary  council  in  Boston,  ii.  219. 
Miller,  or  Millard,  i.  211. 
Milton,  John,  i.  208. 
Milton,  town  of,  ii.  432,  468,  472. 
Mhias  Indians,  ii.  156. 
Minot,  Captain,  ii.  512. 
Minot,  George  R.,  iii.  281. 
Ministers,  laws  for  support  of,  ii.  48,49. 
Ministry,. English,   changes  in,   ii.  71, 

218,  278,  280,  301,  323,  324,  341, 

375,  405  ;  iii.  167. 
Muit,  colonial,  i.  344-;  Massachusetts, 

iii.  185. 
Miuuit,  Peter,  i.  137,  138. 
Mishawum,  i.  22,  170. 
Mississippi,  the,  ii.  76. 
^litchell,  iii.  31. 

Mitchell,  Rev.  Mr.,  i.  401,  451. 
Mitteneag,  i.  217. 
Mohawks,  i.  197,  199.  224,  230,  415, 

416,  420,  425,  426,  434,  443,  444; 

ii.  92. 


444 


INDEX. 


Molineux,  ii.  399,  467,  468,  471. 
Monamoycke,  i.  112. 
Monckton,  Colonel,  ii.  198. 
Monhegan,  i.  14,  21,  95,  109, 113, 118, 

133. 
Monk,  General,  i.  324. 
Monmouth,  Duke  of,  i.  452. 
Monmouth,  Earl  of,  i.  510. 
Monongahela,  ii.  185. 
Monroe,  James,  iii.  355,  359,  394. 
Monroe,  Colonel,  ii.  224. 
Monroe,  Sergeant,  ii.  510,  511. 
Montagu,  ii.  442,  477. 
Montanism,  i.  249. 
Montcalm,  ii.  117,  121,  123,  125,229, 

232,  233,  238. 
Montgomery,  ii.  413,  420. 
Montmorenci  Falls,  ii.  237. 
Montreal,  i.  13;  ii.  79,  86,  87,  98,  216, 

238. 
Monts,  Sieur  de,  i.  1 3. 
Moody,  Parson,  i.  501 ;  ii.  30,  142. 
Moon" Island,  iii.  127. 
Moore,  iii.  30. 

Morality,  early  state  of,  in  New  Eng- 
land, ii.  19-21. 
Mordaunt,  Lord,  i.  510. 
Morrcll,  ]lev.  William,  i.  127,  128. 
Morrice,  Secretary,  i.  377. 
Morris,  Gouverneur,  iii.  277,  393. 
Monis,  Eobert,  iii.  99,  184,  270,  271. 
Morris,  Ii.  H.,  ii.  207. 
Morton,  Nathaniel,  i.  52,  81,  82,  407. 
Morton,  Thomas,  i.  Ill,  141, 145, 146, 

279,  280,  284,  285. 
Morton's  Hill,  iii.  23. 
Mosaic  ])olity  and  ^lassachusetts  laws, 

i.  275. 
Moselev,   Captain,  i.  411,   421,    422, 

424,  426,  445. 
Mostyn,  Admiral,  ii.  201. 
Moulton's  Point,  iii.  23,  28. 
Mount  lienedict,  iii.  50. 
Mount  Hope.  i.  404,  409,  410,  414, 

415,  420,  423,  445-447. 
Mount    Wollaston,   i.    141-145,  190, 

247. 
Mourt's  Relation,  i.  106. 
Mowatt,  Ca|)tain,  iii.  56. 
Moylan,  Colonel,  iii.  72,  88. 
Muddy  River,  now  IJrookhne,  i.  214. 
MugfoVd,  Captain,  iii.  126. 
Mullin,  i.  92. 
Murray,  John,  ii.  274. 
Mm-ray,  the  shiji,  iii.  56. 
Murray's  barracks,  ii.  410,  413. 
Muzzj-',  ii.  511. 


Mystic,  now  Medford.  i.  190, 194, 214. 
Mystic  River,  i.  192. 


N. 

Nahant,  i.  19,  168. 

Namasket,  i.  99,  100,  108,  115. 

Nanepashemet,  i.  102. 

Nantasket,  i.  130,  132-134,  164,  188, 

190,   192,   196,  303  ;   ii.  79,  87  ;  iii. 

127. 
Nantasket,  Prating  Iiidians  at,  i.  352. 
Nantucket,  i.  351. 
Narraganset  country,  i.  137. 
Narraganset  Bay,  i.  243. 
Narragansets,   i.   25,    100,    107,    108, 

196,   197,  220,  222,  233,  243,  346, 

404,  407,  409,  413,    323-426,  434, 

4,40,  441. 
Nason,  Mr.,  iii.  292. 
Natick,  town  of,  i.  356,  358,  359,  409. 
National  debt,  iii.  163,  164,  317-319. 
Naumkeag,  i.  130,  153,  154,  157,  162, 

169,  189. 
Naunton,  Sir  Robert,  i.  67. 
Nausite  Indians,  i.  95,  100,  113,  118. 
Navy,  iii.  58,  126,  142,  143. 
Neai,  Mr.,  iii.  291,  292. 
Neck,  Boston,  ii.  490 ;  iii.  4,  14. 
Needham,  Goodman,  i.  489. 
Nelson,  Captain  John,  i.  501,  502;  IL 

88. 
Nelson,  Thomas,  iii,  99. 
Neponset,  i.  353,  356. 
Nesbit,  iii.  31. 

Nesmond,  Marquis  de,  ii.  89,  90. 
New  Bedford,  i.  11. 
Ne\v  England  "Company,  i.   81,  105, 

127,  135,  146,  155,  280,  286,  287. 
New  England   fortunately  settled,  L 

185,  186. 
New  England  patent,  i.  29. 
New  England  Primer,  iii.  211. 
New  England's  plantation,  i.  169. 
New  France,  i.  303. 
New  Hampshii-e,  i.  10,  300,  301,  400; 

iii.  8. 
New  Hayen,  i.  260,  298. 
New  Hesperia,  i.  218. 
New  London,  i.  424,  425,  434  ;  iii.  49. 
New  Netherland,  i.  19,  20,  28,  73,  74, 

82,  137,  181,  216,  300,  389,  39L 
New  Orleans,  victory  of,  iii.  420. 
New  Somersetshire,  i.  290. 
New  York,  ii.  207,  292,  304,  399, 435 ; 

iii.  197,  393. 


INDEX. 


445 


Newbury,  i.  215 ;  ii.  5,  85,  285,  454. 

Newburvport,  iii.  58. 

Newfoundland,  i.   3,   6,  8,  28 ;  ii.  89, 

97. 
Newman,  Rev.  Mr.,  i.  215. 
Newport,  Ca])tain,  i.  18. 
Newport,  11.  I.,   i.  504,  508 ;  iii.  142, 

146. 
Newspapers,  ii.  274  ;  iii.  209. 
Newton,  i.  353  ;  ii.  455. 
Newtown,  now  Cambridge,  i.  194,  202, 

214-218. 
Niagara,  ii.  184,  187. 
Niantick,  i.  225,  347,  404. 
Nicholas,  the  Swede,  i.  441. 
Nichols,  Colonel  Richard,  i.  389,  398, 

400. 
Nicholson,  Francis,  ii.  98-100. 
Ninigret,  i.  229.  346,  404,  441. 
Nii)mucks,  i.  197,  416,  419,  432,  440, 

445. 
Nixon,  iii.  31. 
Noddle's  Island,  i.   190,  338 ;  iii.  15, 

77. 
No  man's  land,  i.  10. 
Nonantum,  i.  353,  356. 
Noncontbrinists,  laws  against,  i.  45, 46, 

56. 
Non-importation  agreements,  ii.  397. 
Nonsuch  frigate,  ii.  57. 
Nook's  Hill',  iii.  82. 
Norfolk,  old,  i.  215. 
Norfolk  county,  i.  215. 
Norridgewock,  ii.  117,  118,  120,  182. 
Norris,'Rev.  Mr.,  i.  331. 
North  Church,  ii.  509. 
North,  Chief  Justice,  i.  176. 
North,  Lord,  ii.  280,  324,   339,  359, 

376.  386,  404,  405,  422,  520,  446, 

453,  465,  477,  501,  504;  iii.  63,  65, 

67,  166. 
Northampton,   town   of,  i.  419,  422, 

435,  443;  ii.  94;  iii.  246. 
Northfield,  town  of,  i.  419,  421,  422. 
Northington,  Lord,  ii.  324,  375. 
Norton,  Francis,  i.  300. 
Norton,  Rev.  John,  i.  331,  364,  366, 

367,  371,  381-384. 
Norton,  Captain,  i.  219. 
Norwich,  Ct.,  i.  425,  434. 
Nottingham,  Earl  of,  i.  508. 
Nova  Scotia,  ii.  184,  198. 
Nowell,  Samuel,  i.  469,  498. 
Noyes,  Rev.  Mv.,  ii.  32,  38. 
Nugent,  Mr.,  ii.  309. 
Nummastaquyt,  i.  27. 
Nutting,  Captain,  iii.  23,  26,  30. 


O. 


Oakes,  Thomas,  i.  509  ;  ii.  55,  67,  68. 
Obbatinewat,  i.  102. 
(Ecolaminidius,  i.  32. 
Officers,  rank  of,  &c.,  iii.  9. 
Oldham,  John,  i.  131-133,  144,  168, 

219,  220. 
Oliver.  Mr.,  iii.  66. 
Oliver,  Andrew,  ii.  259,  297-300,  306, 

321,  336,  340,  357,  381,  382,  388, 

419,  475,  4S9. 
Oliver,  Dr.',  i.  3s7. 
Oliver,  Mrs.,  i.  261. 
Oliver,  Captain,  i.  424,  426,  502. 
Oliver's  Dock,  ii.  298. 
Old  South  Church,  ii.  354,  417,  471 ; 

iii.  55. 
Old  Spain,  i.  112. 
Oldtown,  i.  12. 
Oneida  Lake,  ii.  189  ;  Carrying  Place, 

ii.  214,  216. 
Onondago,  ii.  189. 
Ontario,  ii.  189,  190,  209. 
Orange,  Prince  of,  i.  74,   137 ;  ii.  76, 

81.. 
Orleans,  Isle  of,  ii.  80. 
Orne,  Richard,  ii.  508. 
Osborne,  Sarah,  ii.  32. 
Osborne,  Sir  Danvers,  ii.  220. 
Oswald,  Richard,  ii.  254 ;  iii.  168,  169. 
Oswego,  ii.  184,   187,  189,   190,  205, 

208,  214,  217. 
Otis,  H.  G.,  iii.  354,  406,  413,  419. 
Otis,  James,  Sen.,  ii.  239. 
Otis,  James,  Jan.,  ii.  258,  259,  288, 

291,  294,  296,  321,  327,  328,  332, 

341,  354,   357,  364-367,  382,  388, 

438,  440,  449,  450. 
Otis,  John,  ii.  219,  263-269. 
Otis,  Samuel  A.,  iii.  254. 
Owen,  Dr.,  i.  387. 


Page,  iii.  238. 
Paine,  R.  T.,  ii.  485. 
Paine,  Thomas,  iii.  89. 
Painters'  colors,  tiix  on,  ii.  336. 
Palfreys,  Peter,  i.  154. 
Palmer,  i.  486,  495,  501. 
Palmes,  Major,  i.  434,  440. 
Paoli,  ii.  328. 
Paragon,  the  ship,  i.  125. 
Paris,  peace  of,  ii.  271. 
Pai-ker,  William,  i.  16. 


446 


INDEX. 


Parker,  Captain,  i.  418. 

Parker,  Colonel,  ii.  222. 

Parker,  Chief  Justice,  iii.  423. 

Parker,  Mr.,  ii.  510,  511. 

Parker,  iii.  238. 

ParKament  purged,  i.  324. 

Parliament,  proceecUng.s  of,  ii.  211 ;  iii. 

64. 
Parliament,  speech  at  opening  of,  ii. 

402. 
Parris,  Rev.  Mr.,  ii.  31,  32,  34,  35,  37, 

44. 
Parsons,  Captain,  ii.  512.    « 
Parsons,  Eli,  iii.  249,  254. 
Parsons,  Theophilus,  iii.  290,  294. 
Parties,  state  of,  ii.  19;  iii.  312-315. 
Passamaquoddy  Bay,  iii.  392. 
Patrick,  Cajitain,  i.  227. 
Patterson,  iii.  29. 

Patuxet,  afterwards  Plymouth,  I.  95. 
Patuxet,  i.  426. 
Pawcatuck,  i.  225. 
Paxton,  ii.  263,  336,  340,  346,  351; 

iii.  20. 
Peace,  preliminaries  of,  iii.   166 ;  de- 
clared, iii.  170. 
Pecksuot,  the  Indian,  i.  117. 
Peirse,  Captain  William,  i.   125,  164, 

188,  189,  195,  196. 
Pelham,  town,  of,  iii.  246.  248. 
Pemaquid,  i.  303-306,  500 ;  ii.  56,  68, 

78,  88,  96. 
Pembroke,  town  of,  i.  198 ;  ii.  457, 499. 
Penn,  llichard,  iii.  61,  63,  66. 
Penn,  Thomas,  ii.  284. 
Penn,  William,  i.  404. 
Pennsylvania,  ii.  467. 
Penobscot  Bav,  i.  12  ;  trading  house, 

i.  305  ;  referred  to,  ii.  89,  119,  182  ; 

expedition,  iii.  160. 
Penobscot  Indians,  i.  25. 
Penobscot  River,  i.  14. 
Penobscot,  French  at,  i.  346. 
Pepperell,  town  of,  ii.  455 ;  iii.  10. 
Pep])errell,   Sir  William,  i.   142-150, 

160,   184,  187,   189,  211,  214,  219, 

224. 
Pepvs  quoted,  i.  402. 
Pequot  Indians,  i.  197,  216,  218,  219, 

222,  347,  404,  425,  434,  440,  444. 
Pequot  war,  i.  220-229. 
Percy,  Lord,  ii.  509,  513  ;  iii.  31. 
Perkins,  iii.  30. 
Perkins,  Thomas  H.,  iii.  419. 
Pessacus,  i.  404. 
Peterborough,  Bishop  of,  iii.  156. 

Peters,  Father,  i.  498. 


Peters,  Hugh,  i.  207,  250,  325. 

Petersham,  town  of,  ii.  456  ;  iii.  248. 

Petition  to  Charles  I.,  i.  292. 

Petri,  i.  32. 

Pettit,  iii.  88. 

Pettvquamscot,  i.  426. 

Petumtuck,  i.  419,444. 

Philadelphia,  ii.  467,  491 ;  iii.  120. 

Phiiij)'s  war,  i.  404-448. 

Phillips,  ii.  51,  67. 

Phillips,  Rev.  John,  i.  192,  194. 

Phillips,  Samuel,  Jun.,  iii.  254. 

Phillips,  William,  ii.  406,  438,  467. 

Phips,  Captain,  i.  439. 

Phips,  Constantine,  ii.  61,  71. 

Phips,  Mr.,  ii.  378. 

Phips,  Sir  William,  i.  515  ;  ii.  31,  35, 

41,  45,  51-56,  78,  80-87,  104. 
Phips,  Spencer,  ii.  168,  169,  219. 
Pickering,  Timothy,  iii.  347,  353. 
Pierce,  Captain,  of  Scituate,  i.  436- 

438  440  442. 
Pierce,  John,  i.  105,  111,  121,  125. 
Pigot,  General,  iii.  31-33,  36,  150. 
Pigwacket,  ii.  121. 
Pike,  ii.  51. 

Pilgrim,  the  ship,  i.  164. 
Pilgrim  Hall,  i.  89. 
Pilgrims,  the,  i.  48-148,  227, 302, 338, 

497. 
Pincluiev,  iii.  270,  279. 
Pinckney,  Clwles  C,  iii.  341-343. 
Pine-tree  flag,  iii.  58. 
Pipon,  John,  i.  503. 
Piscataqua,  i.  122,  136, 145,  195,  301 ; 

ii.  68,  89. 
Piscataqua  River,  i.  12. 
Pitcairn,  Major,  ii.  510,  511 ;  iii.  31. 
Pitkin,  William,  ii.  178. 
Pitt,  William,  ii.  218,  226.  228,  253- 

256,  267,  284,  297,  309-311,  313- 

318,  321-325,  330,  375,  402,  403. 
Pittsburg,  ii.  230. 
Placentia,  ii.  89,  90,  102. 
Plains  of  Abraham,  ii.  238. 
Planters,  old,  at  Salem,  i.  162,  163. 
Plymouth,  England,  departui-e  of  the 

Pilgrims  from,  i.  79. 
Plvmouth,  i.  27,   90,   104,  120,   192, 

216,  237,  261,  262,  282,  359,  365, 

397,  406,  408,  425-437  ;  ii.  3,  456, 

499. 
Plymouth  county,  ii.  3. 
Plymouth  Company,  i.  16,  18. 
Pocasset,  i.  413,  415. 
Pockanoket,  i.  27,  99,  108,  1 15. 
Poetry  in  New  England,  ii.  21,  22. 


INDEX. 


447 


Point  Care,  i.  10. 

Point  Lovi,  ii.  SI,  237. 

Point  iShirley,  Ii.  372. 

Pole,  Captain,  ii.  512. 

Political  discussions  in  Massachusetts, 

i.  329-336. 
Political  progress,  ii.  12-16. 
PoUexlen,  i.  ol2. 

Pomeroy,  Seth,  ii.  147  ;  iii.  30,  33. 
Pomf'ret,  Ct.,  iii.  9. 
Pomham,  i.  264,  426. 
Pontchartrain,  ii.  90. 
Pont  Grav6.  i.  13. 
Pool,  Ca])tain,  i.  422. 
Poor,  Mr.,  iii.  41. 

Pope,  the,  his  power  in  Europe,  i.  31. 
Popham,  George,  i.  16,  18. 
Popham,  Sir  Francis,  i.  18. 
Popham,  Sir  John,  i.  15. 
Popish  \Aot,  i.  463. 
Popple,  Mr.,  ii.  120. 
Population  of  Massachusetts,  ii.  7, 106, 

272 ;  iH.  13,  19.0. 
Port  Koyal,  i.  14;  ii.  78,  100. 
Portents^,  i.  412. 
Porter,  General,  iii.  220. 
Porter,  Mr.,  ii.  511. 
Portsmouth,  N.  H.,  i.  122,  123,  301, 

392. 
Portuguese,  voyages  of,  i.  6. 
Poueliot,  ii.  222,  234. 
Poutrincourt,  i.  14. 
Povev,  ii.  70. 
Powis,  i.  498. 
Pownall,  Thomas,  i.  176;  ii.  220,  221, 

224,  255,  2.59,  380,  385,  423,  426, 

428,  467. 
Pratt,  ii.  257. 
Pratt,  I'hiueas,  i.  116. 
Praving  Indians,!.  349-360,  413,418, 

435. 
Prentice,  Captain  Thomas,  i.  411,  426, 

439,  442. 
Prerogative,  hill  for  strengthening,  ii. 

247. 
Presbyterians  in  England,  i.  323. 
Prescott,   Colonel,  ii.   509;  iii.  3,  10, 

23-27,  30-39. 
Prescott,  William,  iii.  413. 
PresquTsle.  ii.  174,  208. 
Preston,  Captun,  ii.  413-415, 420, 421. 
Preston,  the  ship,  iii.  56. 
Prevost,  Sir  George,  iii.  394. 
Prideaux,  ii.  233-235. 
Priest,  Degorv,  i.  92. 
Priitce,  Thomas,  i.  397. 
Pring,  Martin,  i.  12. 


Printing,  state  of,  ii.  21. 
Proctor,  Edward,  ii.  471. 
Proctor,  Elizabeth,  ii.  38. 
I'rohibitory  bill.  Lord  North's,  iii.  67, 

99. 
Prospect  Hill,  ii.  510;  iii.  21,  38,  41. 
Protestant  league,  i.  152. 
Providence,  Jl.  I.,  i.    220,   227,   243, 

263,  425,  437. 
Pnnince  charter,  i.  513,  514;  ii.  17- 

19,  244. 
Provincial  Congresses,  ii.  488,   495- 

497,  505  ;  iii.  2. 
Provost,  Major,  ii.  80. 
Puritans,  the,  i.  42-47.  54-57,  148, 

181. 
Puritanism,  spirit  of,  i.  322  ;  ii.  10-12. 
Puritanism  in  Virginia,  i.  326. 
Putnam,  General  Israel,  ii.  196;  iii.  3, 

9,  15,22,27-44,  70,  71.  84. 
Pvm,  John,  ii.  290,  323. 
Pynchon,  John,  i.  39!,  419. 
Pynchon,  WilUam,  i.  193,  194,  298. 


Q. 


Quaboag,  i.  416,  432,  434. 

Ciuadequina.  i.  27,  96, 

Uuakers,  i.  360-372,  381,  460,  487. 

Quarrv  Hill,  ii.  489. 

Uuebec,  ii.  75,  78,  80,  83,  87,  90,^97, 

208,  217,  232.  236-239, 
Quillipiack,  i.  298, 
Quincy,  Josiah,  ii.  416,  420,  430,  472, 

500. 
Quincy,  Josiah,  Jun.,  iii.  372. 
Q,uo  warranto,   i.  288,  467,  471. 
Quohnetacut  liiver,  i.  197. 


K. 


Itainsford,  Chief  Justice,  i.  176. 
Kaleigh,  Sir  Walter,  i.  8,  12,  15,  18, 

47,  66. 
llamsey,  M.  de,  ii.  80. 
llandolj)h,  Edward,  i.  455-460.  462- 

469,  471-477,   480-482,  486,  488- 

492,496,  497,  501,  503,  509,510; 

iii.  64. 
Ptandoljjh,  John,  iii.  89,  270,  278. 
Ilandolph,  Pevton,  ii.  491. 
llasdall,  i.  141. 

llasles.  Father,  ii.  117,  118,  120. 
Ratclitfe,  Philip,  i.  279.  280. 
Rvtcliti'e,  Kev.  Mr.,  i,  481,  485, 


448 


INDEX. 


Ravenscroft,  i.  501. 

Rawdon,  Lord,  iii.  31. 

Razilla,  i.  305, 

Reading,  ii.  513. 

Rebecca,  the  ship,  i.  218. 

Red  Hill,  i.  298. 

Redding,  Colonel,  ii.  99. 

Rednap,  Colonel,  ii.  97,  100. 

Reed,  Joseph,  ii.  398,  434  ;  iii.  52,  87, 
88 

Reed,  Colonel,  iii.  22,  27,  31. 

Reformation,  sketch  of,  i.  31  at  seq. 

Rehoboth,  town  of,  i.  410,  425,  436; 
ii.  457. 

Religious  controversies,  i.  235  et  seq. 

Representatives,  House  of,  estab- 
lished, i.  273  ;  change  in,  ii.  57,  58. 

Representatives,  House  of,  in  Massa- 
chusetts, adckess  on  the  war  of  1812, 
iii.  382,  383. 

Resolutions,  the  fifty-five,  ii.  293. 

Restless,  the  ship,  i.  19. 

Revel,  Mr.,  i.  195. 

Revenue  laws,  ii.  64,  251,  276,  343. 

Revenue  officers,  ii.  263-267. 

Revere,  Paul,  ii.  509,  510;  iii.  161, 
211. 

Revolution,  opening  of,  ii.  514. 

Revolutionary  war,  sketch  of,  iii.  chaps, 
i.,  ii.,  iv. 

Reynolds,  Captain,  i.  78,  79. 

Rhode  Island  discovered,  i.  19;  Qua- 
kers in,  i.  364  ;  commissioners  at,  i. 
396 ;  quota  of,  iii.  7  ;  expedition  to, 
iii.  150. 

Richards,  John,  i.  468,  471,479,  501. 

Richardson,  ii.  407. 

Richelieu,  Cardinal,  i.  303. 

Richelieu  River,  ii.  236. 

Richmond,  Duke  of,  ii.  379,  429 ;  iii. 
66,  167. 

Ridley,  Rev.  Nicholas,  i.  38. 

Riflemen  from  the  south,  iii.  17. 

Rigby,  ii.  254,341,  376. 

Rights  of  the  colonists,  ii.  451. 

River  Indians,  i.  445. 

Riviere  aux  Boeufs,  ii.  208. 

Robertson,  General,  iii.  5. 

Robinson,  Rev.  John,  i.  51,  53,57,60, 
61,  73,  75,  76,  131,  136. 

Robinson,  ii.  399. 

Robinson,  Lieutenant  Colonel,  ii.  513  ; 
iii.  4,  32. 

Robinson,  William,  i.  368. 

Robinson's  Tavern,  ii.  398. 

Rochester,  town  of,  ii.  457. 

Rochet,  M.,  i.  305. 


Rochford,  Earl  of,  ii.  375. 
Rockingham,  Marquis  of,  ii.  323,  503  ; 

iii.  65,  155,  166. 
Rockingham  whigs,  ii.  301. 
Rocroft,  Captain  Edward,  i.  26. 
Rogers,  i.  92. 

Rogers,  Rev.  Ezekiel,  i.  331. 
Rogers,  ii.  221,  232. 
RoLfe,  Rev.  Mr.,  ii.  94,  95. 
Romney,  the  ship,  ii.  351-353,  355, 

360,  366,  370. 
Rose  frigate,  i.  479,  501,  502. 
Rosewell,  Sir  Henry,  i.  155,  175. 
Rossiter,  i.  188,  194. 
Rotch,  ii.  471-473. 
Rous,  Captain,  ii.  140,  199. 
Rouville,  Hertel  de,  ii.  92,  95. 
Rowley,  town  of,  i.  2 15,  331,  438, 488 ; 

ii.  455. 
Rowlandson,  Mrs.,  i.  433.  439. 
Roxburv,  town  of,  i.   194,   197,  202, 

214  ;  ii.  354,  362,  385,  419,  469, 507, 

513;  iii.  4,  78,  81. 
Ruggles  Covenant,  ii,  499.     . 
Ruggles,  Timothy,  ii.  224,  259,  497  ; 

iii.  5,  75. 
Ruggles,  Mr.,  i.  195. 
Rule,  Margaret,  ii.  43. 
Rum  trade,  ii.  248,  249. 
Russell,  ii.  51,  67. 
Russell,  Mr.,  iii.  394. 
Russell,  Jonathan,  iii.  405. 
Rutherford,  John,  ii.  207. 
Rutledge,   Edward,  iii.  95,  99,   108, 

114. 
Ryswic,  peace  of,  ii.  91. 


S. 


Sabbath  Dav  Point,  ii.  231. 

Sabbath,  laws  for  the  observance  of,  u. 
147,  148;    iii.  321,  322. 

Sabbath  schools,  iii.  323. 

Sackville,  Lord  George,  ii.  227 ;  Lord, 
iii.  64. 

Saco,  town  of,  i.  25. 

Saco  River,  i.  12;  iii.  121. 

Satfin,  ii.  67. 

Sagadahoc,  i.  18,  123,  136,  137. 

Salem,  town  of,  i.  153,  157,  170,  171, 
188,  190-194,  202,  207,  210,  21^, 
236,  279 ;  ii.  5,  282,  360,  385,  439, 
482,  483,  495,  500  ;  iii.  58. 

Salem  village,  ii.  31. 

Salisbury,  town  of,  i.  215,  488;  ii.  455. 

Salteme,  Robert,  i.  12. 


INDEX. 


449 


Saltonstall,  Sir  Richard,  i.   167,  185, 

194,  217,  218,  281. 
Saltonstall,  Richard,!.  331. 
Saltonstall,  Mr.,  ii.  51. 
Saltonstall,  Richard,  iii.  161. 
Samoset,  i.  94. 
Sanders,  John,  i.  1 13. 
Sanderson,  Anthony,  ii.  120. 
Sandwich,  Earl  of,"ii.  341,  442,  477. 
Sandwich,  town  of,  i.   138,   139,  147, 

359,  437. 
Sandy  Point,  i.  10. 
Sandys,  Archhisjio]),  i.  50. 
Sandys,  Sir  Edwin,  i.  67,  69. 
Sandys,  Lord,  ii.  277. 
Sandys,  Sir  Samuel,  i.  50. 
Saratoga,  ii.  157  ;  iii.  145. 
Sargeant,  ii.  51,  67. 
Sargent,  Paul  Dudley,  iii.  3. 
Sassafras,  its  medicinal  vu'tues,  i.  1 1, 

12. 
Saugus,  town  of,  i.  214. 
Sault  St.  Louis,  i.  13. 
Samiders,  ii.  388. 

Saunderson,  Sir  Charles,  ii.  236,  324. 
Sausamun,  i.  409. 
Savage,  Archbishop,  i.  50. 
Savage,  Major,  i.  413,  414,  435,  444. 
Savage,  Mr.,  i.  413. 
Savage  Rock,  i.  10. 
Sa^ille,  ii.  428. 
Sawaguatock,  i.  26. 
Sawbi'idge,  iii.  66. 
Saw)-er,  Attorney  General,  i.  176. 
Sawyer,  Mr.,  ii.  68. 
Sawyer,  Sir  Robert,  i.  474,  509. 
Say  and  Seal,  Lord,  i.  217,  304,  314, 

825,  355. 
Saybrook,  i.  221,  223,  224. 
Scarborough,  the  ship,  iii.  56. 
Scates,  the  bricklaiier,  i.  501. 
Schenectady,  ii.  188,  189,  214. 
Schools,  common,  i.  310. 
Schuyler,  Colonel,  ii.  92,  99. 
Schuyler,  General,  iii.  52. 
Schuyler,  Peter,  ii.  189,  207. 
Scituate,  town  of,  i.  147,  198,302,436, 

437,  441  ;  ii.  499. 
Scotch  prisoners  sent  to  America,  i. 

344. 
Scott,  Captain,  ii.  469. 
Scott,  Colonel,  ii.  19S. 
Scottow,  .Joshua,  i.  399. 
Scrooby,  town  of,  i.  49,  52,  53,  57,  60. 
Scriptures  translated  into  English,  i. 

35. 
Seeker,  Archbishop,  ii.  162. 

VOL.  III.  29 


Sedgwick,  Major  Robert,  i.  346. 
Sedgwick,  Theodore,  iii.  283. 
Scekonk,  i.  243,  415,  426,  436,  440, 

445. 
Seeley,  Captain,  i.  424. 
Selwyn,  George,  ii.  348. 
Senate  of  Massachusetts'   address  on 

the  war  of  1812,  iii.  379-381. 
Senegal,  the  shij),  ii.  363. 
Separatists,  the,  i.  46,  47,  148. 
Sequasson,  i.  232. 
Sewall,  ])r.,  ii.  354. 
Sewall,  Judge,  ii.  43.  51,  70,  119,  259. 
Sewall,  Judge,  iii.  20. 
Sewall,  Rev.  Samuel,  i.  489,  490. 
Sewall's  Point,  iii.  84. 
Seymour,  Lady  Jane,  i.  34,  36. 
Shades  of  death,  ii.  185. 
Shannon,  the  frigate,  iii.  399. 
Sharpe,  Horatio,  ii.  207,  215. 
Sharpe,  Samuel,  i.  165,  195. 
Shattuck,  Job,  iii.  228,  238,  241. 
Shattuck.  Samuel,  i.  369,  370. 
Shawmut,  i.  102,  191,  194. 
Shawomet,  i.  264,  265. 
Shaxton,  i.  33. 
Shays,  Daniel,  iii.  232,  333,  236,  239, 

241,  242,  245,  246,  248,  254. 
Shavs's  rebellion,  iii.  218-260. 
Sheafe,  Edward,  ii,  288. 
Sheffield,  Edmund,  Lord,  i.  129. 
Sheffield  patent,  i.  133. 
Shelburne,  Earl  of,  ii.  279,  324,  330, 

333,  334,  341,  360,  361,  375,  379, 

503,  504  ;  iii.  167. 
Shepard,  General,  iii.  232,  241,  243- 

245. 
Shepard,  Rev.  Mr.,  of  LjTin,  i.  503. 
She|)ard,  Rev.  Thomas,  i.  207. 
Sherlock,  Bishop,  ii.  162. 
Sherlock,  Sherilf,  i.  500,  501. 
Sherman,  Roger,  ii.  444 ;  iii.  98,  99, 

270. 
Ship  building  in  Massachusetts,  i.  200  ; 

iii.  207. 
Shirley,  James,  i.  139,  140,  146. 
Shii'ley,  Governor  William,  ii,  135, 140, 

143,*146,   147.  154,  158,  167,  170, 

181,  184,  187,  189,   192,  195,  201, 

206,  207,  209-211,  213,   216,  219, 

220,  246,  252,  259. 
Shirley,  town  of,  ii.  455. 
Short,  iii.  31. 
Short,  Captain,  ii.  57. 
Shrewsbury,  iii.  9.  ^ 

Shrimj)ton,  i.  501. 
Shuldham,  Admiral,  iii.  80. 


450 


INDEX. 


Shute,  Rev.  Daniel,  ii.  351. 

Shute,  Samuel,  ii.  104,  105,  119,  120- 

122. 
Silhouette,  M.  de,  ii.  188. 
Sill,  Captain,  i.  442. 
SQsby's  Alley,  ii.  412. 
Sinclair,  Sir  John,  ii.  186. 
Singletary,  Mr.,  iii.  290. 
Six  Nations,  ii.  176,  208. 
Skelton,  Rev.  Samuel,  i.  163,  165, 171, 

189,  195,  213,  236-238. 
Slade's  Ferry,  i.  115. 
Slaughter,  Governor,  i.  512. 
Slavery  in  Massachusetts,  ii.  6  ;  iii.  188, 

189. 
Slavery,  discussion  upon,  in  the  federal 

convention,  iii.  276-281. 
Slavery,  discussion  upon,  in  the  Mas- 
sachusetts convention,  iii.  291-293. 
Small,  iii.  31. 
Smallpox,  ii.  113-116.    . 
Smelt,  iii.  31. 
Smith,  i.  501. 

Smith,  Captain  John,  i.  20  et  seq. 
Smith,  Lieutenant  Colonel,  ii.  510, 512, 

513. 
Smith,  Mr.,  of  Warwick,  i.  426,  505. 
Smith,  Nathan,  iii.  228. 
Smith,  Rev.  John,  i.  50,  52,  53,  57. 
Smith,  Rev.  Ralph,  i.  163,  164,  199. 
Smith,  Su-  Thomas,  i.  69. 
Smith,  Sylvanus,  iii.  228. 
Smith,  William,  ii.  178. 
Snider,  the  German  youth,  ii.  408. 
Society  for  Propagating  the  Gospel, 

&c.,  i.  351,  355,  357  ;  ii.  162. 
Socononoco,  i.  264. 
Somers,  Sir  George,  i.  16. 
Somers,  Sir  John,  i.  509,  512. 
Soraer^^l^e,  ii.  489. 
Sons  of  Libertv,  ii.  327,  345,  346, 353, 

366,  381,  398,  412,  493. 
South  Bay,  ii.  195. 
South  Carolina,  ii.  461. 
South  Hadley,  ii.  456. 
South,  state  of  feeling  at  the,  iii.  92- 

95. 
Southampton,  Earl  of,  i.  9,  15. 
Southampton,  tow^l  of,  i.  78. 
Southcote,  Thomas,  i.  155. 
Southworth,  Alice,  i.  62. 
Southworth,  Constant,  i.  62. 
Spain,  discoveries  of,  i.  2  ;  truce  with, 

i.  65  ;  war  with,  ii.  131. 
Sparrow,  the  fishing  vessel,  i.  109, 110. 
Spectacle  Island,  iii.  56. 
Speedwell,  the  ship,  L  75,  77-79. 


Speedwell,  Pring's  ship,  i.  12. 
Speedwell,  the  ship,  i.  363. 
Spelman,  Sir  Henry,  i.  286. 
Spencer,  Colonel  Josejih,  iii.  7,  10,21, 

78,  146,  120. 
Spencer,  Earl  of,  ii.  348. 
Spencer,  town  of,  ii.  456. 
Spendlove,  iii.  31. 
Spooner,  ii.  388. 
Sprague,  Ralph,  &c.,  i.  170. 
Springfield,  town  of,  i.  215.  419,  421, 

422,  443  :  iii.  242,  243. 
Squakeag,  i.  419. 
Squantum,  peninsula  of,  i.  101. 
Squeb,  Captain,  i.  188,  192. 
St.  Charles,  ii.  82,  83. 
St.  Clair,  Lieutenant  General,  ii.  155, 

185,207. 
St.  George's   Island,  i.   14 ;  River,  ii. 

121. 
St.  Germain,  treaty  of,  i.  303. 
St.  Hel^ne,  M.  de,  ii.  82,  83. 
St.  John,  expedition  to,  iii.  143,  144. 
St.  John,  Lord  Bolingbroke,  ii.  100. 
St.  LawTence,  i.  8. 
St.  Louis,  castle  of,  ii.  80. 
St.  Patrick,  the  ship,  i.  211. 
St.  Pierre,  M.  de,  ii.  174. 
St.  Sacrament,  Lake,  ii.  194. 
Stagg,  Captain,  i.  328. 
Stamp  act,  ii.  252,  280,  287,  294,  299, 

300,  308,  314,  318,  319,  321,  326. 
Stamp  tax  in  Massachusetts,  ii.  255. 
Standing  army  in  the  colonies,  ii.  253, 

276. 
Stanhope,  ii.  104. 
Standish,  Mile.s,  i.  92,  94,  101,  103, 

108,  112-117,  122,  135,  144. 
Stanley,  Lord,  ii.  376. 
Stanton,  Major,  i.  434. 
Stanton,  Robert,  i.  440. 
Stanton,  Thomas,  i.  347. 
Stanwix,  ii.  233,  235. 
Stark,  General  John,  ii.  196,  221,  231, 

232;  iii.  3,  10,  22,  27,  30,31,  145. 
Star  Chamber  Court,  i.  152,  323. 
State  Constitution,  iii.  172-181. 
State  House,  new,  iii.  340,  note. 
State  House,  old,  iii.  282. 
State  Prison,  iii.  321. 
States  General,  orders  of,  i.  19. 
Statute,  bloodv,  i.  34. 
Steele,  i.  298." 

Stetson,  Cornet  Robert,  i.  441,  442. 
Stevenson,  Marmaduke,  i.  368. 
Stockbridge's  garrison,  i.  441. 
Stone,  Captam,  i.  218,  219,  221. 


INDEX. 


451 


Stone,  Rev.  Samuel,  i.  201. 
Stone,  Thomas,  iii.  99. 
Stoneham,  town  of,  ii.  455. 
Stoningtoii,  i.  424,  425,  434,  440. 
Story,  Judge,  quoted,  i.  176. 
Story,  Mr.,'ii.  300. 
Stoughton,  Israel,  i.  213,  228. 
Stoughton,  AVilliam,  i.  459,  460,  466, 

468,  479,  482,  488,  501,  503;  ii.  32, 

36,  44,  5.8-62,  66. 
Strafford,  Eail  of,  i.  151,  211,  323. 
Strawberry  Bank,  i.  302. 
Strong,  Caleb,  iii.  270,  282,  346,  349, 

369,  387-390,  398,  422. 
Stuarts,  overthrow  of  the,  i.  499. 
Subercase,  ii.  99. 
Success,  the  ship,  i.  187,  190. 
Sufferings  of  the  people,  iii.  134,  158, 

165. 
Suffolk  countv,  ii.  4,  215. 
Sugar  act,  ii.  286,  287. 
Sugar  Loaf  Hill,  i.  420. 
Sugar  planters,  complaints  of,  ii.  248. 
Sullivan,  General,  iii.  50,  68,  81,  150, 

152,  349. 
Sullivan,  James,  iii.  320,349,359,361. 
Sullivan,  William,  iii.  419. 
Sumner,  Increase,  iii.  335,  340,  345. 
Sunderland,  Lord,  ii.  98. 
Sunk  Squaw,  i.  427. 
Supremacy,  acts  of,  i.  34,  42. 
Susannah,  Island  of,  i.  68. 
Sutcliffe,  Dr.,  i.  23. 
Swan,  the  ship,  i.  111-113. 
Swansey,  town  of,  i.  1 15, 409-414, 445. 
Sydney,  i.  323. 

Sylvester,  Captain  Joseph,  i.  441. 
Symmes,  Eev.  Mr.,  i.  401,  451 ;  ii.  30. 
Synod  at  Newtown,  i.  253. 


T. 


Taconnet  Falls,  ii.  182. 

Tadoussac,  i.  13. 

Taller,  Colonel,  ii.  99.  100. 

Talbot,  the  ship,  i.  164,  169, 187, 190. 

Talcot,  Major,  i.  445. 

Talleyrand,  iii.  342. 

Tarratines,  i.  25,  102,  197. 

Tasker,  Benjannn,  ii.  178. 

Taunton,  town  of,  i.  99,  147,  416,  445, 

488. 
Taunton  River,  i.  413. 
Taylor,  Dr.,  iii.  283. 
Tea  tax,  ii.  396,  465 ;  tea  destroyed, 

ii.  473-475. 


Temple,  Lord,  ii.  324,  429,  504. 

Tem])le,  Sir  Thomas,  i.  386. 

Thacher,  Anthony,  i.  207. 

Thacher,  Oxenbndge,  ii.  259,  264, 288. 

Thames  River,  i.  19. 

Thanksgiving,  i.  103,  122. 

Thievish  Harbor,  i.  86. 

Thomas,  General,  iii.  3,  9,  15,  21,  42, 
78,  79. 

Thomas,  John,  i.  5. 

Thomas,  Joshua,  iii.  413. 

Thompson,  Charles,  ii.  490;  iii.  305. 

Thompson,  Dawl.  i.  122,  136,  191. 

Thompson,  General,  iii.  291. 

Thompson,  Rev,  Mr.,  i.  326. 

Thornton,  J.  Wingate,  i.  133,  153. 

Three  Rivers,  ii.  80. 

Thurloe,  iii.  65. 

Thurlow,  iii.  167. 

Ticonderoga,  ii.  194,  205,  209,  217, 
229,231,235;  iii.  52,  78. 

Tillev,  John,  i.  223. 

Tilly;  John,  i.  133. 

Tillotson,  Dr.,  i.  511. 

Tisquantum,  i.  26,  95,  97,  99, 101, 102, 
108,  109,  112,349. 

Titcomb,  ii.  197. 

Titicut,  or  Taunton,  i.  99. 

Tituba,  ii.  32. 

Tiverton,  R.  L,  iii.  146. 

Tokamahamoh,  i./99-lOL 

Toleration,   progress  of,  i.  373,  374 ; 
iii.  178. 

Tories,  iii.  10,  40,  135-137. 

Tour,  Etiennc  de  la,  i.  303-307. 

Townshend,  Charles,  ii.  251,  261,  277, 
278,  2!«,  324,  327,  330,  331,  335, 
338,  539. 
Towns  of  New  England,  i.  215. 
Travelling,  ii.  22,  275  ;   iii.  209. 
Treat,  Major,  i.  421-427. 
Treby,  Chief  Justice,  i.  512. 
Trecothick,  Alderman,  ii.  3,  86,  426, 

427. 
Trepez^e,  M.  de,  ii.  231. 
Trial  bv  jurv  at  Plvmouth,  i.  128. 
Trial,  the  ship,  i.  i87,  190. 
Troops  sent  to  Boston,  ii.  329,  370- 

372,  497. 
Trumbull,  Governor,  iii.  20,  68. 
Tudor,  iii.  332. 
Tupper,  Thomas,  i.  359. 
Turenne,  Marshal,  i.  389. 
Timicr,  Captain,  i.  443,  444. 
Turner,  Hon.  Charles,  iii.  283. 
Turner,  Mr.,  i.  92. 
Turner,  Nathaniel,  i.  221. 


452 


INDEX. 


Twelfth  Parliament,  ii.  348. 
Twightwees,  ii.  174. 
Tyler,  Royal,  ii.  354,  418. 


U. 


Uncas,  i.  224,  229,  231,  232,  415. 
Underhill,  Captain  John,  i.  220,  223, 

225,  227,  257,  291,  300. 
Union  i^roposed,  ii.  339. 
United  States,  the  frigate,  iii.  398. 
Unitarianism  in  ISIassachusetts,  ii.  274. 
Universalism  in  Massachusetts,  ii.  274. 
Usher,  John,  i.  459_,  486,  488,  503. 
Utrecht,  peace  of,  ii.  139. 


Valley  Forge,  iii.  146. 

Vane,  Sir  Henrv,  i.  207-213,  246,  250 

-253,  269,  323-325. 
Van  Twiller,  Walter,  i.  200. 
Varick,  Kichard,  iii.  393. 
Varnum,  Mr.,  iii.  151. 
Varuura,  Mr.,  iii.  417. 
Vassall,  William,  i.  195,  338. 
Vaudi-euil,  M.  de,  ii.  195,  222,  238. 
Vanghan,  William,  ii.  140,  146. 
Vergennes,  iii.  168. 
Vernon,  Admiral,  ii.  131. 
Verraz.mi,  i.  7. 
Ves])ucius,  i.  4. 
Vetch,  Colonel,  ii.  98,  1)9. 
Vigilance  committees,  ii.  400. 
ViUebon,  M.,  ii.  88,  96. 
Vmcent,  i.  278. 
Vines,  llichard,  i.  25. 
Vineyard,  Martha's,  i.  10,  12. 
Virginia,   i.    12,   16,   18,  66-88,  107, 

342 ;  ii.  292,  296,  461;  iii.  104,  266, 

267. 


W. 

Wadsworth,  Captain,  i.  433,  438. 

Wadsworth,  Peleg,  iii.  161. 

Wahginacut,  i.  197. 

Waldo,  Colonel,  ii.  146. 

Waldo,  Daniel,  iii.  413. 

Walford,  Thomas,  i.  170. 

Waller,  Major,  ii.  51,  82,  83. 

Walker,  Captain,  iii.  26. 

Walker,  Sir  Hovenden,  ii.  101-103. 

Walpole,  Sir  Robert,  ii.  127,  247, 332. 


Walter,  Rev.  Mr.,  ii.  116. 

W"altham,  town  of,  iii.  4. 

Walton,  Colonel,  of  New  Hampshire, 

ii.  99,  119. 
Wampanoags,  i.  95,  243,  404,  446. 
War  of  1812,  declaration  of,  iii.  375. 
Ward,  General,  ii.  388 ;  iii.  3,  8,  9,  19, 

22-29,  39,  44,  78,  84,  123,  124,  227. 
Ward,  Rev.  Nathaniel,  i.  2.S4,  330,332. 
Warde,  Richard,  i.  5. 
Warham,  Rev.  John,  i.  188,  190,  202, 

219. 
Warner,  iii.  30. 

Warren,  James,  ii.  456,  484  ;  iii.  181. 
Warren,  Joseph,  ii.  165,  349, 353,  364, 

415.  438,  450,  471,  506  ;  iii.  3,  5,  30, 

37. 
Warren,  Sir  Peter,  ii.  140,  142,  147, 

191. 
Warwick,  Earl  of,  i.   105,  146,  158, 

217,  265.  325,  327. 
Warwick,  R.  I.,  i.  264,  425,  426. 
Washhigton,  George,  ii.  174, 175, 186, 

230,  239  ;  iii.  9, 18, 40-46,  49-52, 56- 

58,  68-76,  81-89,  105,  123,  134,  137, 

141,  146,  152,  160,  162,   166,  270, 

271,  303-306,    309-312,  327,   328, 

330,  331,  333,  344. 
Wasp,  the  frigate,  iii.  398. 
Waterhouse,  i.  501. 
Watertown,  i.  185,  188, 192,  194, 197, 

202,214,  272,438;  iii.  2,4. 
Watson,  ii.  508. 
Watson's  Hill,  i.  95. 
Watts,  Captain,  i.  424. 
Webb,  Colonel,  ii.  216,  218,  223,  224. 
Webster,  Daniel,  quoted,  iii.  Ill,  113. 
Wedderl)urne,  ii.  376,  463 ;  iii.  65. 
Welde,  Joseph,  i.  258. 
Welde,  Rev.  Thomas,  i.  200,  202,  325. 
Welles,  Samuel,  ii.  219. 
Wells,  town  of,  in  Mame,  i.  302. 
Wfcuham,  i.  215. 

Went-^-orth,  Sir  Thomas,  i.  211. 

WentMovth,  Governor,  ii.  143. 
Wequash,  l  225,  350. 

West,  CaptaiiT  Francis,  i.  123,  156. 

West,  Colonel,  iii.  lol. 

West,  Secretary,  i.  486,  491,495,501, 

503. 

Westabrooke,  Colonel  Thomas,  ii.  118. 

West  Cambridge,  ii.  508. 

West  India  Companv,  Dutch,  i.  20,73, 
74. 

Westfield,  town  of,  i.  419,  422  ;  ii.  94. 

Westmmster  Assembly,  i.  326,  511. 

Weston,  town  of,  ii.  512. 


INDEX. 


453 


Weston,  Thomas,  L  75,  78,  109,  111, 

112,  119,  141. 
West  Sprin<;lield,  iii.  245. 
Wethersfield,  town  of,  i.  219,  223. 
Weymouth,  Captain  George,  i.  14. 
Weymouth,  Lord,  ii.  341,  3G0. 
Weymouth,  town  of,  formerly  AVessa- 

guscus,   i.    112-119,   127,   141,  190, 

198,214.434. 
Whale  fishery,  i.  21. 
Whale,  the  ship,  i.  187,  190. 
Whalley,  General,  i.  375,  377,  385. 
Wharton,  Richard,  i.  498. 
Wharton,  Lord,  i.  506,  511. 
Whately,  ii.  462. 
Wheeler,  iii.  228,  254. 
Wheeler,  Captain,  i.  416,  417. 
Wheeler,  Sir  Francis,  ii.  86,  87. 
Wheelwright,  liev.  Jolm,  i.  246,  247, 

251-259,  302. 
Whitaker,  llev.  Mr.,  ii.  439. 
Wliitcomb,  Colonel,  iii.  127. 
Whitcomb,  Simeon,  i.  155. 
White,  i.  501. 

White,  Hon.  Daniel  A.,  iii.  418. 
White,  Mr.,  iii.  283. 
White,  Mr.,  i.  92. 
White,  llev.  John,  i.   133,  154-156, 

167. 
Whitefield,  Rev.  George,  ii.  138,  142. 
Whitgitt,  Archbishoj),  i.  55. 
Whiting,   Colonel,  of  Comiecticut,  ii. 

99. 
Whiting,  Nathan,  ii.  196. 
Whiting,  Rev.  Samuel,  i.  202,  401. 
Whiting,  Mr.,  i.  395. 
Whitney,  Colonel,  iii.  127. 
Whitson  Bay,  i.  12. 
Whittinghara,  i.  41. 
Wickabaug  Pond,  i.  417. 
Wiggins,  Captain,  i.  281,  304. 
Wilbur,  Shadrach,  i.  488. 
Wilde,  Hon.  Samuel  S.,  iii  413. 
Willves,  Francis,  ii.  126. 
Wilkes,  John,  iii.  62,  65. 
Willard,  Rev.  Joseph,  iii.  182. 
Willard,  Rev.  Samuel,  i.  495,  501 ;  ii. 

30,  41. 
Willard,    Major   Simon,  i.  347,  401, 

418,  419. 
Willett,  Thomas,  i.  82. 
William  of  Orange,  i.  499. 
William  and  Francis,  the  ship,  i.  187, 
190. 

William  and  Nicholas,   the    ship,  i. 

389. 


Williams,  i.  92. 

Williams,  Colonel  Ephraim,  iL  196. 

Williams,  General,  ii.  224. 

Williams,  Jonathan,  ii.  471. 

Williams,  Rev.  Mr.,  ii.  93. 

Williams,  Mr.,  ii.  346. 

Williams,   Roger,   i.    199,   202,   210, 

213,  220,   222,  228,  230,  236-244, 

263,  269,  317,  350,  365. 
Willoughbv,  i.  398,  451. 
Will's  Creek,  ii.  185,  208. 
Wilson,  Rev.  John,  i.  192,  195,  198- 

200,  212,  228,  250,  251,  350,  366, 

367,  401,  451. 
Wilson,  James,  iii.  108,  270,  277. 
Wilson's  Lane,  ii.  412. 
AV^indsor,    Comiecticut,    i.    216-219, 

229. 
AVingfield,  Edward  Maria,  i.  16. 
Winnicumet,  or  Hampton,  i.  300. 
Winnington,  i.  289,  460. 
Winnisimet,  i.  190,  214. 
Winslow,  Edward,  i.  92,  99,  106,  109, 

115,   126,    12S-130,   135,  136,  216, 

242,  284,  305,  338,  340,  343,  353. 
Winslow,  Captain  John,  i.  500. 
Winslow,  John,  ii.  182,  198,  201,  202, 

211,  215,217,  222. 
Winslow,    Josiah,    i.    424-426,    434, 

457. 
Winslow,  iii.  10. 

Winter  Hill,  iii.  21,  38,  41,  49,  50. 
Winthrop,  Adam,  i.  503;  ii.  51. 
Winthrop,  Captain  AVuit,  i.  501,  503; 

ii.  51,  67. 
AVinthrop,  Hon.  James,  iii.  320. 
AVinthrop.  John,  i.  170,  183,  184,187 

-189,    192-205,  212,  213,  242,  243, 

247,  254,  255,  269,  306,  314,  325, 

336. 
AVinthrop,  John,  Jun.,  i.  187,  217, 219, 

29S,  365,  386,  391. 
AA^iswall,  Ichabod,  i.  493,  511-513. 
AVitchcraft,  ii.  25-44. 
AVituwamat,  i.  114,  116,  117. 
AVoburn,  town  of,  i.  215. 
Wolfe,  General  James,  ii.   229,  233, 

236-238. 
AVollaston,  Captain,  i.  141. 
Wollaston,  Mount,  i.  141,  214. 
AVolsey,  Cardinal,  i.  150. 
Wolstenholme,  Sir  John,  i.  67,  68. 
AVomen  of  the  revolution,  ii.  494. 
AVood,  Colonel  Henry,  iii.  238. 
AVood  Creek,  ii.  98,  189,  196,  214. 
Woods,  iii.  32. 


454 


INDEX. 


Woods'  New  England's  Prospect,  i. 
214. 

Woodbury,  John,  i,  154,  155. 
Woodcock's    gamson,    i.    411,    412, 

426. 
Woolridge,  Captain  William,  i.  164. 
Worcester,  battle  of,  i.  344. 
Worcester,  town  of,  i.  215;  ii.  456, 

488 ;  iii.  237. 
Worthington,  General,  ii.  224. 
Wutamoo,  i.  410. 
Wythe,  George,  iiu  95,  108. 


Y. 

Yankees,  ii.  501. 

Yankee  Doodle,  time  of,  ii.  506,  513. 

Yarmouth,  i.  147. 

York,  Archbishops  of,  i.  50,  283. 

York,  Duke  of,  i.  456. 

York  River,  i.  12. 

Youhiogeny  River,  ii.  185. 

Young,  Rev.  Alexander,  quoted,  i.  82. 

Young,  Sir  John,  i.  155. 

Young,  ii.  471,  472. 


LIST   OF   STJBSCRIBEllS. 


BOSTON. 

Andkew.  John  A.,  Esq. 
Adams,  Hon^  Charles  F. 
Andros,  R.  S.  S. 
Appleton,  Hon.  Nathan. 
Appleton,  Samuel  A.,  1-sq. 
Andrews.  Alfred  A. 
Ammidown,  Holmes. 
Adams.  Charles,  Juru 
Andrews,  William  T.,  li^sq. 
Albree,  John,  Jun. 
Amory,  Charles,  Esq. 
Atwood.  Gilbert. 
Amory,  William,  Esq. 
Allen,'  Samuel  R. 
Adams,  A.  H. 
Ames,  P.  Adams. 
Adams,  B.  F. 
Averv.  Edward,  Esq^ 
Appleton,  William  C 
Appleton,  C.  T. 
A'mee,  John. 
Alexander,  Eben. 
Abbott,  James  A.,  Esq. 
Aspinwall.  Thomas,  Esq. 
Andrews,  F.  M. 
Alley,  Dr.  John  B. 
Alline,  Henry. 
Adams,  Simeon  P. 
Adams,  George. 
Atwood,  Charles  H. 
Allev,  Charles  R. 
Atkins,  Simon  P. 
Aspinwall,  Samuel. 
Abrahams,  Geor^^e  S. 
Anderson,  Joseph- 
Adams,  Paul.        ^     ,,„     -p,_ 
Amory,  Thomas  C,  Jan.,  Esq. 
Ammidown,  P.  R- 
Bartlett,  Hon.  Sidney. 
Brinley,  Hon.  Francis. 
Bates.'Joseph  L. 
Beal,  Benjamin. 
Barry,  Horace  W. 


Barrv,  James. 
Brif,4iam,  William,  Esq. 
Barrv,  Edward. 
Ballou,  Maturin  M. 
Bigelow,  John. 
Bacon,  Thomas  C. 
Bartol,  Rev.  C  A. 
Bassett,  Hon.  Francis. 
Beal,  Jairus. 
Bartlett,  Dr.  George. 
Bancroft,  George,  Esq 
Barker,  James  M. 
Blaiichard,  John  A. 
Beebe,  James  M. 
Boston  AthenKum. 
Barrage.  Alvah  A. 
Boott,  Kirk. 
Bishop,  C.  J. 
Blanchard,  L. 
Batcheller,  T. 
Babcock,  Charles  A. 
Bates,  Ives  G. 
Bates,  Martin. 
Baldwin,  Albert. 
Barstow,  William  C. 
Burgess,  Edward  1 ., 
Brewer,  John  R. 
Bovden,  M.  N. 
Bigelow,  Horatio,  Esq. 
Balcheller,  A.  H- 
Barnard,  J.  M.,  &  Co. 
Bradford,  R.  B. 
Boutell,  L.  H.,  Esq. 
Beebe,  Lueian. 
Boon,  William  C 
Bradstrcet,  Samuel. 
Bowditch.  J.  IngersoU. 
BaUh,  James  W. 
Burgess,  BcTijamin. 
Bartlett,  Homer,  Esq. 
Bowker,  Albert. 
Burbank,  Hon.  R.  I- 
Bradlee,  Josiah,  Esq. 
Brooks,  William  G- 
Baikcr,  Prescott. 


Esq. 


(455) 


456 


LIST    OF   SUBSCRIBERS. 


Binney,  C.  J.  F.       • 

Barnes,  W.  L. 

Brewer,  Otis. 

Bates,  John  D. 

Barry,  Charles. 

Bates,  Samuel  W. 

Burnham,  T.  0.  H.  P. 

Blaiichard,  Charles  H. 

Brown.  Frederick. 

Bowfllear,  S.  G. 

Banfjs,  Edward,  Esq. 

Bridge,  Hereman. 

Brewer,  Georu^e  A. 

Brown,  Jeremiah,  Esq. 

Bell,  James  B. 

Burridge,  Ward  J. 

Brigham,  Peter  B. 

Bolton,  John  B. 

Burr,  J.  T. 

Barnard,  David. 
Brifi^ham,  Joseph  L. 
Blanchard,  William  D. 
Burrill,  Azariah  S. 
Ball,  Nahum. 
Barry,  Richard. 
Brown,  Josepli  T. 
Bowker,  William  L. 
Boardman,  PMwin  A. 
Binney,  Matthew. 
Brown,  Francis. 
Beal,  William  L. 
Brownell,  Gilbert. 
Bayley,  Thomas  J. 
Bates,  Russell. 
Burdett,  J.  D.  G. 
Bern  is,  George,  Esq. 
Barnes,  Thomas  H. 
Baker,  Ezra  H. 
Blake,  Samuel  W. 
Bonney,  Pelham,  Jun. 
Blake,  Edward,  Esq. 
Bachelder,  J.  G. 
Bickford,  W.  D. 
Brown,  Jeremiah. 
Bayley,  Dudley  H. 
Brown,  William. 
Burrage,  William. 
Baker,  John  B. 
Blake,  George  Baty. 
Brown,  Jonathan,  Jun. 
Blanchard,, S.  S. 
Bean,  Leonard  0. 
Bigelow,  George  N. 
Blake,  Dr.  Edmund. 
Burchstead.  Benjamin. 
Bayley,  James  C. 
Bryant,  David. 
Brooks,  Peter  C,  Esq. 
Baldwin,  William  H. 
Blake,  Charles. 
Bates,  Samuel  D. 
Beal,  Thacher. 


Blake,  James  G. 

Baxter,  John  J. 

Billings,  William  6. 

Butler,  Peter,  Jun. 

Burr,  Theopiiilus,  Jun. 

Bacon,  William  B. 

Brown,  Benjamin  F. 

BuUard,  Wi'lliam  S. 

Bright,  William  E. 

Bates,  Isaac  C. 

Battles,  Winslow. 

Bradley,  D.  F. 

Blanchard,  F.  H. 

Brimmer,  Hon.  Martin. 

Choate,  Hon.  Rufus. 

Colburn,  Jeremiah. 

Clapp,  Otis. 

Chandler,  T.  P.,  Esq. 

Cummings,  Dr.  John  A. 

Collamore,  John,  Jun. 

Curtis,  Joseph. 

Crowninshield,  F.  B.,  Esq. 

Converse,  James  C. 

Clarke,  Henry  W. 

Chamberlin,  Mellen,  Esq. 

Cushman,  Charles. 

Curtis,  Caleb. 

Crockett,  George  W.,  Esq. 

Campbell,  Benjamin  F. 

Comstock,  William  H. 

Callender,  Benjamin. 

Cunningham  Brothers,  2  copies. 

Cummings,  A.,  Jun. 

Conant,  Ezra  S. 

Canterbury,  Charles. 

Clark,  Henry. 

Coolidge,  Joseph,  Esq. 

Cary,  Thomas  G.,  Esq. 

Codman,  Edward. 

Clark,  Dr.  H.  G. 

Crocker,  Henrv  H. 

Copeland,  William  H. 

Cowing,  Walter  H. 

Cheever,  Simon  G. 

Cobb,  Albert  A. 

Cunningham,  Frederick. 

Clarke,  Nathan. 

Churchill,  William. 

Cary,  George  B. 

Colesworthy,  D.  C. 

Chapman,  J.  N. 

Curtis,  Hon.  Charles  P. 

Child,  Addison. 

Coffin,  Nathaniel  W. 

Codman,  Dr.  Benjamin  S. 

Carter,  James  W. 

Cabot,  J.  Elliot. 

Crane,  A.  B. 

Cooper,  Samuel. 

Chenery,  W.  W. 

Chamberlin,  Henry  B. 

Gushing,  Samuel  T. 


LIST  OF  SUBSCRIBERS. 


457 


Cabot,  Edward. 
Cutter,  Marshall ,  Jun. 
Cobuni,  Cliarles. 
Carleton,  Guy. 
Coverly,  George  T. 
Cheney,  J.  H. 
Chaiiipney,  H.  T. 
Chandler,  Hon.  Peleg  W. 
Covell,  Robert  S. 
Carter,  Oliver. 
Ciapp,  John  C. 
Child,  Francis  E. 
Clark,  James  W. 
Clayton,  Henry  C 
Curry,  Cadwallader. 
Curtis,  Samuel  S. 
Cragin,  Lorenzo  S. 
Cook,  Justin  E. 
Cook,  William  T. 
Cushman,  llufus. 
Coffin,  William  E. 
Carnes,  George  W. 
Cobb,  Matthew. 
Cushing,  Isaac. 
Comer,  John  H. 
Chickering,  C.  F. 
Carter,  Nathaniel. 
Currier,  Hugh  M. 
Cahill,  Thomas. 
Cook,  A.  N. 
Cothrell,  John  K. 
Curtis,  George  S. 
Child,  George  H. 
Crocker,  Henry. 
Crowell,  Nathan. 
Curtis,  Thomas. 
Cotting,  Amos. 
Carr,  Nathaniel. 
Cotton,  Joseph  H. 
Chandler,  Scth  C. 
Cassell,  Edward  D. 
Chace,  George  B. 
Deane,  Joiin  K. 
Dean,  John. 

Drake,  Samuel  Gardner. 
Dudley,  Dean,  Esq. 
Dexter,  F.  Gordon. 
Davis,  Andrew. 
Derliy,  Hon.  E.  H. 
Dean,  Rev.  W.  W. 
Demond,  Cliarles,  Esq. 
Davis,  James. 
Dudley,  E.  G.,  Esq. 
Dale,  Ebcnezer. 
Demond,  T.  D. 
Douglass,  Alfred,  Jun. 
Davis,  W.  H. 
Dehon,  William,  Esq. 
Davis,  Barnabas. 
Davenport,  George. 
Dwight,  William. 
Drake,  Tisdale. 
Darling,  G.  A.  P. 


Davis,  F.  S. 
Day,  R.  S. 
Dodd,  James. 
Denton,  William. 
Ditson,  Oliver. 
Darrah,  J.  C. 
Duncklee,  B.  W. 
Dodd,  Benjamin. 
Dimond,  Oral. 
Dimond,  George. 
Dudley,  B.  F. 
Donahue,  J.  S. 
Dyer,  Dr.  Henry. 
Dowe,  George  M. 
Dolan,  M.  F. 
Dana,  Edward  A. 
Dodd,  Horace. 
Dale,  Dr.  William  J. 
Dexter,  Thomas  A. 
Davis,  William  N. 
Davis,  Adolphus. 
Deblois,  Stephen  G. 
Darling,  George  B. 
Darraeott,  George,  Jun. 
Dixon,  B.  H.,  Esq. 
Davis,  John  C. 
Everett,  Hon.  Edward. 
Eaton,  William. 
Eaton,  Charles  F. 
Eldredge.  Oliver.    ' 
Eddy,  Robert  H. 
Elliot,  M.  P. 
EUenwood,  J.  W. 
Eayrcs,  William  C. 
Ellis,  Ebenezer. 
Ellis,  Rowland. 
Emery,  Francis  F. 
Emmons.  John  L. 
Emery,  F.  W.  R. 
Ellis,  Jonathan. 
Emmes,  Samuel. 
Eldredge,  EUery. 
Ellis,  Dr.  Calvin. 
Farrar,  Hon.  Timothy. 
Farrar,  Abijah  W. 
Fearing,  Hon.  Albert. 
Fuller,  Rev.  A.  B. 
Fowle,  James. 
Frothingham,  Rev.  N.  L. 
Fletcher,  Hon.  Richard. 
Freeman,  William,  Esq. 
Francis,  Nathaniel. 
Flint,  Waldo,  Esq. 
Frothingham,  Theodore. 
Forbes,  Robert  B.,  Esq. 
Fessenden,  S.  H. 
Fay,  Richard  S. 
French,  Asa. 
Ferris,  Mortimer  C 
Fearing,  H.  L. 
Freeman,  Peter  W. 
Fairbanks,  Levi. 


458 


LIST  OP  SUBSCRIBERS. 


Frothingham,  James  H.,  Jun. 
Fowle,  Samuel. 
Fowle,  William  B.,  Jun. 
Fowle,  Henry  D. 
Fowle,  George  E. 
Fessenden,  Charles  B. 
Fitch,  Jonas. 
Fletcher,  William. 
Fuller,  Seth  W. 
Ford,  Daniel  K. 
Foster,  J.  W. 
Fairbanks,  Stephen. 
Farley,  Gustavus. 
Forristall,  P.  J. 
Fox,  Charles  J. 
Foster,  Archiliald. 
French,  Charles. 
Fisher,  H.  C. 
Fuller,  John  K. 
Fillebrown,  Edward. 
Fowle,  Henry. 
Fiske,  Augustus  H. 
French,  William  E. 
Fiske,  George  A. 
Fisher,  Francis. 
Fullam,  James  F.,  &  Co. 
Foiling,  George. 
Fay,  Luke. 
Fletcher,  William. 
Folsom,  P.  F.  * 
Faxon,  Francis  E. 
Gavlord,  Rev.  N.  M. 
Guild,  Samuel  E.,  Esq. 
Gray,  Hon.  John  C. 
Gray,  Hon.  Francis  C. 
Glidden.  William  T. 
Gould,  Benjamin  A.,  Esq. 
Goodrich,  C.  B.,  Esq. 
Gray,  Horace,  Jun.,  Esq. 
Glover,  Joseph  B. 
Goddard,  Thomas  A. 
Gookin,  Samuel  H. 
Gross,  Jazaniah. 
Gilmore,  Sanford. 
Glover.  Henry  R. 
Goodwin,  Albert  G. 
Galloupe,  C.  W. 
Gardner,  Joseph  P. 
Giles,  Joel,  Esq. 
Gould,  Frederick. 
Gould,  Dr.  A.  A. 
Groom,  Thomas. 
Greene,  Otis. 
GaiBeld,  Thomas. 
Goddard,  Thomas. 
Gilman,  George  W. 
Green,  J.  Henry. 
Greenough,  James. 
Guild,  Chester,  Jun. 
Gregg,  Dr.  Samuel. 
Gavett,  Andrew  J. 
Gordon,  Dr.  Charles. 


Gassett,  Edward. 
Gordon,  Solomon  J. 
Grant,  Moses. 
Gould,  Thomas  R. 
Hillard,  Hon.  George  S. 
Hooper,  Samuel. 
Howe,  J.  Murray. 
Hall,  Osborn  B. 
Heard,  John  T.,  Esq. 
Haven,  Franklin,  Esq. 
Hall,  Timothy. 
Henchman,  Daniel. 
Hallett,  Hon.  B.  F. 
Rowland,  Ichabod. 
Howland,  Edwin. 
Higgins,  Peter. 
Holmes,  John  S.,  Esq. 
Healy,  Hon.  John  P. 
Hooper,  Frederick  T. 
Howe,  William  E.,  Esq. 
Harris,  Nathaniel. 
Hawley,  F.  A. 
Harwood,  Daniel. 
Howe,  Jabez  C. 
Hall,  Henrv. 
Hall,  Andrew  T. 
Homans,  George  H.,  Esq. 
Hunnewell,  H.  H.,  Esq. 
Hutchings,  Edward  W. 
Horton,  William  R. 
Horton,  Lucius  B. 
Hall,  Andrew. 
Hitchcock,  Henry. 
Hammond,  Hon.  Nathaniel. 
Hall,  Isaac  C. 
Hayward,  Dr.  George. 
Hudson,  Oliver. 
Howe,  Joseph  N. 
Hanaford,  Dr.  W.  G. 
Howard,  Edward. 
Heaton,  Dr.  George. 
Higgins,  R.  R. 
Harrington,  W.  C. 
Holton,  Lemuel. 
Hale,  George  S.,  Esq. 
Holton,  Samuel  S. 
Hutchinson,  Henry. 
Hapgood,  Warren. 
Harding,  Newell. 
Hall,  John  K. 
Harris,  Horatio,  &  Co. 
Harris,  Charles  M. 
Huntress,  Joseph  F. 
Huckins,  Charles  A.,  Esq. 
Haskell,  Charles. 
Howe,  S.  H. 
Horton,  Henry  K. 
Howe,  Joseph. 
Harris,  Thomas. 
Hilton,  William. 
Harlow,  Thomas  S.,  Esq. 
Hovey,  Joseph  F. 


LIST  OF   SUBSCRIBERS. 


459 


Henshaw,  J.  Tj. 

Harlow.  Dexter. 

Hammon.  George. 

Holmes,  Nathaniel. 

Hazleton,  J.  E. 

Hews,  George. 

Hall,  Frank  A. 

Herscy,  Alfred  C. 

Hersey,  Cornelius. 

Hawlev,  V.  A. 

Ireland,  Thomas. 

Ireson,  S.  E. 

Inches,  Dr.  H.  B. 

Jacobs,  James  M. 

Jackson,  Abraham,  Jan.,  il-sq. 

Jarves,  Demjng. 

Jones,  Nahum. 

Johnson,  C.  Bulkley. 

Jeffries,  John,  Jun. 

Joy,  John  I).  W. 

Jacobs,  David  H. 

Johonnot,  Andrew  E. 

Jordan,  A.  S. 

Jewell,  Harvey,  Esq. 

Johnson,  Earl  W. 

Johnson,  Daniel. 

Jordan,  Eben  D. 

Jenkins,  G.  and  E. 

Jackson,  Dr.  Charles   i. 

Jackson,  E.  S. 

Jackson,  Dr.  J. 

Jones,  D.  C. 

Jones,  Dr.  J.  S. 

Jackson,  Patrick  T. 

Jones,  Frederick. 

Kimball.  Hon.  Moses. 

Kendall,  Charles  C. 

Kimball,  J.  B. 

Keep,  Dr.  S.  H. 

Kendall,  David  G. 

Kimball.  John  R. 

Keys,    RoUin  W. 

King,  Charles  G. 

Keliev,  Henry  A. 

Kendrick.  William  W. 

Kidder,  Jerome  G. 

Knott,  Robert. 

Kimball,  Edward. 

King,  Rev.  T.  Starr. 

Kettell,  George  A. 

Kinsley.  Edward  W. 

Kimball,  Daniel. 

Lincoln,  Albert  L. 

Lincoln,  Ezra,  Esq. 

Lunt.  Hon.  George. 

Lewis,  Dr.  Winslow. 

Lawrence,  Abbott,  Esq. 

Lincoln,  Beza. 

Lombard,  Ephraini. 

Lothrop,  Rev.  S.  K- 

Lawrence,  James,  Esq^ 

Lawrence,  Amos  A.,  Esq. 


H. 


Lincoln,  F.  W.,  Jun.,  Esq. 

Lincoln,  Benjamin. 
Leavitt,  David. 
Loring,  Francii  C,  Esq. 
Leonard,  George,  Jun. 
Locke,  Philip  A. 
Lawrie,  Andrew  B. 
Linzce,  T.  C.  A. 
Lee,  Thomas  J. 
Lee,  Henry,  Jun. 
Lowell,  John,  Esq. 
Lovell,  Cornelius. 
Lowell,  Hon.  John  A. 
Lawrence,  Samuel,  Esq. 
Lombard,  x\mnii  C. 
Lindsey,  George  J. 
Lee,  James,  Jun. 
Loring,  Charles  G.,  Esq. 
Lincoln,  Joscpli. 
Laughton,  James  C. 
Lincoln,  William. 
Lincoln,  Charles  S. 
Lovett,  Augustus. 
Longley,  James. 
Learned,  William 
Lewis,  Joseph. 
Lovejoy,  Loyal. 
Loring,  Beiijamin. 
Lamb,  Thomas,  Esq. 
Long,  Alanson. 
Loring,  William  H. 
Lawrence,  A. 
Lyman,  G.  T.  W. 
Lincoln,  Noah,  Jun. 
Larkin,  Charles. 
Lyford,  Thomas. 
Miner,  Rev.  A.  A. 
Mav,  John  J. 
Meriam,  Edward  i . 
Mayo,  Charles,  Esq. 
Miles,  Rev.  H.  A. 
Mills,  Charles  H. 
McLean,  Charles. 
Minot,  Hon.  William 
Messenger,  George  W. 
Messenger,  V.  A. 
Maguire,  James. 
Mud-e,  E.  R. 
Merriam,  Charles. 
Morse,  Sidney  B.,  Esq. 
Mansfield,  Charles  11. 
March,  Andrew  S. 
Mason,  William  T. 
Mercantile  Lil)rary. 
Mav,  F.  W.  G. 
Metcalf,  Henry  B- 
Mudgc,  Lemuel  D. 
Manning,  F.  C. 
McLellan,  George  W. 
Mason,  Lyman,  Esq. 
Myrick,  J.  H- 
Manning,  Charles. 
Matthews,  Nathan. 


Esq. 


460 


LIST  OF  SUBSCRIBERS. 


Maynard,  Waldo. 
Mills,  E.  S. 
Martin,  Valentine. 
Mansfield,  John. 
Meriain,  Jonas. 
Mori  and,  Dr.  William  W. 
McCJleary,  Samuel  F.,  Esq. 
Munroe,  Otis. 
Morrill,  C.  J. 
Morse,  Henry  D. 
Masury,  Samuel. 
Moouey,  William  M. 
McLean,  Duncan. 
Magee,  John  A. 
Murray,  liicliard  F. 
Morse,'  Samuel  T. 
Morrill,  Dr.  Samuel. 
Mills,  Lewis. 
Minot,  Dr.  Francis. 
Munroe,  William. 
Moore,  Oharles  W. 
Morse,  Rev.  Abner. 
Nash,  Abner  P. 
Norcross,  Otis. 
Nash,  Israel. 
Nash,  Nathaniel  C. 
Noble,  John. 
Nichols,  William  F. 
Newell,  George  A. 
Nye,  Alfred. 
Norton,  Jacob. 
Nichols,  George  N. 
Nickerson,  Edward  G. 
Nurse,  Gilbert. 
Nutter,  Charles  C.,  Esq. 

Odin,  Dr.  John. 

Ober,  John  P. 

Osborne,  F.  O. 

Orne,  William. 

Osgood,  George. 

Ordway,  J.  M. 

Ordway,  Tiiomas  T. 

Oliver,"  Dr.  F.  E. 

Pollard,  M.  R. 

Phillips,  Wendell,  Esq. 

Prescott,  Hon.  William   H 

Palmer,  Dr.  Joseph. 

Pulsiter,  David. 

Plympton,  Henry. 

Pulilic  Lil)rary. 

Phillips,  Hon.  Jonathan. 

Parker,  Charles  H. 

Parkman,  William. 

Perry,  Baxter  E. 

Parker,  James. 

Potter,  Charles  F. 

Parker,  F.  E.,  Esq. 

Plumer,  Avery,  Jun. 

Potter,  Silas. 

Parsons,  William,  Esq. 

Perrin,  William  H. 

Park,  Hou.  John  C. 


Putnam,  John  P.,  Esq. 

Page,  Thomas. 

Parker,  Cliarles  H. 

Putnam,  J.  Pickering,  Esq. 

Peirce,  Jonathan. 

Perkins,  Thomas  H. 

Pierce,  Carlos. 

Pierce,  Charles  W. 

Page,  Harrison  P. 

Perkins,  Benjamin,  Jun. 

Parker,  Ii^dward  G.,  Esq. 

Powers,  Daniel  E. 

Pitman,  Joshua  H. 

Pitman,  John  H. 

Pitman,  E. 

Pearce,  Thomas,  Jun. 

Pear,  John  S. 

Pierce,  Samuel  S. 

Pratt,  Edward  E. 

Prince,  John  T. 

Parker,  Rev.  Theodore. 

Packer,  George. 

Plummer,  William  E. 

Pratt,  Ebenezer. 

Parks,  Dr.  Luther,  Jun. 

Pelletier,  William  S. 

Parker,  Harvey  D. 

Piper,  George  C. 

Piper,  Solomon. 

Pope,  William. 

Pearce,  William. 

Parmenter,  W.  E.,  Esq. 

Prescott,  Eben  C. 

Poland,  Benjamin. 

Porter,  Edward  P. 

Parks,  Luther. 

Parsons,  John. 

Potter,  John  C,  Jun. 

Poor,  C.  V. 

Payson,  Samuel  R. 

Poor,  Benjamin. 

Perry,  Dr.  M.  S. 

Preston,  Joshua  P. 

Peirce,  Henry  A. 

Perkins,  William. 

Parkman,  P.  M. 

Preston,  Jonathan. 

Pollard,  J.  Henshaw. 

Poor,  Nathaniel  C. 

Pote,  Elisha. 

Pote,  Jeremiah. 

Quincy,  Hon.  Josiah. 

Quincy,  Thomas  D. 

lihoades,  Jacob. 

Russell,  William  G.,  Esq. 

Rogers,  John  H.,  Esq.,  3  copies. 

Rice,  Hon.  Alexander  H. 

Ritchie,  Harrison. 

Ridler,  Samuel  P. 

Richards,  Joel. 

Rice,  Charles. 

Ranney,  Ambrose  A.,  Esq. 


LIST  OF  SUBSCRIBERS. 


461 


Rand,  Isaac  P. 
Riddle,  Cliiirlos  L. 
Russell,  Thomas  II.,  Esq. 
Russell,  Hon.  Cliarles  T. 
Republican  Institute. 
Rice,  F.  and  F. 
Rice,  Geor;,^e  E.,  Esq. 
Robinson,  J.  D. 
Russell,  Dr.  George. 
Read,  James. 
Rice.  Thomas  G. 
Reed,  Sampson. 
Reed,  Benjiimin  T.,  Esq. 
Restiaux,  Thomas. 
Rice,  James,  Esq. 
Rogers,  George  B. 
Reynolds.  William  J. 
Rajniond,  Emmons. 
Kced,  Timothy. 
Ray,  Edwin. 
Riley,  Hugh. 
Ruggles,  George  H. 
Richardson.  Thomas. 
Rice,  Henry  A. 
Robinson,  Wiggin,  and  Co. 
Ross,  Joseph  L. 
Richardson,  Joseph. 
Robie,  Levi. 
Robbins,  Benjamin. 
Reynolds.  Edward. 
Rolibins,  Natiian. 

Siiurtletf.  Dr.  Nathaniel  B. 

Skinner,  Rev.  Otis  A. 

Stone,  Dr.  James  W. 

Stearns,  Elijah. 

Savage,  Hon.  James. 

State  Library. 

Saltonstall,  Leverett,  Esq. 

Sears,  Hon.  David. 

Siders,  Charles. 

Sanger.  Hon.  George  P. 

Shaw,  Hon.  Lemuel. 

Stetson,  Joshua. 

Sawyer.  Joseph. 

SewiUl.  Samuel  E.,  Esq. 

Story,  Isaac,  Esq. 

Sarg'ent,  Horace  B.,  Esq. 

Salisbury.  D.  W. 

Stearns.  John.  Jun. 

Swasey,  (icorge  B. 

Stronir.  Alexander. 

Scudder,  Charles. 

Stari)ird!  N.  W. 

Shute,  Elijah. 

Saunders,  Vj.  W. 

Sherwin,  Thomas,  Esq. 

Sampson,  Hon.  George  R. 

Sleeper,  J;icob. 

Slocum,  William  H. 

Skinner,  George  W. 

Stone,  Enos  J. 

Spooner,  Hon.  William  B. 


Shattuck,  George  0.,  Esq. 
Sprague,  Hon.  Seth. 
Simonds,  Jauies  S. 
Simonds,  William  P. 
Sullivan,  John  W. 
Snelling,  John. 
Sumncn-,  Austin. 
Stickney,  Josiah,  Esq. 
Stevenson,  Hon.  J.  T. 
Shir|)sir,  Isidore. 
Spring,  Isaac  II. 
Stackpole,  D.  D. 
Stevens,  Benjamin  F. 
Shelton,  John. 
Southard,  Zil)eon. 
Saunders,  William  A. 
Smith,  Charles. 
Studley,  E.  A.  ■ 
Storer,  Robert  B. 
Snelling,  Enoch  H. 
Swallow,  Calvin. 
Soule,  George  M. 
Smith,  George  G. 
Stevens,  Benjamin,  Esq. 
Saunders,  (ieorge  S. 
Stone,  Milton  J..  Esq. 
Sohier,  William  I).,  Esq. 
Sumner,  Hon.  Charles. 
Smith,  Thomas  C 
Smith,  Chauncy,  Esq. 
Sherman,  C.  J.  F. 
Stedman,  Daniel  B. 
Smith,  Jobu   II. 
Smith,  M.  P. 
Snow,  Thomas. 
Sweetser,  Isaac. 
Smith,  Stephen. 
Smith,  Hiram. 
Smith,  William  E. 
Southwick,  r.  11. 
Snow,  Joel. 
Stetson,  Sidney  A. 
Slntson,  William,  Jun. 
Sniitii,  (^harles  A. 
Skinner.  Francis. 
Smith,  Henry  Q. 
Shepard.  Isaac  F. 
Skinner.  Isaac  B. 
Storer,  Dr.  D.  H. 
Smith,  Josejih  M. 
Sargent,  Hon.  Lucius  M. 
Swallow,  Asa. 
Sumner.  F.  A, 
Soule,  Richard. 
Story,  F.  H..  Jun. 
Slade,  William  J. 
Sanderson,  J.  G. 
Tickiior.  Hon.  George. 
Turner,  Dr.  T.  Larkin. 
Thacher,  Hon.  George  M. 
Tucker,  Dr.  Elisha  G. 
Thayer,  J.  Eliot,  Esq. 


462 


LIST   OF   SUBSCRIBERS. 


Thompson,  Hon.  N.  A. 
Tappan,  Lewis  W. 
Towne,  E.  B. 
Tucker,  Ahinson. 
Thorne,  RoUin. 
Tudor,  Hon.  Frederic. 
Thomas,  William,  Esq. 
Thaxter,  David. 
Thacher,  Isaac. 
Tappan,  John  G. 
Treat,  J.  T.  P. 
Thacher.  William  S. 
Train,  Hon.  Charles  R. 
Tarbell,  George  G. 
Tyler,  Warren  P.'*^ 
Thaxter,  Benjamin. 
Thornton,  J.  Wingate,  Esq 
Tisdale,  Mace. 
Thomas,  Dr.  Alexander. 
Tucker,  Lyman. 
Twichell,  Genery,  Esq. 
Torrey,  Henry  W. 
Thorndike,  S.  L. 
Thresher,  Dr.  J.  M. 
Thacher,  Barnabas. 
Thompson,  Lewis. 
Tozier,  A.  S. 
Tenny,  William  P. 
Tuttle,  James. 
Taylor,  Stephen  G. 
Turell,  Garland. 
Thomas,  Seth  J.,  Esq. 
Tyler,  Joseph  C. 
Thayer,  B.  W. 
Thaxter,  Adam  W. 
Tufts,  William. 
Turner,  Job  A. 
Taylor,  Charles. 
Thornton,  Solon. 
Tolman,  Henry. 
Tirrell,  Minot. 
Twombly,  Alexander  H. 
Tuttle,  Henry  H. 
Thayer,  Nathaniel,  Esq. 
Tarbell,  Luther  L. 
Thayer,  Eli. 
Trull,  Ezra. 
Treanor,  B.  S.,  Esq. 
Tarbell,  Eben. 
Tompkins,  Abel. 
Upham,  Henry. 
Underwood,  A.  B.,  Esq. 
Underwood,  William  J. 
Vinal,  Otis. 
Veazie,  Joseph  A. 
Vila,  James. 
Vose,  Thomas  B. 
Vinton,  Rev.  A.  H. 
Winthrop,  Hon.  R.  C. 
Winthrop,  W.  W.,  Esq. 
Willard,  Joseph,  Esq. 
Whiting,  Joseph  J. 


Whiting,  Albert. 
Williams,  Alexander. 
Williams,  Dudley. 
Warren,  Dr.  John  C. 
Whitmore,  William  H. 
Warren,  Hon.  G.  W. 
Whiton,  Roval,  Jun. 
Woodford,  Philip  R. 
Whiton,  Lewis  C. 
Worcester,  Rev.  Thomas. 
Walker,  Henry  W. 
Wines,  Rev.  William  H. 
Woodbury,  Hon.  Charles  L. 
Washburn,  W.  R.  P.,  Esq. 
Whitney,  Henry  A. 
Williams,  Moses. 
Weld,  William  G. 
Wakefield,  J.  H.,  Esq. 
Walker,  G.  P.  K. 
Wallace,  John. 
Wood,  Charles  G. 
Wetherell,  John  G. 
Woolson,  James  A. 
Wheeler,  Morrill  S. 
White,  George. 
Winchester.  Stephen  S. 
Warren,  Alfred  B. 
Whitney,  H.  L. 
Washburn,  F. 
Wolcott,  J.  H.,  Esq. 
Wellington,  Avery. 
Welch,  Francis. 
Wentworth,  P.  H. 
Wildes,  Solomon,  Esq. 
Wetherell,  H.  R. 
Wells,  John  T. 
Wiggin,  Robert  P. 
Wigglesworth,  Thomas,  Esq. 
Woodman,  George. 
Woodman,  James. 
Winship,  Henrv  A. 
Ward,  Charles  T. 
Waterman,  Thomas. 
Willis,  Clement. 
Wales,  Thomas  B. 
Wells,  Charles. 
Wetherell,  H.  W. 
Wainwright,  Peter,  Esq. 
Washburn,  Alexander  C. 
Ware,  Dr.  Charles  E. 
Waterman.  Nathaniel. 
Webber,  Norman  A. 
Walworth,  James  J. 
Wiggin,  Charles  E. 
Wilbur,  H.  B. 
Williams,  Dr.  Henry  W. 
Worthlcy,  Mark. 
Ware,  Dr.  .John. 
Wheelwright,  George  G. 
Weld,  Dr.  Moses  W. 
Withington,  George  W. 
Wright,  Samuel  T. 


LIST  OF   SUBSCRIBERS. 


463 


Wellington,  David,  Jun. 
Wclliiif;ton.  lliiam. 
Weld,  Aaron   ]). 
Whiton,  i'rederick. 
Wrijrht,  William  A. 
Winj^ate,  AV^illiam  A. 
Wilcox,  M.  F. 
Williams,  Isaac. 
Webster,  F.  B. 
Whitney,  William. 
Welch,  John  F.,  Esq. 
Wentworth,  George  S. 
Wingate,  John. 
Wyman,  Abraham  G. 
Ward,  Samuel  I).,  Esq. 
Warner,  William  A. 
Wadsworth,  Samuel.. 
Wheeler.  A.  B.,  and  Co. 
Wheelock,  F.  F. 
Weeks,  A.  G. 
Ware,  George  W. 
Wood,  A.  L. 
Ware,  Leonard. 
Whitney,  Edward. 
Welton^  Willard,  Jun. 
Wentworth,  F.  B. 
White,  B.  F. 
White,  Benjamin  C. 
Wightman,  Joseph  M. 
Whipple,  M.  J. 
Young,  Edward,  Esq. 
Young,  George. 
Yale,  Kufus  M. 


CHELSEA. 

Cheever,  T.  P.,  Esq. 
Cleland,  Samuel. 
Fay,  Hon.  F.  B. 
Gerrish.  B.  J. 
Hunt,  General  Sylvester. 
Jones,  J.  C. 
Leonard,  Rev.  H.  C. 


CAMBRIDGE. 

Agassiz,  Professor  Louis. 
Albee,  Sumner,  Esq. 
Bigelow,  Alanson. 
Bell,  Joseph  G. 
Barry,  Henry. 
Barbour,  John  N. 
Bancroft,  Joseph  H. 
Bond,  Richard  F. 
Bullock,  Colonel  W.  W. 
Bagley,  C.  F. 
Batchelder,  Samuel. 
Choate,  Charles  F.,  Esq. 
Carter,  Luke. 
Callender,  Joseph  B. 
Cutter,  James  M. 


Deanc,  Charles.  Esq.,  2  copies. 

Dunbar,  Eben  M. 

Dyar,  Ezra  C. 

Diivis.  John  W. 

Danforth,  J.  W. 

Dodge.  Solomon  II. 

Dodge,  John  C. 

Dimick,  Calvin. 

Davis,  P^dward  W. 

Eaton,  John  J. 

Feltoii,  Professor  C.  C. 

F'arwell,  Stephen  T. 

Gates,  James  \V. 

Green,  Nathan  L. 

Goodwin,  Joseph. 

Green,  N.  St.  John,  Esq. 

Gilbert,  Henry. 

Hosmer,  Zelotes.  ' 

Hovey,  C.  M. 

Hopkinson,  Thomas. 

Hodges,  Rev.  R.  M. 

Humphrey,  David. 

Homer,  Charles  W. 

Hills,  Henry  S. 

Howe,  Samuel  S. 

Howe,  Estes. 

Jones,  Leonard  S. 

Livermore,  George,  Esq.,  2  copies. 

Livermore,  Isaac. 

Longfellow.  Professor  II.  W. 

Lovering,  Professor  Joseph. 

Morse,  Charles  II. 

Merrill,  John.' 

Merrill.  J.  S. 

Manson,  Nathaniel  G. 

McDuffie,  John. 

Noyes,  Rev.  George  R. 

Odiorne.  William'  II. 

Phillips,  Hon.  Willard. 

Parsons,  Hon.  Theoiihilus. 

Rice,  M.  E. 

Richardson,  George  C. 

Read,  William. 

Read,  Joseph  S. 

Rice,  Aaron. 

Skinner,  Rev.  C.  A. 

Stone,  P.  R.  L. 

Sparks.  Hon.  Jared. 

Sibley,' Rev.  J.  L. 

Towle,  Ebenezer. 

Vaughan,  \V.  M. 

Valentine.  Lawson. 

Walker,  Rev.  James,  D.  D.,  LL.  D. 

Worcester.  J.  E.,  LL.  D. 

Wellington,  J.  C. 

Whittcmore,  Thomas  J. 

Wilkinson,  Arthur. 

Whiton,  John  P. 

Waterhouse,  Mrs.  Louisa. 

Washburn,  Hon.  Emory.  LL.  D 

Whitman.  E.  P. 

Whittemore,  G.  W. 


464 


LIST  OF  SUBSCEIBERS. 


EAST   CAMBRIDGE. 
Dana,  Thomas. 

WEST   CAMBRIDGE. 

Gould,  Frtmcis. 
Gray,  Geoi-},'e  H. 
Hill,  Rev.  George. 
Lawrence,  Henry  L. 
Peck,  Abel  G.,  Esq. 
Robbing,  Nathan. 

CHARLESTOWN. 

Adams,  James. 

Dana,  James. 

Ellis,  Rev.  George  E. 

Edmands,  George  D. 

Etheredge,  John. 

Fuller,  James  G. 

Frothingham,  Hon.  Richard,  Jun. 

Foster,  Charles. 

Francis,  John  M. 

Foster,  Jacob. 

Gassett,  Charles  R. 

Griffin,  J.  Q.  A.,  Esq. 

Hutchins,  H.  G.,  Esq. 

Heath.  Nathaniel. 

Hurd,  John. 

Huntington,  Lyndes  A. 

Hunnewell,  James. 

Lawrie,  Rev.  A.  G. 

Lapham,  Luther. 

Lyon,  Henry. 

Merrill,  Nathan. 

Osgood,  Isaac. 

Rugg,  Samuel  F. 

Robinson,  C.,  Jun. 

Ranney,  David  G. 

Riddle,  Edward. 

Sawyer.  Hon.  Timothy  T. 

Sparhawk,  George. 

Sawtell,  Andrew. 

Seymour,  Friend. 

Tibbetts,  Sewall  D. 

Turner,  Henry. 

Thomas,  John  C. 

Thompson,  Charles. 

Warren.  Hon.  George  W. 

Wilson,  William  W. 

Wellington,  Horatio. 

Winslow,  William. 

SOMERVILLE. 

Granville,  O.  H. 
Snow,  Henry  A. 
Cutter, 'E.  F. 


ROXBURY. 

Barry,  Charles  C. 
Bouve,  Ephraim  W. 
Bell,  Theodore  H. 
Brinley,  Edward. 
Blodget,  John  W.  ■ 
Bird,  Charles  G. 
Buffington,  Jonathan. 
Bowman,  Sylvester. 
Bray,  Charles  F. 
Boyd,  Alexander. 
Bartlett,  Edward. 
Childs,  Albert. 
Carnes,  William  R. 
Carter,  Henrv  L. 
Craft,  Thaddeus  C. 
Curtis,  William. 
Converse,  Deacon  James  W. 
Cutter,  Mrs.  E.  G. 
Comins,  Hon.  Linus  B. 
Cushman,  Julius. 
Day,  Moses. 
Davis,  George  F. 
Davenport,  William  W. 
Dunbar,  Thomas  J. 
Dunbar,  W.  H. 
Dodd,  John  A. 
Dudley,  Joseph  W. 
Decoene,  Ferdinand. 
Duffy,  James. 
Everett,  George. 
Fuller,  H.  Weld,  Esq. 
Fowle,  Joshua  B. 
Frost,  George. 
Faunee,  Stephen. 
Frost,  George. 
Field,  Ozias. 
Farley,  Henry  W. 
Freeman,  Francis. 
Gray,  Henry  D. 
GodVlard,  David. 
Guild,  Samuel. 
Greenleaf,  Lewis. 
Guild,  Frederic. 
Gardner,  Francis. 
Guild,  Henry. 
Hunnewell,  J.  W. 
Harrington.  Charles  F. 
Herring,  Thomas  J. 
Havward,  James  T. 
Hifdreth,  P.  P. 
Huntington,  E.  B. 
Hooper,  Henry  N. 
Hewes,  J.  M. 
Hill,  William  H. 
Hodges,  Alinon  D.,  Esq. 
Klous,  Simon. 
Keith,  Hon.  James  M. 
Knight,  Cassander. 
Kennedy,  Dr.  Donald. 
Kettell,  John  B. 


LIST  OF   SUBSCRIBERS. 


465 


Lester,  John  II. 

Larrabee,  William  B. 

Little,  Samuel. 

Lemist,  Kdwin. 

Lee,  Hon.  VV.  Kaymond. 

Low,  Ariel. 

Lelantl,  Hon.  W.  S. 

Lewis,  Georjfc. 

Mackintosh,  William  H. 

May,  John  W.,  Esq. 

McBurney,  Charles. 

Matree,  James  P. 

Morrill,  Gcori;e,  Esq. 

Newton,  John  F. 

Newman,  Andrew  W. 

Niehols,  Charles   C,  Esq. 

Parsons,  Mrs.  II. 

Parker,  John. 

Pratt,  Ebenezer. 

Pearson,  John. 

Kitchie,  Hon.  James. 

Ryder,  Rev.  William  H. 

Rising,  Darius  B. 

Rice,  George  Woods. 

Ricker,  N.  H. 

Roxbury  Athenaeum. 

Rnpp,  Mrs. 

Roxbury  ^lechanics'  Institute. 

Simmons,  Thomas. 

Stetson,  Gushing. 

Streeter,  Dr.  Joseph  H. 

Simmons,  Hon.  David  A. 

Simpson,  David. 

Savell,  Charles  E.,  and  Co. 

Sweat,  T.  F. 

Tolman,  James. 

Taylor,  M.  M. 

Tenney,  Nathaniel  F. 

Torrey,  John  G. 

Teulon,  E.  A. 

Whiting.  William,  Esq. 

Wyman,  Edward. 

Walley,  Hon.  Samuel  H. 

Wolcott,  J.  W. 

Wellington,  Henry  W. 

Winslow,  Reuben. 

Wood,  E.  R. 

Wiley,  Dr.  Adams. 

Welcl,  James. 

Williams,  Ebenezer. 

Williams,  David  W. 


JAMAICA  PLAIN. 

Bond,  George  W. 
Brewer,  Charles. 
Cary,  Isaac  H. 
Curtis,  Joseph  H. 
Dexter,  Anson. 
Farrington,  Eben  T. 
Gorham,  James  L. 
Greenough,  David  S.,  Esq. 
VOL.   III.  30 


Hartt,  John. 
Litchfield,  Lawrence. 
Lambe,  Reuben  A. 
Pratt,  J.  C. 
Morse,  Robert  M. 
Mc(^ombe,  C.  H. 
Motley,  Thomas,  Jun. 
Spaulding,  8.  R. 
Weld,  Hon.  Stejjhen  M. 
Wetherbee,  John  B. 
Winslow,  Elisha  D. 
Weld,  John  G. 
Young,  Calvin. 


WEST   ROXBURY. 

Austin,  Artliur  W. 
Billings,  Joseph  H. 


SALEM. 

Blake,  George  T. 
Browne,  All>ert  G. 
Browne,  Benjamin,  F. 
Bertram,  John. 
Battis,  James  H. 
Brooks,  Henry  M. 
Curvven,  James  B. 
Choate,  Dr.  George. 
Chamberlain,  James. 
Chapman,  George  R. 
Daland,  Tucker. 
Driver,  Stephen  P. 
Endicott,  William  C. 
Ellis,  Rev,  Sumner. 
Enimerton.  Ephraim. 
Edwards,  Richard. 
Fuller,  B.  B. 
Goldthwaite.  Willard. 
Goodhue,  William  i\ 
Grove,  Henry  B. 
Hunt,  William. 
Hunt,  Thomas. 
Hanson,  Elijah  A. 
Hiiskcli,  Daniel  C. 
Hatch,  L.  B. 
Huntington,  Asahel. 
Ives,  Stephen  B.,  Jim. 
Jenks,  Henry  E. 
Johnson,  Dr.  Samuel. 
Kimball,  James. 
Kimball,  E.  D. 
Loring,  George  B. 
Lord,  Hon.  Nathaniel  J. 
Messervv,  William  S. 
McxMiiUen,  William. 
Mn^hanics'  Library. 
Neal,  Theodore  A. 
Osgood,  Joseph  B.  F. 
Osgood,  John  C. 
Pcabody,  g.  Endicott. 


466 


LIST   OF    SUBSCRIBERS. 


Peabody,  Alfred. 
Peabodv.  Geortje. 
Pickman.  William  D. 
Prescott,  W.  C. 
Perkins.  J.  C. 
Peirson,  Dr.  E.  B. 
Perkins,  N.  B. 
Peirce,  Jonathan. 
Peirce.  William  P. 
Pavson,  Edward  H. 
Parker.  John  B. 
Pray,  Isaac  C. 
Rogers,  Richard  S. 
Rogers,  Richard  D. 
Ropes,  Charles  A. 
Ropes,  Ripley. 
Russell.  Henry. 
Ricker,  O.  P. 
Secomb,  E. 
Story,  Augustus,  Esq. 
Salem  Athenajum. 
Shepard,  Michael  W. 
TJpham,  Hon.  Charles  W. 
Upton,  James. 
Varney,  Daniel. 
White,  Hon.  D.  A. 
Wheaton,  Henry. 
Webster,  John. 
Wheatland,  Henry. 
Webster,  John. 
Willett,  J.  H.,  Jun. 


LOWELL. 

Adams,  Joel. 
Avery,  John. 
Bush,  Francis. 
Brooks.  A.  L. 
Buttrick,  John  A. 
Burbank,  Samuel. 
Brown,  A.  R. 
Bangs  Brothers. 
Crosliy.  Hon.  N. 
City  School  Library. 
Carnev,  James  G. 
French,  J.  B. 
Fletcher.  L.  J. 
Huntington,  Dr.  E. 
Howe,  M.  G. 
Man<ur.  Stephen. 
Morse.  Isaac  S. 
Mechanics  Library. 
Nesmith,  John. 
Noursc,  F.  H. 
Patch,  E.  B. 
Sticknev.  S.  W. 
Thaver,'  Rev.  Thomas  B. 
Talbot,  C.  P. 
Talbot,  Thomas. 
Wright,  John. 
Wright,  Hapgood. 


LYNN. 

Alley,  Hon.  J.  B. 
Austin,  David. 
ButFum.  James  N. 
Baker,  D.  C. 
Baker,  Ezra. 
Bartlett.  George  E. 
Bryce.  William  S. 
Bryce,  Samuel, 
Bubier,  Samuel  M. 
Breed.  Hiram  N. 
Blethen,  Dr.  A.  C. 
Bubier,  E.  T. 
Breed.  Nathan. 
Bacheller,  J.  C. 
Brown,  Nestor. 
Chase,  George  H. 
Dimmock,  Daniel. 
Davis,  Joseph,  2d. 
Frazier,  L.  B. 
Gwynneth,  W.  0.  H. 
Graves,  James. 
Howard,  T.  F. 
Howland,  \Villiam. 
Howe,  H.  B. 
Keith,  Nathaniel. 
Keene,  George  W. 
Lovejoy,  El  bridge. 
Lynn  Library  Association. 
Mudge,  Ezra  W. 
Merritt,  Charles. 
Mudge,  George  W. 
Newhall,  Thomas  B. 
Newhall,  Lucian. 
Newhall.  T.  A 
Newhall,  Dr.  Asa  T. 
Newhall,  George  T. 
Oliver,  Stephen,  Jun. 
Oliver,  Robert. 
Pratt.  M.  C. 
Patch,  Joshua. 
Pratt,  D.  S. 
Pevear.  H.  H. 
Richardson,  T.  P. 
Richards,  W.  D. 
Story,  Captain  John. 
Sargent,  James  M. 
Stacey,  Thomas. 
Sheldon,  Edwin. 
Tai)lev,  Philip  P. 
Tolman,  G.  B. 
"Woodbury,  Seth  D. 
W^illiams,  John. 


NEW  BEDFORD. 

Almy,  B.  R. 
Bartlett,  Dr.  Lyman. 
Barnev,  E.  G.,  Esq. 
Clifford,  Hon.  J.  H. 


LIST  OF  SUBSCRIBERS. 


467 


Congdon,  lion.  James  B. 

Eliot,  Hon.  T.  D. 

Grinnell,  Joseph,  Esq. 

Howliuul,  George,  Jun.,  Esq. 

Hunt,  John. 

Pope,  W.  G.  E. 

Public  Lilirnry. 

Swain,  William  W. 

Stetson,  Thomas  M.,  Esq. 

Sears,  Willard. 

Vau  Carapen,  llev.  H. 


WORCESTER. 

Dewey,  P.  H. 
Davis,  Isaac. 
Foster,  Hon.  Dwiglit. 
Green,  John. 
Heywood,  Benjamin  F. 
Hoar,  G.  F. 
Lincoln,  Hon.  Levi. 
Newton,  Rejoice. 
Rice,  George  T. 
Salisbury,  Hon.  Stephen. 
Washburn,  Henry  S. 

Brackctt,  AUiert,  Newton. 
Bruce,  James  S. 
Bowers,  C.  E. 
Chaffin.  John  C. 
Claflin,  William. 
Clatlin,  Henry. 
Ely,  Hon.  A.'B. 
Edmands.  Hon.  J.  W. 
Horton,  William  R. 
Hitchcock,  Hon.  D.  K. 
Howe,  Jubal. 
Lord,  George  C. 
Lord,  Hartley. 
Lombard,  Israel. 
Nute,  Lewis  W. 
Porter,  Robert. 
Rice,  J.  W. 
Shattuck,  J.  H. 
Sewall,  Benjamin. 
Walker,  George  M. 
Ward,  Andrew  H.,  Jun. 

Allen,  Nathaniel,  West  Newton. 

Bacon,  ¥.  W. 

Brown,  Dr.  J.  H. 

Barker,  Henry  A. 

Cook,  C.  C. 

Crafts,  Natlian. 

Davis,  Scth. 

Day,  All)crt. 

Mead,  John, 

Meriam,  Galen. 

Newton  Athenaeum. 

Peirce,  Rev.  Cyras. 

Paine,  Elias  B.,  Esq. 

Pratt,  Caleb.,  Jun. 


Plimpton,  W.  P. 
Sanger,  1).  C. 
Stacy,  Philemon. 
Williams,  George  B. 
Withington,  J.  S. 
Ward,  Hon.  A.  IL 
Wheeler,  Asahel. 
Wilder,  E.  W. 

Burr,  C.  C,  AnhnrndaJe. 
Brown,  Charles  S. 

Comer,  George  N. 

Dennv,  George  P. 

Pigeon,  Rev.  C.  D. 

Rogers,  William. 

Shumway,  F.  P. 

Swett,  Charles  A. 

Washburn,  Henry. 

Perrin,  Noah,  Grantville. 

Almy,  Frederick,  Brookline. 
Bird,  John  A. 
Bramhall,  W.  T. 
Brodhcad,  D.  D. 
De  Wolf,  John  L. 
Foster,  Charles  F. 
Gooding,  Josiah. 
Howe,  Thomas. 
Jacobs,  Elisha. 
Kendall,  Hugh  R. 
Sohier,  E.  D.,  Esq. 

•  Ballou,  Rev.  R.  A.,  Mtdford. 
Barker,  George  W. 
Holman,  Oliver. 
Lawrence,  Daniel  W. 
Maxham,  Rev.  G.  V. 
Raymond,  Thachcr  R. 
Talbot,  Rev.  J.  W. 

Baldwin,  Edward,  Milton. 
Frothingham,  Samuel,  Jun. 
Pollock,  A.  F. 

Albee,  Hon.  O.  W.,  Marlboro. 
Boyd,  John  M. 
Carey,  Thomas. 

Allen,  Thomas  J.,  Dorchester. 
Barry,  ]\I.  O. 
Jacobs,  Benjamin. 
Prouty,  Lorenzo. 
Preston,  Jo!ia. 
Pierce,  George  F. 
Richardson,  William. 
Sears,  Paul. 
Wilder,  Hon.  M.  P. 
Wales,  Thomas  C. 
Young,  Calvin. 

Pierce,  Rev.  J.  D.,  Attleboro\ 
Richards,  H.  M. 
Richards,  Ira. 


468 


LIST   OF  SUBSCRIBERS. 


Ames,  Ellis,  Esq.,  Canton. 
Dickerman,  George  H. 
Eldredtre,  J.  S.,  Esq. 
Guild,  Erederick. 

Field,  Charles  L.,  Weston. 
Floyd,  Andrew. 

Austin,  Ivers  J.,  Esq.,  Watertown. 
Bany,  Charles  J. 
Dimmock,  J.  L.,  Esq. 
Kendall,  Francis. 
Stearns,  George  A. 
Wilkins,  Charles. 

Bonv6,  Thomas  T.,  Esq.,  Hingham. 
Burr,  Matthew  H. 
Lincoln,  Hon.  Solomon. 
Stowcll,  Horsey,  Jun.,  2  copies. 
Stephenson,  Luther. 
Sprague,  Josejjh. 
Whiton,  William,  Esq. 
Whiton,  Thomas  F. 
Whiton,  David. 

Bigelow,  George  T.,  Quincy. 
Baxter,  W.  W. 
Lunt,  Rev.  W.  P. 
Pcnniman,  James  S. 
Webb,  T.  C,  Esq. 

Humphrey,  William,  Weymouth. 
Mellen,  Eev.  C.  W. 
Tirrell,  Alfred. 

Buck,  Charles,  Needham. 
Whittaker,  Hon.  E.  K. 

Curtis,  H.  J.,  S.  Scituate. 
Record,  Rev.  L.  L. 
Robbins,  Anson,  Esq. 
Stetson,  Rev.  Caleb. 

Webb,  Seth,  Scituate. 
Prouty,  Hon.  C.  W. 

GifFord,  Hon.  Stephen  N.,  Duxhury. 
Wilde,  Dr.  James. 

Choate,  Charles,  Wdbiirn. 
Manning,  Uriah,  and  Son. 

Ellison,  James,  Waltham. 
Marsh,  Thorn ;ts  J.,  Esq. 
Porter,  William. 

Stetson,  Nahum,  Bridgewater. 
State  Alius  House. 

Blake,  Samuel,  Jun.,  .S".  Abington. 
Hunter,  William,  Maiden. 


Damon,  Rev.  Calvin,  Haverhill. 
Howard,  Otis,  C/iplmsford. 
French,  Hon.  B.  V.,  Braintree. 
Hoar,  Hon.  E.  R.,  Concord. 
Melcher,  Mrs.  Levi,  Stoughfon. 
Simmons,  Perez.,  Esq.,  Hanover. 
Tower,  Isaac,  Randolph. 
Peabodv  Institute,  Danvers. 
Rand,  E.  S.,  Esq.,  Dedham.  ' 
Brigham,  Hon.  Elmer,  Westhord'. 
Prince,  Hon.  F.  O.,  Winchester. 
Aikin,  John,  Esq.,  Andover. 
Gunnison,  Rev.  N.,  Gloucester. 
Green,  Joseph  H,,  Melrose. 
Spaulding,  Dr.  S  ,  Lexington. 
Stone,  Joseph,  Winchester. 
Lewis,  Oliver,  Reading. 

Norwood,  James  H.,  East  Boston. 

Brewster,  William. 

Manson,  Thomas  L. 

Manson,  Samuel  T. 

Studley,  Charles. 

Manson,  John  L. 

Kelly,  D.  D. 

Walker.  Gardner. 

Culver,  L. 

Carlton,  John  K. 

Porter,  Edward  F. 

Campbell,  Rev.  J.  H.,  PawtucJcet. 

Dexter,  N.  G.  B. 

Fales,  David  G. 

Reed,  John  B. 

Towne,  N.  P. 

Tucker,  Elhanan. 

Brown,  J.  C,  Esq.,  Providence,  R.  I. 

Barstow,  John,  Esq. 

Dorr,  Sullivan. 

Dyer,  Elisha. 

Fletcher,  William. 

Ives,  Robert  H. 

Mechanics'  Association. 

Smith,  Amos  "D. 

Smith,  James  Y. 

Boy  den.  Rev.  J.,  Woonsocket,  R.  I. 

Chapin,  Rev.  E.  H.,  New  York. 

Cozzins,  Frederick  S. 
Kidder,  Frederic. 

Barry,  Amasa  S.,  Alton,  III. 
Barry,  Benjamin  F. 

Greenwood,  Rev.  T.  J.,  Dover,  N.  H. 
Barry,  Rev.  William,  Chicago.  III. 
Leonard,  Rev.  H.  C,  Waterville,  Me. 
Borden,  Rev.  T.,  Troy,  N.  Y. 
Fletcher,  Warren,  Mendoza,  S.  A. 


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